著者
中井 義明
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, pp.12-22, 1989-03-15

Herodotus says that king Xerxes led his unprecedentedly huge forces and invaded Europe in 480 B C The size of the expeditionary force, including troops from Europe and non-combatants, was more than five million persons Other ancient sources agree that the great king's forces were vast in scale, but differ as to their number The German empire mobilized seven armies, i e, one million, five hundred thousand soldiers, on the western front at the beginning of the First World War The German troops were supplied, via thirteen railways, five-hundred-fifty trains a day Nevertheless, they were distressed by shortage of provisions Could the Persian empire, which had only primitive transport, maintain such huge forces for a long time and in a far distant country? Her transportation capability was meager It seems impossible that she mobilized and continued to supply such huge forces Modern historians doubt the size of the Persian forces which Herodotus gives They try to reduce his number to reasonable levels For that purpose they use two methods One is the philological method, used by many historians They criticize the texts and make known the organization of Xerxes' forces and the commanders' names There were three infantry divisions, three cavalry brigades, the Immortals, the guard troops and the non-combatants But, if one doubts about Herodotus' number, the size of the forces remains unknown The other method used employs logistics Gen Maurice and Gen v Fischer used this method They heed that the volume of provisions carried by the transport corps determined the scale of the forces This necessitates the fixing of some variables the mean speed, the size of the files, the carrying capability of pack animals and the rate of consumption of provisions What was the Persians' speed? It must have been that which reached the maximum value of the rate of flow There are some models for inquiring into the relation between the mean speed and the rate of flow I use Greenschields' model The outcome of my computation is that six parasangs a day is best, five a day next best and seven a day third best According to Xenophon's Anabasis, the Persians frequently marched six or seven parasangs a day When they crossed a bridge or river, their speed slowed Five parasangs a day was the usual speed So, I think that Xerxes' forces crossed the Hellespontos at the rate of five parasangs a day The rate of flow of animals was 500 4 heads/h, the rate of flow of infantrymen 1,429 7 persons/h What was the size of the Persian files? Gen v Fischer thought four files to be the usual size of the infantiy and two files that of the cavalry and transport corps I follow his view As the transport corps continued to cross for 7 days and nights, the total number of pack animals is 168,134 The transport corps carried 33,626,800 Ibs, consumed 31,945,460 Ibs, and could offer 1,681,340 Ibs to the combatants Such volume of provisions can maintain 41,000 infantrymen and 4,000 cavalrymen The number of an infantry division was 10,000 men, the number of cavalry brigade 1,000 men Xerxes' forces numbered 45,000 men Many historians think that the Persian fleet was far superior to the Greek Some believe in Herodotus' number, some modify his number to 1,000 or 800 or 600 Before the battle of Salamis, all Persian ships anchored in Phaleron bay I use this fact as a clue to estimating their scale I divide the length of the seashore by the width a trireme occupies in action The outcome is 300 ships The original fleet probably numbered about 400 ships My conclusion is that the land forces numbered 45,000 persons and the fleet 400 ships
著者
庄子 大亮
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, pp.14-25, 2008

The Atlantis story told by Plato in Timaeus and Critias is well known. Plato says that Atlantis, the prosperous maritime empire in primeval time, was ruined because of her corruption. He also says that primeval Athens, which defeated Atlantis, was a noble state governed by virtuous people. This story is said to be "true" (Tim. 20d) and some scholars have held that it may have some historical basis, for example in the facts of Minoan Crete. In any case, the only source of this story is Plato and we should take it to be basically Plato's invention. What is most important is to understand the meaning of this story. As to that, P. Vidal-Naquet has pointed out that by contrasting Atlantis with an imaginary noble state (primeval Athens), Plato set his ideal state against historical Athens which he criticized as a warlike maritime state. But why did Plato show his idea by the mythical past? In what context can we understand it? Ancient Greeks, who had experienced discontinuity from the Mycenaean period, regarded their distant past as the age of great heroes. Many legends of such heroes were narrated by poets and handed down by communities. On the other hand, democratic city-states, especially Athens, emphasized equality and did not recognize actual charismatic individuals. So models of virtue and various types of behaviour were not so much sought among citizens as reflected in the mythic past. Plato recognized this paradigmatic role of the mythic past. In Republic, groping for the ideal state, he emphasizes and appreciates the educative function of myth. But Plato also criticizes the stories in circulation in terms of ethics. He says human beings, unlike the gods, cannot know the truth about the past; all we can do is to make our falsehood as like truth as possible to make it beneficial (Rep. 382 c-d). Trying to present the ideal state, and appreciating a function of myth while ethically dissatisfied with circulated myths, Plato told a new story. In order to show citizens a model of the virtuous state and its antithesis, primeval Athens and Atlantis were created. Isocrates, an oratorical writer contemporary with Plato, adapts mythic discourse too. In Panegyricus and Panathenaicus he insists on Athens' leader-ship in Greece by reinterpreting the legendary achievements of Athens. As Isocrates appropriated the past for his actual political purpose, so Plato told the Atlantis story. This should be understood as a new intellectual concern in the fourth century B.C.. In this period Athens, trying to establish a new identity in the Greek World, wanted a state to serve as model. But Athens' factual past, which led to the defeat of the Peloponnesian War, could not be a model. Under such conditions it was necessary to consider how to appropriate the mythic past to make it influential as a means of education and as a model of virtue. The story of Atlantis and primeval Athens is "true" for Plato not because it is historical fact but because Plato thought such a story necessary and beneficial for actual citizens. The Atlantis story should be understood in this context.
著者
小林 太市郎
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, pp.25-38, 1959-03-30

In Japanse mythology, Susanowo-no Mikoto is the god of the sea, of the nether world and of "the universal destruction. In these characters, he is almost identical to the Greek Poseidon. And by comparing the myths of the two gods, we can prove that he is even a Horse God like Poseidon. Thus a comparison of the two gods is very instructive, and affords much help in elucidating the obscure points of their myths. For example, the myth of the dispute over Attica between Athena and Poseidon is compared to that over heaven between Amaterasu-Omikami (goddess of the sun, and of the cereal) and her brother Susanowo. In the Japanese myth, this is not a mere dispute, but an invasion of heaven, the domain of the sun- goddess, by the destructive Susanowo. So, the original form of the Athenian myth must have been the invasion of Attica, the domain of Athena, by the destructive Poseidon. In the same way, the controversy of Poseidon with the sun about Corinth, and that with Hera about Argos (Paus. II 1 & 22), must have been originally the invasion of the Sea God, the Flood God in Argos, of these respective lands. The Japanese myth tells also that Amaterasu-Omikami, the sun-goddess, to conciliate the invader, afterwards accepted his proposal to bear children with him, and that by both standing face to face on the opposite side of the celestial river, the god and goddess respectively gave birth to many children (Perhaps the original form of the Athenian myth was that Athena, accepting a similar proposal of Poseidon, gave birth to the olive, and he to Thalassa. But this original form was rationalized afterwards.). Evidently, the prudery and the respect surrounding Imperial Household have here obscured the myth. But the comparison with the myth of Demeter and Poseidon in Arcadia (Paus. VIII 25 & 42) demonstrates beyond doubt that there was in fact a violation of Amaterasu-Omikami by Susanowo. And what is important is that Susanowo threw the skin of a horse into the weaving house of the goddess, breaking the roof, so that the goddess, surprised, wounded her sex with the shuttle, and, furious, hid herself in the dark cave (that is to say, she died). Consequently the whole world was invaded by dark and famine. Here also are much obscuring and distortion of the original form of the myth, due to the prudery and the respect for the deity. But here also the comparison with the Greek myth is very instructive, and attests that Susanowo was a horse (in reality a priest wearing the skin of a horse), when he had violated the goddess, and thus caused her death. (The tradition of Onkeon assures us that Demeter herself was then in the form of a mare, which must be a rationalized interpretation of later age. Primitively, all Hieros Gamos were performances by a human goddess and an animal god.) Thus, that Susanowo was also a Horse God is beyond doubt, and we also find the true meaning of Demeter's going in the cave (death) and a very clear suggestion of the cause of her death. In any case, we can thus, by this comparative method, establish the existence of the rite of Hieros Gamos performed by a 'human goddess with a Horse God in Greece and in Japan ; this rite constituting the first part of a double Hieros Gamos which represents and celebrates the death and the revival of the solar and cereal goddess. And although the Arcadian myth had only conserved the first part of this double Hieros Gamos, its complete development is clearly visible in the mysteries of Eleusis and in the Japanese myth of Amaterasu. (She is resuscitated by a Hieros Gamos of the goddess Ameno-Uzume with the god Sarudahiko, as Demeter was by that of Baubo with Iakkhos. ) But these myths, both Greek and Japanese, represent not only the Hieros Gamos rite of the revival of spring. They contain or conceal also some corresponding historical facts of the same nature on both sides. That is to say, I believe, one can find in them : 1. an invasion by the sea-men of the cultivated lands, and a war to subjugate the original habitants; 2. the conciliation of the sea-men with the original habitants by means of marriage ; 3. the new invasion by the mounted people who came to land across the sea. Of course, these historical facts were so much obscured as to form the myths. So, it is one of the principal aims of comparative mythology to elucidate these obscurities, and to find the facts through the myths ; at least to restore the original forms of the myths by comparing and analyzing their variously distorted or obscured forms in diverse civilizations.
著者
豊田 浩志
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, pp.92-101, 1991

Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, is called the 'Father of Ecclesiastical History,' and rightly so His most important work, Historia Ecclesiastica (= HE) is an extremely rich collection of historical documents, quotations, and extracts from a multitude of early Cnurch writings HE can thus be called a monumental achievement of early Christian literature There are many doubts, however, as to the authenticity of Eusebius' sources A serious drawback to his reliability as a historian is the loose and uncritical way he handles his materials But this criticism has too commonly resulted in an excessive depreciation of his great contribution and has tended to obscure its true merits Even with due allowance made for such faults, the objective merit and value of his HE should be duly acknowledged and appreciated In his HE, Eusebius usually allows his quotations to speak for themselves He does his best to collect testimonies from writers who lived at the time of the events which he describes In such cases, we might safely suspect that the quotations or extracts are based on some pre-existing text and that their historical authenticity is remarkable Cases in which he relies only on oral tradition are more problematic, but so far, such cases have tended to be greatly underestimated by many scholars and have been regarded as in- authentic Having carefully reexamined Eusebius' HE, I suggest the following two points First, in HE, he creates a personal style the quotations are often preceded by introductions or paraphrases I would like to emphasize especially the importance of cases where he writes an anonymously introduced narrativefollowed by a quotation or brief summary, such paraphrase almost always being derived from a quotation from his main source If so, it is not necessary for us to question the historical authenticity of the anonymous narrative Second, this paper analyzes two typical formulae which Eusebius uses to introduce oral traditions in HE <katechei logos> (it is recorded) and <logos echei> (tradition says), and reconsiders the authenticity of Eusebius' sources Detailed examination of the 10 volumes of the HE shows that Eusebius uses these introductory formulae 24 times, all of which are found in the first 8 volumes Moreover, 17 of these 24 cases are accompanied by another verb Indeed, no doubt exists that 16 of the 17 supposedly reflect the existence of some documental authority In 5 of the remaining 7 cases, a similar conclusion can be drawn Thus, Eusebius' use of such typical introductory formulae suggests that, for the most part, his statements are based directly on written sources even if they seem to be presented in the form of oral tradition It can safely be said that he very seldom worked without some authentic source
著者
チエシュコ マルティン
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, pp.86-97, 2006-03-07

In this paper I allude to the wealth of material and potential for comparison between even such disparate genres as the comedy of democratic Athens and the kyogen skits of feudal Japan While the former genre is of a complex nature, high lyricism and increasingly sophisticated plots and stagecraft, the latter is a brief and light vignette of life, a skit sandwiched between the more serious and poetical No dramas This type of plays has never developed into a western style of comedy Both genres, though to a greater or lesser degree literary, preserve many elements of popular culture My examples focus particularly on the agora, the market-place and the colourful characters that populate it I suggest that Aristophanes kept an eye on non-literary genres (about which we know very little indeed) when he looked at the agora with its scheming tricksters, loud female-vendors, or good-for-nothings loitering around it all day long Markets and fairs must have attracted a great deal of popular amusements of all sorts and A istophanes probably used much of this material Kyogen too found inspiration in market sellers, shysters waiting at the market for country bumpkins, temple visitors during fairs, and so on All these characters frequently feature in kyogen plays and the Japanese genre may in many ways help us refine our perception of Aristophanes I start with a Megarian scheme in Aristophanes' Akharnians (729ff) and compare it to the kyogen play Wakame The Japanese counterpart also depends on the recognizable tricksters of the market-place and their heavy punning I then go on to show how knowledge of kyogen can help us appreciate popular elements in Greek comedy Not only in subject matter with kyogen, we may still admire the actors' cleverness in devising efficient ways of moving in a fluid space without a fixed stage Now the stage is of course uniform and fixed, but movement on it reflects and preserves much of the early practice The art of kyogen exits and entrances, and generally of movement in space is truly intriguing and it may be of some value when reflecting on early Greek practice Folk motifs are a kind of metaphor in Anstophanic comedy The playwright likes to connect disparate images into a humorous but meaningful and evocative whole In order to appreciate such images and their impact on the audience we cannot afford to ignore other available traditions of folk comedy Finally, I briefly hint at New Comedy where too we find hints at panourgoi of earlier comedy However unlike in Aristophanes, they are not at the centre of humorous and unattached episodic scenes, but form an inseparable part of well-wrought plots, often significantly contributing to the resolution that consists of restored domestic bliss-something the panourgos of Anstophanic comedy was hardly ever interested in Here is a domestic version of panourgia, a compassionate trickster, and this bourgeoisification carried with it significant consequences for western literature
著者
逸身 喜一郎 片山 英男
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, pp.75-86, 1976-03-31 (Released:2017-05-23)

How do phraseology and meter correlate with each other in the dialogue verse ・of Greek tragedy? With this question in mind, we set about analyzing all the extant trimeters with the help of a computer. The following is an interim report on some points of interest. (i) Conversion of texts into machine-readable form. The system we adopted was that of the normal transliteration into Roman alphabet with some modifications; long vowels marked by* , prosodical signs(-for crasis, +for synizesis, &c.) added. At present 6660 lines of eight plays are converted and reposited on magnetic tape. (ii) Automatic scansion. The computer scans trimeter according to the prosodical rules and, recognizing resolutions as such, writes out a metrical scheme to each line. The resulting, completely scanned texts serve as the raw materials for subsequent inquiries. For the symbols used in scansion see Explanatory Note to fig. 1-a. (iii) Automatic production of concordance. Two Concordances were made; the usual, Alphabetical one and the one in which words are classified and arranged .according to their Metrical word-types. These are reposited on MT and serviceable ior various further uses. Cf. fig. 1-a〜c. (iv) Examination of metrical features of lines. Lines with any particular metrical features can be assembled and examined at a stroke with the use of the computer. The example shown in fig. 3 is an inquiry into metrical behavior after caesura of the lines with penthemimeral caesura. (v) Examination of 'correptio Attica'. All occurrences of the sequence of short vowel-mute-liquid were assembled and classified according to the constituent 'Consonants. Refined statistics were drawn there from. The gross figure is 960 short .syllables(resolutions excluded)against 354 longs in 6660 lines. Cf. fig. 2. (vi) Examination of lengthening by position of word-final open syllable. This ・prosodical abnormality occurs 183x in the lines examined, mostly between words that cohere closely together. Each individual case can be examined in the list prepared by the computer. For some of the more conspicuous cases see above p.78. (vii) Study of localization and distribution of metrical word-types. Occurrences of each word-shape, at each metrical position of the verse, were counted and a comprehensive list of distributional figures for each shape was made; cf. fig. 4-a〜b. From the list certain tendencies become apparent: Every shape has its preferred position or positions. For instance, one of the fittest forms to iambic, SLSL, which can be used in four positions, shows a tendency towards localization at the verse-end(cf. fig. 4-b), and SL, iamb itself, too. On the contrary, SLS_0 and SLS_1, which are also shapes suitable to iambic, appear mostly in the former half of the verse. Sometimes preference amounts to restriction. SLL and LSLL are used each in one position only(this is a corollary of Porson's Law). These tendencies are consistent throughout all the plays regardless of their author or the date of composition, although some innovations were made and introduced by using resolution or crasis(cf. fig. 4-b and"-SSL" &c. in fig. 4-a). They may beinherent properties of the iambic trimeter, and if we examine further the words themselves from semantical and syntactical point of view, the system on which poets subconsciously depend in versification will be correctly described. The figures referred to are on pp. 80〜86 above.
著者
三浦 洋
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, pp.72-83, 1997-03-10

アリストテレスは『形而上学』Θ巻第6章(以下, Θ6)で様々な行為を「エネルゲイア(活動)」と「キーネーシス(運動)」に区別している.その一方の「ネルゲイア」とは,現在進行と完了が同時に成立する行為であり,「見る」がその典型例である(「見ている」と同時に「見てしまった」といえる).他方「キーネーシス」とは,一定の目的に向かう末完了的な過程を持つ行為であり,現在進行と完了が同時には成立しない.その典型例は「建築」である(「建築している」と同時に「建築してしまった」ということはない).この区別をめぐっては従来,他のテキストとの関連が注目される一方で,このような排他的区別の成立を根本的に疑う見解が研究者から示されてきた.とりわけ,アクリルが投げかけた疑問と,それを解消するべくペナーが提起した「二局面構造説」は,区別の成否を検討する上で重要な論点を提示している.本稿は,ぺナー説を批判的に検討しつつ,アクリルの疑問の発生源である「一つの現実態を構成する二つの項」をめぐる問題を解明し,疑問の解消を目指すものである.関連テキストにおけるアリストテレスの議論を検討することにより, 「エネルゲイア」と「キーネーシス」の区別が,単一の現実態,すなわち単一の事態について必然的に成立する区別であることを明らかにしたい.
著者
岡 道男
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, pp.1-22, 1988-03-18

The telos of the menis is not, as is generally assumed, Achilles' reconciliation with Priam, but the death of Achilles and the fall of Troy The menis, which, personified by the adjective 'oulomenen' (1 2), seems to have a kind of life of its own, does not cease bringing about the desastrous results even after the reconciliation in Book 24 The death of Achilles is foreshadowed by many prophesies and especially by the death and funeral of Patroclus, which obviously are modelled on those of Achilles, in the same way the fall of Troy is anticipated by the death of Hector who alone protected the city These two events, besides the fulfilment of Zeus' promise to Thetis, are implied by the Dios boule in the proem Also in Virgil's Aeneid and in the Odyssey (where the hero's home-coming reaches the telos only when he has appeased Poseidon), the telos of the theme is realized later than the time frame of the poem This interpretation is confirmed by the basic structure of the Iliad Just as Hector is made the sole defender of the city, so Achilles becomes the sole protector of the Achacans, with the consequence that the two heroes inevitably come to a deadly confrontation Hector at first fights with Patroclus, Achilles' substitute (cf 16 838 ff), then with Achilles himself, and his death not only seals the fate of Troy but also completes the destiny of Achilles (cf 18 95 f) The interlocking of their destinies is emphasized by the fact that they fall alike into ate and bring ruin on their countrymen, and finally, fully aware of their own ate and fate, endeavour to win honour Further, Achilles' turning back from the front after the opponent's death in Book 22, though he has been told by Thetis that his death must come immediately after that of Hector, keeps the audience in suspense for the fulfilment of the prophesy, until the poem ends with the impression that both the death of Achilles and the fall of Troy occur almost simultaneously in the reopened battle after Hector's burial This impression is strengthened by the truce of twelve days Thus the two events, which seem to have been narrated separately in the tradition, are placed in the immediate future beyond the end of the poem and made the telos of the menis. In the epic tradition before the Iliad, it was Odysseus' ruse of the wooden horse that destroyed Troy It is against this background that Achilles has become the sacker of Troy Giving priority to Achilles' bie over Odysseus' metis, the poet nevertheless has respect for tradition. e g. Odysseus too is ptohporthos in the Iliad He appears, however, to assert that Achilles, by killing the sole defender of Troy, had virtually destroyed the city before the wooden horse gave it the coup de grace The implication of 'the sacker of the city' can be contextually evoked in the passages where the name of Achilles is accompanied by this epithet (15 70-7, 21 544-550, 24. 108 etc) In the age of Homer a poet is praised for telling his story 'truthfully' as well as 'kata kosmon' and 'kata moiran' (cf. Od 8 489 ff, 496) In the Iliad the poet, while adapting his story to the changes of the society, tells it more 'truthfully' by identifying Achilles with 'the sacker of the city', and more 'kata kosmon' and 'kata moiran' by making the fates of Achilles and Troy the telos of his theme In such a reinterpretation and refinement of traditional stories is to be sought the originality of Homer
著者
戸田 聡
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, pp.118-130, 2011-03-23

Bardaisan, the first Christian author in Syriac, whose thought is known mainly from the Book of the Laws of Countries, is often considered as a philosopher, and his thought is very frequently understood in the light of Greek philosophy (e.g. Stoicism). However, scholars who argue for Greek influence on Bardaisan seldom ask whether or to what extent Bardaisan really knew Greek; and curiously enough, some rare evaluations of his knowledge of Greek are rather negative. This problem needs to be solved. The present article addresses the problem by examining the Greek loan words used by Bardaisan in the Book of the Laws of Countries, and also by comparing his knowledge of astrology with that of the astrology as presented in Greco-Roman astrological literature, and argues that his knowledge of Greek was far from extensive and that he should be considered as one of the first thinkers who thought not in Greek but in Syriac.
著者
関本 至
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.75-82, 1963-03-30

In modern Greece two kinds ot Greek are used that is kathareuousa (puristic language) and demotike (demotic language) They differ some what from one another in vocabulary, grammar and even in pronunciation The one is used in official documents and newspapers, and the other in poems and novels Kathareuousa is a scholarly language, inheriting the tradition of Old Greek, and demotike is a popular language, based on the colloquial language of the common people This difference between the scholarly and popular styles originated far back in the "atticism" of the Hellenistic Age When, in 1821, Greece recovered its independence from the control of Turkey it was necessarily a serious problem to decide which of these two systems should be the official language Many scholars have discussed this problem Among so many trials and practices in the history of the language problem in modern Greece the publication of Psycharis' My Trip" (1888) the translation of the Evangels into demotike by Pallis(1901), and the introduction of demotike into primary school education (1917) may be said to have been the three main and the most important events In this paper therefore three events are briefly traced, attention being focussed on the second event Mention is also made of the fact that, thanks to the efforts of various scholars and literary men, who have contributed to the solution of the language problem with their opinions and their literary works, a new standard style, a kind of mixture of kathareuousa and demotike, is being created in Modern Greek
著者
野上 素一
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.104-111, 1955-05-10
著者
西村 昌洋
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, pp.111-122, 2012-03-23

Prudentius' Contra Symmachum contains the Prosopopoeia of Rome (II. 655-768). This is a reply to Symmachus' Prosopopoeia of Rome in his Relatio III. 9-10. Prudentius praises Stilicho's victory over Alaric at Pollentia in 402, and in these lines his tone sounds particularly panegyrical. Prudentius attempts to refute Symmachus by playing up Stilicho's victory with techniques of panegyrical literature. Against Symmachus' insistence that only the religious rites of paganism ensure the victory and security of the empire, Prudentius claims that Stilicho defends Rome under the protection of Christ and the victory of the empire is guaranteed without any pagan rituals. The ground of this claim is the repulse of Alaric by Stilicho. The description of Stilicho's victory at Pollentia by Prudentius is conspicuous for its panegyrical tones. According to Prudentius, (1) the recent victory over the Goths is more praiseworthy than Camillus' victory over the Gauls in early Republican years, because this time the city of Rome itself escaped occupation by foreign enemies (721-730); and, (2) Stilicho's prowess is greater than the repulse of Hannibal in Punic wars because the defeat of Hannibal was merely due to the luxury and dissipation of Campania and Magna Graecia but Stilicho owes his victory to the military valor of the Roman army (739-749). Late antique panegyrists often refer to past leaders in the Roman history in order to praise the current honorand. This technique generates an imaginary continuity between past glory and present situations, and provides a guarantee that past glory will be recovered by the current honorand. Such a panegyrical method is used by Prudentius in his Prosopopoeia of Rome. On the ground of Stilicho's prowess, Prudentius refutes Symmachus and assures his readers that Christianity benefits the Roman empire. After Stilicho's death and the sack of Rome by Alaric, however, Prudentius' rhetoric, deprived of its immediate historical context, would lose its original effect.
著者
水谷 智洋
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, pp.19-29, 1970-03-23

Agamemnon's speech (II. 19. 96 ff) in reply to that of Achilles is apt to be taken for an excuse, but a close scrutiny of the two speeches shows that it is nothing of the kind. It is to be noted that an "apology" is almost meaningless in the Homeric world where one believes only in an attained result without considering about its motive. Such an attitude is typical of a society where people live under "a kind of armed truce" without having the benefit of even "a limited public administration of justice"; it reflects also the Homeric theology which recognizes the divine will in every phase of human activity. Accordingly, if one's honour is hurt a recompense is sought usually not in a mere excuse but in an aquisition of wealth, and Achilles acts no otherwise when on Athene's advice he refrains from resorting to violence against Agamemnon. He seems, however, to have given up this attitude when he rejects flatly Agamemnon's offer of many gifts and Briseis' return. The reason for his conduct, which he never explains clearly, is to be sought in that he rebels against the heroic principle of behaviour according to which an offer of gifts is prerequisite to recompense an injured honour. In other words, he finds the conventional means of compensation meaningless if it were but a mere formality. All the same he is unable to give a logical explanation for his conduct, for his concept of honour differs so much from the traditional one that the epic language has no suitable words to express his disillusionment. Thus the only way left for him, when confronted with the necessity to take part again in the war, is to criticize the heroic practice through his behaviour: he is, or pretends to be, utterly indifferent to Agamemnon's gifts, and this attitude is to be explained as a bitter attack against the wide-spread acceptance of honour in the forms of material gains. But whether he wishes or not, he is given the gifts, and on the face of it he follows the pattern of heroic behaviour as if he renounced his wrath only in exchange for them. In this he is, one might say, typical of an Homeric hero. His rebellion is destined to collapse, because his criticism of the heroic principle, if carried to its logical conclusion, would have to be directed against the Homeric theology as forming the background of the heroic world and also because he has no proper words for his feelings. And since he leaves his criticism incomplete, he is after all allowed to remain within the frame-work of the Homeric narrative.
著者
納富 信留
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, pp.44-55, 1998-03-23 (Released:2017-05-23)

Critias is known as the leader of the cruel "Thirty Tyrants", who governed defeated Athens after the Poloponnesian War(404/3 B.C.), and killed over 1500 people under their reign of terror. Critias raises two important issues in the history of philosophy. First, as a relative of Plato, he seems to have influenced young Plato ; Plato later says in the Seventh Letter that he was initially attracted by Critias' invitation to the oligarchic government, but soon got disappointed on seeing its evil deeds(324B-325A). Second, Critias is regarded as a major cause of the decision to bring Socrates to trial in 399 ; the Athenians believed that Socrates was guilty of "corrupting youth" because he had educated anti-democratic politicians, such as Critias and Alcibiades(cf. Aeschines, 1. 173). These events kept Plato away from real politics and forced him to contemplate politics in philosophy. I believe that Plato confronted the issues concerning Critias in his early dialogue, the Charmides, in which young Critias plays a major role in discussing sophrosyne(temperance or prudence). However, the commentators have scarcely considered political issues in this dialogue, probably because they take the "evil image of Critias" for granted. First, therefore, I reexamine the historical figure of Critias and show how his image was created. It is Xenophon who is most responsible for making up our image of Critias. He describes Critias as a cruel tyrant and ascribes all evils of the Thirty to his personal motivations. Xenophon's account in the History of Greece II. 3. 11-4. 43 reflects the strong reaction against oligarchy in democratic Athens, and originates both in his hostility against the Thirty and his intention to defend Socrates' education(Memorabilia 1. 2. 12-38, 47). This has concealed the Thirty's real political intentions under the "evil image of Critias". On the other hand, we have some positive evidence to indicate that the Thirty originally intended to restore justice and morality in Athens (Lysias 12. 5 ; P1. Ep. VII 324D) ; they executed the sycophants("villains" in democratic Athens). We cannot deny the possibility that Critias and his group seriously aimed for ideal justice, and philosophical examination of the ideology of Critias is therefore necessary. The problem lies in what they understand as justice and sophrosyne. This is the main target of Plato's examination of Critias in the Charmides. Most commentators have ignored the political aspect of the dialogue. Sophrosyne is(unlike Aristotle's definition in the Ethics)a major political virtue along with justice, and the leading ideal for the Spartans and the oligarchs. Sophrosyne is said to bring about good government(Charm. 162A, 171D-172A, D). A crucial point in interpreting the Charmides is how we can understand the shift and relationship between several definitions of sophrosyne which Critias provides. He often gives up his earlier definitions easily and presents new ones ; there seems no logical relation between these. I see his definitions not as logically consequent, but as implying and revealing Critias' underlying ideology. I focus on two shifts : the first comes when Critias abandons his first definition "to do one's own", and gives a new definition "to know oneself" (164C-D) ; the second shift explicates "to know oneself" as "knowledge of the other knowledges and of itself" (166B-C). In each case, the direct cause of shift is Socrates' using an analogy between sophrosyne and techne (skill). Critias opposes Socrates' analogy and tries to separate two kinds of knowledge : self-knowledge and particular skills. Since the relation between the two is explained in terms of "rule" and "supervise" (173C, 174D-E) , I conclude that the clear distinction between the two(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
著者
浜本 裕美
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, pp.56-66, 2002-03-05 (Released:2017-05-23)

The debate in the first episode employs the opposition between the hoplite and the archer While Lycus disparages archers and exalts hoplites' bravery, Amphitryon points out a weakness of hoplites and applauds archers' cleverness It has recently been argued that the unusual portrayal of Heracles solely as an archer in the drama has the function of showing how independent he is from the others What each says about the hoplite, however, has not received the attention it deserves, in spite of the recognized prominence and importance of hoplite warfare in the classical period The present essay reexamines Amphitryon's lines on the hoplite (190-194) After this, the final scenes are discussed based on the preceding analysis First, Wilamowitz' widely accepted transposition of 191-2 after 193-4 is unfortunate since it conceals the point of Amphitryon's argument It should be noted, first of all, that the statement made in 190 is highly ambiguous "The weapons" (190) could refer to the other hoplites' arms as much as to that of the individual hoplite 191-4 provides the required amplification 190-4 as a whole centers on the hoplites' inherent defect of interdependence Breaking his spear (193-4) becomes crucial only after his companions break ranks(191-2), for the hoplites rely on each other for protection The broken spear represents a detail related to his death caused by 'the cowardice of those near him'(191), a human failure which seems to be the most significant point of the passage Second, Amphitryon's argument has a wider range of reference to Lycus and the civil strife in Thebes Lycus is reproached as 'coward' repeatedly and represented as a 'coward' hoplite He and his companions who have caused the civil strife in Thebes are censured for hurting 'those near them' so that their negative role in their polis corresponds to that of the 'coward' hophtes in the phalanx described by Amphitryon The chorus who are unable to fight now but once fought for Thebes as hoplites contrast sharply with Lycus and his companions The ideal, brave hophte of Lycus' speech is undermined In this way, Amphitryon's argument presents questions about how one should behave as 'a hoplite' or in a community, and on what foundation a community should stand Putting in question the framework of a existing community is an important theme in the drama In the final scenes, that Heracles' earlier isolation is transformed into a dependence on other human beings is signaled by military metaphor, which recalls the characteristics of the hoplite established earlier in the drama His transformation is obvious in his physically leaning on Theseus, which could be considered as a 'phalanx' relationship In consideration of the questions about the univocal understanding of 'hophte', what their 'phalanx' represents seems to be the potentiality of a new community In addition, their 'phalanx' relationship should not be identified completely with Heracles' new dependence on Athens, for the question still remains of how amicably the city can accept him, a problem man The reexamination of Amphitryon's argument about the hoplite, thus, allows us to interpret the drama from the point of view of exploring what a community should be