著者

篠澤 和久

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.150-153, 2000-03-10

著者

山本 晴樹

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.153-156, 2003-03-20

著者

広瀬 三矢子

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.109-120, 1996-03-15

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Recently, many books on women in the Roman empire have been published in Italy. They, however, describe only prosopography of the famous women such as mothers, wives, and daughters of commanders, statesmen, and emperors. In this article, I will reconsider one of the most famous women, Livia who was the wife of Augustus. Tacitus emphasized Livia as the diplomatic mother of Tiberius as well as the faithful wife of Augusuts. By analyzing the portraits of Livia, I wish to reinterpret the image which Tacitus provided and to understand how she took part in the politics in the early Principate. I collected and analyzed seventy portraits of Livia, which have survived in Italy and other countries. I can classify these portraits into two main groups by examining the hairstyle as Italian "nodus" or "center-parted". Moreover, I classified them into several sub-groups, by evaluating when they were produced, as follows : Type A. after 38BC when Livia was married with Augustus. Bonn Akademisches Kunstmuseum ; Bologna, Museo Civico ; Paris, Louvre 622 ; Roma, Villa Albani 793 ; Padova, Museo Civico ; Paestum, Museo, Pesaro, Museo Oliveriano 3820 ; Stuttgart, Wurttembergisches Landesmuseum 3 etc. Type B. AD4 when Tiberius was designated the successor of Augustus. Kopenhagen, NyCarlsberg 615 ; Toulouse, Musee Saint-Raymond 3000 ; London, British Museum 1990 ; Hamburg, Kunstmuseum 1967 ; Cadiz, Museo Arqueologico ; Tarragona, Museo Arqueologico etc. Type B^1 and B^2. after AD14 when Augustus was dead. Ephesus, Museo Archeologico ; Cordova, Museo Arqueologico ; Leptis Magna : Volterram Museo Etrusco Guarnacci ; Musei Vaticani Laterano 1812 etc. Type C. Paris, Louvre 29 (Julia Augusta) ; Kopenhagen NyCarlsberg 616. Type D. Roma, Musei Capitolini ; Musei Vaticani sala dei Busti ; Musei Vaticani Laterano 10180. Type E. AD14 or AD19 when the type of "center-part" appeared. Kopenhagen, NyCarlsberg 618 ; Bochum Universtat Museum ; Luxemburg ; Kiel, Kunsthall ; Volterra Museo Etrusco Guarnacci etc. Type F. so called Salus Type, AD22 when Livia fell seriously ill. Pompei, Antiquarium ; Leningrad, Ermitage ; Bochum Universtat Museum. Type E^1. after AD29 when Livia died at 86 years old. Madrid, Museo Arqueologico ; Leptis Magna ; Paris Bibliotheque Nationale ; Atene, National Museum 325 ; Genova, Museo Civico. Type E^2. after AD41 when Livia was deified by Claudius. Kopenhagen, NyCarlsberg 617 ; Parma, Museo Archeologico etc. Type G. Kopenhagen, NyCarlsberg 614; 531; Napoli, Museo Archeologico. And there was another "nodus" type of the Claudian Age : Hague Cameo. As a result, I emphasize two points. Firstly, I can find a strong similarity among the portraits(type B-D)that were produced in abundance from the late Augustan age to the early Tiberian age. So, I say that the politics of the late Augustan age persisted into the early reign of Tiberius. In those days, statues of Livia were shown with those of Tiberius or her children, providing her image as a diplomat. Secondly, why did Claudius set up many statues of Livia? He was born in the famous family "the Claudius", the same family as Livia. He was not adopted into "the Julian", the family of the deified Augustus, although he was a predecessor, Tiberius and Caligula were adopted. Therefore Claudius looked upon Livia as an ancestor of his family and deified her as "Diva". Livia was very important for Claudius giving authority to himself and his family. And he regarded the marriage of Augustus and Livia as an important one, as the fact that the portraits of Livia were made in the old type(the Date of Augusuts)shows. Tacitus and Dio Cassius informed us of Livia's diplomatic efforts to certify Tiberius as the successor to Augustus. According to my research, however, I conclude that emperors made use of the images of Livia to justify their position as Princeps.

著者

金山 弥平

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.1-13, 2006-03-07

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Does the demonstration of recollection with the slave boy in the Meno really constitute the proof of recollection thesis? Socrates seems there to be asking leading questions I take it that Plato intended to make it uncertain whether the boy is really recollecting his second denial of knowledge 'ou manthano' (85A4-5) can mean 'I am not learning', suggesting that he is not recollecting We can never know the truth about his learning, because the demonstration is a Gorgian type of epideixis (81B1-2), which produces only persuasion However, it is one thing to know whether the boy is recollecting, and quite another to know whether learning is recollection The demonstration is meant to make Meno recollect the latter truth (81E6-82A3) Throughout the demonstration Socrates addresses questions to Meno, thereby making him consider whether the boy is really recollecting (82B6-7, E12-3, 84A3-4, C10-D1) Socrates' remark after the demonstration is that Meno knows that the boy will regain knowledge (85C9-D1), which means that Meno has been successfully made to recollect that recollection thesis is correct According to Cebes' explanation in the Phaedo (73A7-B2), recollection is helped by the use of proper questions and diagrams, and according to the Republic (510D5-511A1, 529D7-530A), mathematicians should not seek truth in diagrams or models made by such masters as Daedalus, but make use of them simply as images The boy's learning is a beautiful image of true learning created by Socrates, an offspring of Daedalus We should not seek truth concerning learning in this image, but make use of it to find truth about true learning Socrates' proper questions with the help of this image made Meno recollect that learning is recollection However, inquirers are rather misled by perceptual images when the object of inquiry has no lustre in its earthly image(Phaedrus 250B), as is the case with virtues, knowledge, education and learning In order to establish that learning is recollection, it is then necessary to have recourse to another kind of proof, in which one relies on rational thinking Plato embarks on this task in the Phaedo Recollection itself can be taken to be an image or metaphor (eikon) of learning, presented by Socrates, just as the torpedo is an image of Socrates, presented by Meno (80A-C) But they are different in that while the latter is intended to stop inquiry, recollection is a metaphor that stimulates inquiry and helps to develop new ideas expressible in literal paraphrases ('the illustrative thesis' in E E Pender, Images of Persons Unseen, Sankt Augustin 2000) In the Phaedo Plato continues his quest for the truth about learning, with the help of recollection as the image of learning, and thereby develops such new ideas as the existence of Forms and the immortality of the soul His further inquiry about knowledge, the object of learning, in the Theaetetus is taken to be its further continuation

著者

松永 雄二

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.65-77, 1977-03-29

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Aristotle observes in Met. Z, 6, 1031a23ff. that το κατα συμβζβηκο&b.sigmav; λεγομενον (e.g. το λευκον)may be understood in two ways. They are: (a)ω συμβεβηκε λευκον (i.e. the white thing)and(b)το συμβεβηκο&b.sigmav;(i.e. the whiteness as a pathos). Of these two, the present writer believes that the distinction between το καθ' αυτο λεγομενον(e.g. the man) and το κατα συμβεβηκο&b.sigmav; λεγομενον(e.g. the white thing)is more fundamental to the Aristotelian grasp of being than that between the substance(e.g. the man)and its inhering attribute(e.g. the whiteness). The reason is that it is the only way to understand that the Aristotelian theory of substance is at the same time a theory of essence. I. Now, what is the difference between "being said per se" and "being said per accidens"? (1)This question is considered in the various realms of science as the problem of "that A is B". When B is A's so called accidens per se, the distinctionwhether "that A is B" is per se or per accidens depends, in the final analysis, on how to determine as a species in a series of genera-species that of which "is B" is directly predicated. (Ana. Post. A, 4-5) And it is there that the proposition in which the demonstration in sciences is made properly, namely the commensurately universal proposition is formed. (2) In what way, however, "being said per se" is distinguished from "being said per accidens" from the ontological viewpoint generally? I do not recognize the distinction between the so called essential predicates and accidental predicates asessential. Rather, what is fundamental is the following: Each term('F')signifies "being F" simply and fundamentally, in so far as it represents something that belongs to any one category. Then, we have the following: (a) On the one hand το λευκω ειναι≠το λευκον, and on the other hand to ανθρωπω ειναι=ο ανθρωπο&b.sigmav;. Properly speaking, the meaning of the distinction between "being said per accidens" and "being said per se" consistsin that. That is to say, oucricc is to be found in that in which εκαστον is identical with το τι ην ειναι(Met. Z. 6). "Being said per accidens", on the other hand, is to be expressed always as the predicate in a statement. II. A problem, however, remains here. To Aristotle, what is represented by the subject of a statement, namely τοδε τι, was συνλον, and was not pure form. Then, what does ουσια mean in the final analysis? This problem is to be solved through a consideration of the meaning of "to be in actu" from the viewpoint of the unity of being and knowing.

著者

小林 薫

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.62-73, 2001-03-05

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It is generally agreed that the agon scene between Teucer and the Atreidai over the burial of Ajax in the latter half of Sophocles' Ajax ruins the tragic pathos which is subtly developed in the course of the dramatic action up to the point of the suicide scene Among three topics disputed in the debate-evaluation of Ajax' conduct, legitimacy of the Atreidai's generalship, and Teucer's birth (status)-the last is most frequently alleged to be responsible for the drama's incongruity as having no relevance at all to the question of burial Reexammation of this controversy, however, reveals that it not only holds an appropriate place in the debate but also relates the agon scene to the earlier part of the drama First, the issue of birth is effectively introduced in the agon to highlight the fundamental difference of the opponents of the debate in the moral principles, thus aptly pertaining to the dramatic context The dispute over evaluation of Teucer's birth makes strikingly clear the contrast between the two sides, the Atreidai demanding that all Greeks should be under their supreme authority and no hubris should ever be tolerated, and Teucer, on the other hand, claiming that every warrior is equal and is subject to none but himself Secondly, the dispute over Teucer's birth relates the latter half of the drama to the first by calling into question the objective clarity of 'nobility of birth' To the scornful reproach of his antagonists that he is a barbaros, a slave born of a captive, a non-hoplite, thus having no claim to privileges of free men, Teucer makes strong objections insisting that he prides himself upon his nobility originating from royal-both Greek and Trojan-parents as well as in outstanding performance as an archer, and that the Atreidai too have barbaric elements in their allegedly noble birth This argument of Teucer seriously undermines the Atreidai's assumptions concerning nobility of birth by posing two questions first, by what standard is nobility evaluated, and second, to what extent is nobility of character determined by nobility of birth ? Furthermore, Teucer's protest against the Atreidai's abusive attack on his birth reveals, in spite of himself, the problematic nature of his brother's belief in nobility, which is thoroughly presented in his discourses in the earlier part of the drama Ajax's obsessive preoccupation with his noble birth, inherited from Telamon and to be inherited by Eurysakes, as well as self-chosen death as its proof is put into question ironically in attempt to redeem the honor of his brother Understanding the agon scene in this manner allows us to interpret the scenes to follow as well Odysseus' intervention as an arbiter can be seen as an enactment of possible alternative to nobility by which Ajax abides determinedly to the death, Eurysakes' participation in the rite of burial as problematic presentation of consanguinity of the father and the son It is incontestable, therefore, that the issue of Teucer's birth plays an indispensable role to grant coherent unity to the drama

著者

呉 茂一

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.1-9, 1963-03-30

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Pherekydes in Strabon XIV asserts the Ionian migration to be later than the Aeolian (according to XIII, ibid by 4 generations), its reputed leader being Androclos, son of Codros, a Neleid king of Athens from Pylos He founded Ephesos, while many other sons of Codros and the Pylians became founders of various Ionian cities As to its contingents, the land of Achaia is called by many authors their fatherland, its 12 cities being the pattern of the Ionian 12 , while it is curious that its inhabitants, the former Aigialeis, are propounded there as emigrants from overpopulated Athens, changed their name to the Ionians after Ion, and forced to evacuate the land by the Doric Achaeans, removed to Asia Minor This seems to be mere fiction, but the narrative of Herodotus 400 years earlier makes us think of the strength of such traditions and some truth implied in them On the other hand, the celebration of Pan-ionia at Cape Mycale, with its presiding god Poseidon Heliconios, the strongest bond of religious fraternity for Ionian cities, reminds us again of their connection with Achaia, as the appellation of the god was recognized universally as derived from Helike in Achaia, the episode of Eratosthenes testifying to such belief, though linguistically better to consider it a derivative of Helicon The consitution of the Ionian immigrants, too, calls for our attention, with its many Boiotian elements along with others (the so-called Ionians and Athenians excepted) Poseidon-cult was indeed very powerful in Boiotia, the Neleids of Pylos being a branch of Boiotian-S Thessalian Poseidonic rulers We have to examine the history of P -cult in Athens, how it, once strong as surmised from the remaining legend of his struggle with Athena over the guardianship of Acropolis or the existence of a month called Poseideon, faded to some scanty survivals, in the former case to a more name of P χαμαιξηλοζ or P Erechtheus, in the latter to nothing more than 8 th day offerings The P -cult in Boiotia must also be taken into consideration A difference in kind between the P -worship and that in Attica may then be recognized In short, Ionian P -cult may be due less to its constituent races than to the inclination of its ruling houses, viz religious kings, the decline of which was accompanied by the secularization of the feast The age-worn meaning of P as Earth-king had been disappearing long before The understanding of the close connection of Chios to Boiotia and S Thessaly will help to elucidate the origins of epic poems

著者

呉 茂一

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.1-13, 1958-05-10

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The lord of seas and waters in Gr. mythology, Poseidon has been the object of much speculation, recently esp. by Schachermeyr in his "Poseidon .etc." 1950. The paper seeks to find some more elucidations about his nature and attendant myths after Schach. The etymology offered for his name by Kretschmer, followed by Wilamowitz, Nilsson and Schach. too, seems quite plausible, that of combining ποσει- (voc. to ποσει-) with Δα&b.sigmav; (gen. of Da, the Earth-mother), which however requires the crystalisation of the annexation the meaning of the compound submerged beneath the consciousness of people. The writer gathers together, after Schach. etc., examples of the combination of Poseidon with Demeter in various parts of Greek peninsula recorded by Pausanias, Plutarch etc., notably at Thelpusa, Phigaleia, Akakesion, Pheneos, Gythion, Hermione, Troizen, Kalauria, Athenai (Kolonos, Kerameikos, Akropolis), Eleusis, Lebadeia, Delphoi and many others, which can not be fortuitous, while in many places, mostly in Arcadia but at Kolonos and others too, they appear as, or related to, horses. It should be noted again that either of the Gods is often turned into forms of Hypostaseis, as a result of both religious syncretism and disintegration, resulting at times in an accumulation of various fossilized epicletic names. Such is, for example, the case with the "Demeter on the Pron" at Hermione, founded by one Klymenos and his sister Chthonia, with a temple of Klymenos opposite, while the goddess is called Chthonia, too. The townsfolk think that the God Klymenos is the lord of infernal regions and different from the founder Klymenos. The Phytalos who welcomed D. at Lacius' grove by Cephisus, must be P. too, a by-form of P. Phytalmios, worshipped at Troizen and Athens. Or the Trophonios, noted for his mantic power at Lebadeia, must be a hypostasis of P. as situated by and in a cave, which is a peculiarity of P. worship, with a fountain-nymph Herkyna, a by-form of Demeter, the nurse-mother of Kore. The statues therein with snakes are called Asklepios and Hygieia (for snakes), or Troph. and Herkyna, which ought to be P. and D. The Nymph Melantheia at Kalauria, the Eumenides (Erinys as at Thelpusa) at Colonus, should or may be D. too, while Erechtheus and Erichthonios, which must be by-forms, on the Akropolis, called opponents to P. by Schachermeyr, ought to be hypostaseis of P., in view of the tradition, pertaining to P. and Athena's dispute, and the chthonic character and appelation of P. such as Erysi-, Elelichthon etc., as Erichthonios simply means 'the great Earth-lord', the mate of Chthonia-Demeter. The writer invites attention to Medusa and Medeia also, a form without eury-, "the wideruling " -lady or goddess, which can be epikleseis of D. as Eurymedon, Iphimedeia, Agamede etc. may prove. Next two chapters are concerned with Orchomenos, as an example of P. worshipping clans, the dynasties of which show manifest confusion resulting from frequent and apparent intrusion of P. and his Hypostaseis, while Theban traditions usurp many items thereof-Klymenos, Klymene, Persephone, Almos (<Phyt-alm-ios) being mere names of hypostaseis, brought together as means of connecting various heroes under Poseidonic influences with Orchomenians or Minyans. The writer again ventures a hypothesis that the husband's name of these ladies, viz. lasos or lasios (1) may mean. Poseidonic incarnation, or a daimon of the like chthonic nature (maybe Preachaean), which brings also lasion within its circle, a figure in direct communication with D.. lason, too, is not far away from lasios: lason, who is also a Minyan and coupled with a Medeia (though presumably a Corinthian deity). Lastly it may be advanced that Pluton (from Plutos, but usually Aides (2)) was in reality the greatest of P.'s hypostaseis, serving as his substitute when he was changed into a Sea-god, inheriting his chthonic dominion, caves, passages to the nether world (Tainaros, Pylos etc.), the title of Klymenos etc., even renowned for horses, but without any shrine originally, being the double of P., with Kore-Persephone as his consort, the Demeter-Chthonia in her daughter's capacity. The chthonic character of Poseidon held in awe by his worshippers is best attested by his appellation itself, an euphemistic substitute for the apparent, at the same time easily deduced from his many other epikleseis such as εννοσιγαιο&b.sigmav;, ασψαλειο&b.sigmav;, αλωευ&b.sigmav;, γαιειο&b.sigmav; etc. This process, perfected by the time of Homer, may have fairly been advanced by the commencement of Mycenean supremacy, esp. on the eastern coast exposed to Minoan influences, obliterating the Horse for the Bull, together with his connection with Demeter, the Goddess consort. (1) This ias- could possibly stand in some relation to 'lawones,' -s(i) on-being collateral to -won- as nominal formans. (2) The development of Aides must be the next question, established firmly by the time of Homer (perhaps not yet in Mycenae), by gradual transformation within those several centuries.

著者

根本 英世

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.23-33, 1978-03-23

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The author has tried to examine the Nausicaa scene in ζ, in order to interpret her function in the narrative as well as to explore the poet's elaboration of her description. In the interventions of the Homeric gods we can generally recognize "a pattern" : the narration of their approach to the human world, their appearance and removal from the scene. In addition to these, the motifs of transformation and sleep(or mist)are remarkable where Athena helps and advises throughout the Odyssey. Considering these elements, her entrance at the beginning of the Nausicaa episode is a "typical" one. The process of acquaintance between Nausicaa and Odysseus and the growth of her goodwill towards him is prepared by the goddess at every stage 25f., 1121, 139f., and especially, 229f. after which she not only introduces herself but also gives him detailed advice. Here we should remember that the goddess' help and advice are given only to the main characters in the Odyssey. Her maiden beauty is fully depicted in the simile of φοινικο&b.sigmav; νεον ερνο&b.sigmav;(162 f.)as well as in 15f., 102f., and 0 457. Her inner excellence is also noteworthy; even before the unclothed foreigner she is wise enough to judge his personality from his words(187 f.). Her prudence is to be seen in her manner of leading him to the city(257 f.) , which will ward off the gossip of those whom she calls CnrspcpiaAoi (274) , while nevertheless judging their assumptions to be not unfounded (286 f.). Above all, shyness characterizes her(66). Only indirectly in the form of an imaginary rumour can she reveal her name to the hero(276f.). Though she seems rather affected towards him(239 f.) , she bids a brief but impressive farewell(461 f.). Such a farewell is also possible because they have not fallen in love with each other (cf. ε 203 f). Now she stands before him as a trial, a trial of a kind he has never experienced. He has to gain her advice, as well as food and clothes, to make his homecoming possible. Thus he gives his most eloquent speech in the entire Odyssey(149 f). The simile of the lion(130 f.) could be interpreted as preparing this demonstration of his uflTis, i.e., to introduce his apicrTEicc. He has so far been "a hero in a fairy tale" in finding his way out of danger, but is here confronted with a "realistic" trial, which leads by means of her gift of clothes to another trial in the Phaeacian court; both trials seem to make him ready for those to come in Ithaca. We should also like to note 230-4, 235b=ψ 157-61, 162b. In ψ Athena beautifies him before he is recognized by Penelope, in ζ the goddess does the same before he is received by the princess(which results in the first step of his success in homecoming)-both groups of the verses, so to speak, are preludes to the climaxes of the former and the latter half of the story respectively(cf. Athena's influence on both through dreams, the motif of marriage in both cases). Through the elaborate portrayal of Nausicaa the poet seems to have tried to represent an ideal of maidenhood.