著者
大芝 芳弘
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, pp.79-90, 1984-03-29

It is the purpose of this paper to explore the symbolic meaning of the golden bough and the golden age of Augustus, both of which appear in Aeneid 6, with regard to the theme of labor of Aeneas, and to consider the relation between them and some aspects of the significance of the καταβασι&b.sigmav;. The gold of the golden bough seems to be a symbol of divine life. But just as the luxuriant growth of the forests, itself a manifestation of nature's vitality, covers the bough in the dark shadows(136, 138-9)which bear resemblance to the darkness of the underworld, so the bough casts a shadow on the life-giving earth(195-6). Life is always attended by the shadow of death. Therefore the mistletoe-simile (205-7) makes it certain that the idea in primitive belief is transferred to the bough that life and death are both aspects of a single reality and the mistletoe is a symbol of such a union. But because the gold is associated with divinity, the golden bough may be said to be an eternal embodiment of that reality. Hence the bough belongs to both heaven (Iuppiter) and hell (Iuno Inferna) and achieves agreement between them, which enables Aeneas to undergo an experience of death and rebirth. And it also indicates Aeneas' pietas which brings about a harmony of man with the gods. Moreover, it is described as though it has its own strength (virtus) to conquer the powers of death and war (represented by ferruwi) which do not meet fate's wishes (147-8). Thus the golden bough symbolizes Aeneas' own character and shows that because of his being a divine man ofpietas and virtus he can overcome the labor of death and be restored to new life as a Roman hero. The golden age of Augustus is compared with that of Saturn(792-4). But the Saturnian age of peace could not withstand the invasion of the warlike iron age of Iuppiter(8.314ff). And it is implied in the expression 'aurea condet/saecula…… rursus…/…quondam…' that Augustus will replace Saturn as a representative of Iuppiter and that the new golden age will surpass the old. For Augustus will have the strength to vanquishfuror impius typical of Iuno as an opponent to the fate of Iuppiter, because the word 'asper' in 'aspera saecula' (1.291) suggests Iuno's influence. The expansion of imperium (6.794-805) will also depend on this strength (virtus), which is here exemplified by Hercules who suffered many labores because of 'fatis Iunonis iniquae' (8.292)but conquered her furor embodied in the hellish monsters such as Cacus. Similarly, Aeneas in the second half of the poem is involved in the war caused by Iuno, but he not only exerts his virtns but also keeps a pious attitude towards her and at last prevails to make her reconciled with Iuppiter. Therefore the golden age of Augustus together with the imperium can be said to be a peaceful order having fighting force, or rather a harmonious union of peace and war, which reflects a concord between Iuppiter and Iuno, achieved through labores of the divine man of pietas and virtus. Now it is clear that both the golden bough and the Augustan golden age stand for a harmonious union of opposites, the former of life and death, the latter of peace and war, and both of Iuppiter and Iuno. And it is also indicated in both that the labor is not a mere suffering but an indispensable exertion by which a divine man of pietas and virtus can attain 'rebirth' of new life or of a stable order of peace. Thus the labor of the κταβασι&b.sigmav;, at the center of the poem, making a pivotal point of this theme, relates beforehand the labores of the succeeding story and those for the historical ideal in terms of life and death.
著者
佐藤 昇
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, pp.98-107, 2001-03-05

From the late fifth century, those who participated regularly in politics as quasi-professional politicians mamly came from wealthy families This was because politicians received no remuneration for their 'active political activities', such as moving decrees and bringing accusations, and they could not engage in their own work themselves while they were engaged in these political activities Moreover they were required to perform liturgies and sometimes faced the danger of being prosecuted by their political rivals and being heavily fined In addition to these economic aspects, those who belonged to the upper class had an advantage with regard to political knowledge and information Only in exceptional cases did men from the middle or lower class have any chance to learn rhetorical skill, for getting a rhetorical education required considerable expense It also cost money to get a speech written by a logographer Other fields of political knowledge and information (e g news on foreign affairs, knowledge about finance) were also nearly concentrated in the hands of those who were constantly engaged in politics or had access to the necessary resources, that is, men from a rich family or from a family of influence traditionally Despite these circumstances, however, some sources show that not a few citizens from the middle or lower class did some active political activities Some acted regularly, others occasionally How could they become active in politics ? Many of them had some relations with the wealthy citizens or the political leaders They took part in political activities through what's called 'patronage' They could get economic and political support from their patrons And then they performed active political activities reciprocally for their patrons Besides they could get necessary information and knowledge about their political activities from their patrons without leaving their own work for a long time In some cases, the Athenian citizens recognized them as politicians on the basis of their patron's influence Thus it was patronage that enabled and prompted citizens from the middle or lower class to be active, even if occasionally, in the politics of the Athenian democracy, where economic constraints and the concentration of political knowledge and information ensured that quasi-professional politicians played central roles According to M H Hansen, in addition to the political leaders, there was an important group of politically minded citizens who were active, even to the extent of proposing decrees, but not regularly And these citizens amounted to some 300-600 at any given meeting of the ecclesia If the circumstances under which the patronage was employed are taken into account, it is possible to guess that most of the group might be consisted of citizens from the middle or lower class Then much more citizens from the middle or lower class might be engaged in the active political activities, if only occasionally, through patronage than usually believed
著者
長谷川 敬
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, pp.65-76, 2008-03-05

In this paper, I examine the cases of the water commerce between inland Gaul (e.g. Lugdunensis, Aquitania, Belgica, two provinces of Germany, and northern Narbonensis) and Italy. As evidenced by the inscriptions CIL XIII 1942 and VI 29722, two traders engaged in river and marine transportation. It is said that in the first and second century A. D., the nature of the economy of inland Gaul was different from that of the Mediterranean region: indeed, the networks of traders appear to have been divided between those two areas. On the other hand, scholars have often discussed the marine transporters of southern Gaul who were active in the Mediterranean region, some of whom maintained relationships with officers supervising the supply of food in Rome, i.e., the annona. In this case, it should be pointed out that in outlining the plan of the Roman economy, the foregoing studies pay less attention to individual cases. Further, although there is a lack of reliable and detailed evidence, scholars facilely tend to assume that the marine transporters of southern Gaul operated in Italy. Therefore, I focus on the two abovementioned traders who have recorded their own activities in inland Gaul and Italy. CIL XIII 1942 clarifies the fact that the deceased became augustalis both in Lyon and Pozzuoli, having found favor with other augustales, who mainly comprised those engaged in commerce or industry. Further, he had no dealings with the annona or its officials. This allows us to envisage that he had built and developed relationships with a variety of merchants and artisans in both cities by crossing the borders of two different economic blocs. On the other hand, CIL VI 29722 indicates that the deceased participated in commercial activities as a member of a family enterprise based in Lyon and Rome, which had been managed since the generation of his grandfather-a man who had left his mark on both cities. Moreover, it is remarkable that he not only joined more than one trade association based in Lyon or Rome as a member but was also assigned to important posts in the associations. This indicates that using the family enterprise as the first step, he succeeded in building wide human networks beyond associations and regions. In this case too, it is not proved that the deceased had any dealings with the annona. Based on the facts demonstrated above, I conclude that the two traders had wide networks with a variety of merchants or transporters in both inland Gaul and Italy. Further, these traders relied on people of the same social section rather than those from higher sections, such as officers of the state. Moreover, as an aspect of this study, I suggest that the existence of wide-ranging human relationships between the two regions might provide a new perspective on economical structures in the foregoing discussion.
著者
後藤 志乃風
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, pp.30-40, 2009-03-26

Bion's Epitaphium Adonidis can be seen to consist of three scenes: 1) Adonis' death and the mourning for him on the part of Aphrodite, Loves, and natural beings in the forest (1-39), 2) Aphrodite's lamentation on his last (40-66), and 3) the funeral in her palace (67-98). In its narrative style, it presents 'a mixture of mimic and diegetic narration' by telling the mythic story in the ritual context of Adonia. Aphrodite's lament (42-61) occupies the central part of the mythic tale, and at the same time plays an important role for the ritual. This paper tries to examine the essential features of the lament to inquire how it contributes to the unity of E. A.. As pointed out by M. Alexiou, The Ritual Lament in the Greek Tradition, Cambridge 1974, 56, Aphrodite's lament has the qualities both of a lament and also of a love song. I focus on them below. Firstly, I compare it with Il. 24. 719-76, a typical scene of women's lament in epic. The topic of 'the deceased's widow and orphan' found in Andromache's lament for Hector is used also in Aphrodite's lament for Adonis. Her lament is also similar to Helene's lament in grieving over the deceased's death as well as over her own distress it causes. Secondly, I examine the elements related to love'. Aphrodite misses Adonis' last kiss in return for the kiss she has given him. It means the pleasure of love exalted by kissing can no longer be reciprocated. The motif of 'fleeing(φευγειν) and chasing(διωκειν)' implies as if Adonis would leave Aphrodite of his own free will. Yet the impossibility of her chasing him across Acheron means that such emotional interchanges as courtship, acceptance or denial are no longer possible between them. And Aphrodite addresses Persephone as a successful rival in love, because Adonis has gone to Hades, Persephone's realm. In the last part of the lament, Adonis is said to 'have died' explicitly, and also longing (ποθοσ)' and kestos, Aphrodite's magic item of allurement, are said to have vanished. It shows that they can no longer enchant and excite each other, namely that the love is over. These elements of 'love' in her lament show that Adonis' death brings the end of Aphrodite's love. In addition, Bion depicts his death as if an irrecoverable one, weakening the image of his resurrection characteristic of the ritual as in Theoc. 15. The goddess can neither recover him nor her love. In this sense, her pain is similar to that of human beings and easy to make them feel sympathy for her. In the third scene (67-98) following the lament, the narration has denser fusion of the mythic and the ritual contexts than in the first scene (1-39). Especially in 67-78, where the scene changes to the funeral of Adonis, the participants of Adonia performs ritual actions fulfilling the role of Aphrodite. This fusion of mythic and ritual contexts is facilitated by the overarching emotional unity with Aphrodite, which is aroused by the goddess' lament. In conclusion, Aphrodite's lament reveals that she grieves for a loss of love with Adonis in a similar way to human beings, so as to make the participants of Adonia feel the emotional unity with her. This is how her lament in the mythic context leads naturally to the third scene with the ritual context and thus brings about unity of E. A..
著者
松本 仁助
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, pp.1-15, 1997-03-10

本論は,民話から詩的にすぐれた叙事詩が創作されている実態を,『オデュッセイア』におけるぺネロペイアの再婚問題に関連して,見ていくものである.ただし,本論においては,妻の婚礼をあつかった説話として,民話のみならず文学的水準がそれほど高くない叙事詩をも,『オデュッセイア』との比較の対象にしている.
著者
岩崎 務
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, pp.77-87, 1998-03-23

In Tibullus 2. 5, the last section(105-22)balances the first section(1-18)in length and in words, but the two sections differ in some respects. Messalinus, who is introduced at first as a newly elected priest of Apollo, is later imagined as a triumphant general. What development of the poem causes this change? Moreover, bringing in a new theme, the poet talks about his love for Nemesis and asserts that she is the source of his poetry. How does Tibullus' personal love affair match this national poem which treats Rome's history? In this paper, I attempt to consider Tibullus' attitude to Rome's growth and the new regime by examining these questions. After mentioning the Sibylline Books, the care of which is entrusted to quindecimuiri, the poet quotes the Sibyl's former prophecy to Aeneas(39-64). She predicted that Troy would be reconstructed to be Rome and dominate the whole world. Here the marvelous development of Rome is the poem's theme. The poet's intention is to heighten his praise of Messalinus by placing him in Rome's victorious history. Singing of a great victory has been suggested, because Apollo was asked to dress up as he had done when he celebrated Jupiter's triumph over Saturn (7-10). However, as Bright points out, Saturn is also a significant god for Tibullus. In 1.3, he states how happily men lived in the Golden Age of Saturn in contrast to his contemporary men. The coming of Jupiter's age is good and right, but can be viewed from a different angle. Therefore in the description of Rome's history its dark side is hinted dimly, e. g. Romulus' fratricide(23-4), and emerges more clearly when the poet refers to the ominous phenomena associated with the death of Julius Caesar(71-8). Now, facing Rome's painful realities, Tibullus himself predicts a happy future of Rome, which is imagined in the peaceful country(83-104). This joyful picture of a country festival is similar to the former description of the site of Rome before the arrival of Aeneas(23-38), but I agree with Mutschler that these two scenes differ in accent. While the former scene as a whole is very idyllic and fantastic, the latter is rather realistic in that the rural life is depicted more concretely. Especially the charming picture of a united family(91-4)makes a vivid impression on us. Therefore the poet doesn't suggest the restoration of the early pastoral world nor an utterly fanciful ideal society. In the last section the praise of Messalinus which has been reserved begins at last, and Tibullus as uates glorifies Messalinus as a future conqueror. Although war is a target of the poet's criticism in other poems and the dark side of Rome's development has been hinted, here the poet makes a realistic choice to assure a happy future, which corresponds to the more realistic tone of the preceding description of the rural life. What makes possible this realistic choice? I think that is showed in 105-12 referring to love and Nemesis. The poet keenly expresses the ambivalence of love, especially his love, in 107-8, where ars bona makes a sharp contrast with ars...malum, and in 110(faueo morbo cum iuuat ipse dolor). Moreover it is emphasized that Nemesis inspires Tibullus as uates and that she is the truth he reveals, because 111-2 with uati(114)is parallel to 15-6 with uatis(18), and to 63-4 with uates(65). By his sensibility to the ambivalence of love the poet can realize that Rome's prosperity cannot but involve a negative element, and on the other hand that the peaceful rural world he loves may be easily destroyed. Therefore the realistic glorification of a victorious general of Rome becomes possible for the poet, though he does not praise only the political and martial power, as pia...spectacula displayed by Messalla(119)shows. Tibullus is not singing a reluctant and unnatural praise. His song here rests on the same foundation that underlies his other elegiac poems. In this poem Tibullus sings his own song to the end, while he as uates makes a responsible prediction.
著者
国方 栄二
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, pp.40-50, 1990-03-29

It is often thought that the Eleatic stranger introduced the myth in the Politicus, with a view to recalling our minds from resting in an ideal, i e, the so-called Golden Age of Cronos in which harmony is completely realized, it remains for us to take account of the imperfect conditions of our actual world But, as H Herter correctly surmised, modern attempts to find an ideal state or community in the reign of Cronos seem unsuccessful It is clear from the text that the measure of human happiness is the pursuit of philosophy (272 B-C), and the cycle of Cronos is characterized by forgetfulness (272 A 2) In this way, the reign of Cronos is far from a model, serving rather as a foil for our present cycle Yet the story is combined with a complicated cosmological theory according to which, in one era, the cosmos is assisted on its way by its Creator, and in another era, when He releases control, the cosmos begins to revolve with its own motion Moreover, the cosmos periodically reverses the direction of its rotation How, then, can this strange theory be harmonized with our abovementioned interpretation? The aim of this paper is to reexamine the cosmology of the Politicus in detail, and to question the cause of this retrograde motion Then, on the basis of this analysis, we finally ask what Plato's real intention is when he seeks a definition of the true statesman in the cycle of Zeus Conclusions (1) The cosmos cannot free itself from change owing to its bodily nature, but it tries to maintain its uniformity, like that of the Forms, so far as it can Thus it has acquired the motion of a circle (269 D 5-E 4) I take την ανακυκλησιν at 269 E 3 as the circular movement, not as the reversal of rotation (as many scholars since Campbell), since it is not clear from this why the cosmos must move in reverse In this section, we must notice that it is not said that the retrograde motion is caused because of some bodily element of the cosmos Scholars make a mistake when they take it that the retrograde motion is simply equivalent to disorderly motion Since the cosmos has a circular motion, albeit in reverse direction, we must suppose behind it the intelligence, i e φρονησιζ, with which it is endowed by the Creator, even though, as time goes on, its recollection grows dim due to the material element in its composition (2) The reason why the weakness of World-Soul is stressed in the Politicus in comparison with the Timaeus or Leges X, is because of the need to show that in each era the cosmos and human beings undergo the same παθοζ In the age of Cronos, both the cosmos and human beings pass time idly On the other hand, in the age of Zeus, they both have to direct their own lives (274 D) Still, the care of the Creator is not entirely excluded in the period of Zeus, and even then the cosmos is governed by Him indirectly through the φρονησιζ (or διδαχη) Thus, abiding by it is best for human beings as well as for the World-Soul Although we cannot but set men as rulers over men, the best thing that we can do is to set a man having intelligence over other men Plato wanted to show this in the encompassing context of cosmic history
著者
加来 彰俊
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, pp.28-42, 1960-03-29

What was the aim of Plato when he wrote his dialogue Gorgias? -It is the objective of my present article to clarify that aim of his by examining both the construction and content of that dialogue. First, as regards the construction of the dialogue, the questions we deal with here are as follows : What is the true theme of that work? How is the dialogue of three acts unified organically? To attain this unification, how are the interlocutors arranged and directed by the author? Next, as for the content, our problems are : How should we understand the difference of the criticism toward the rhetoric given in the Gorgias from that given in the Phaedrus? What is the real meaning of Plato's statement that Socrates is a politician in the true sense of the word? From my research made from the above viewpoints results the following conclusion concerning Plato's aim now at issue. In this dialogue Plato makes clear that he has given up ultimately his political ambition which has been cherished from his philosophical way of life which Socrates taught him. I. e. this work is Plato's so-called 'manifesto', in which he proclaims his conversion from politics to philosophy. Now Plato's criticism toward the actual politics at the time was founded upon Socrates' doctrine and way of life. It is really in this dialogue that he verifies. the validity of those words and deeds of Socrates reviewing them and thereby offers an apology for his master again, and at the same time he uses it as such for his own new life as well. Thus it is that we could call this dialogue the second 'Apologia Socratis' -nay, we should rather call it "Apologia Platonis (s. pro vita sua) " as its more appropriate byname. Having found the principle of the ideal politics in Socrates' philosophy, he has come to postulate that famous thesis in this dialogue for the first time, the thesis of the identification of philosophy with politics, which is afterwards to. be developed in the Respublica and the Epistula VII.
著者
辻 佐保子
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, pp.68-82, 1979-03-29

Cet article fait partie d'une serie d'etudes consacrees au theme de la Resurrection du Christ, dont le premier article a ete deja, publie dans "Orient", XIII, 1977 ("Ce que l'iconographie des Saintes Femmes au Tombeau doit a l'art funeraire paien"). Dans ce second article, nous voulons examiner une representation fort originate et inome-vue du cote de l'art chretien-des trois personnages habilles en blanc qui s'evadent a, travers de deux portes entr'ouvertes, peintes en perspective et amenagees dans deux compartiments du cubiculum F de la nouvelle catacombe de Via Latina a Rome. La structure de ces ouvertures avec deux vantaux repliants et la presence de personnages au dessus de leurs seuils peuvent etre rapprochees de la representation semblable au decor d'interieur qu'on trouve souvent dans la peinture romano-campanienne. Mais, cette comparaison ne sufnt pas pour expliquer le geste precipite et l'expression d'etonnement que montrent nos trois personnages. L'un vu de dos, la jambe droite projetee en arriere, essaie d'ecarter les vantaux de la porte avec sa main droite et son epaule gauche. Deux autres se retournent un instant apres avoir traverse le seuil de la chambre funeraire. C'est surtout une serie de sarcophages, dite de "la porte d'Hades", recemment etudiee par B. Haarlov, y compris le celebre sarcophage de Velletri, qui nous aide a elucider la signification de ces personnages peu habituels. En effet, mise a part une simple porte sans figure humaine et en trois etats differents fermee, entr'ouverte ou brisee par force , on y trouve quelquesfois l'ombre du defunt ou des personnages mythologiques (Alcestis, Protesilaos) accompagnes des divinites psychopompes (Hercule, Hermes) , qui emergent de la porte entr'ouverte d'Hades. Une longue tradition iconographique depuis l'art etrusque nous montre que l'ouverture de la porte du tombeau signifie a la fois le depart vers le monde d'audela, et le retour a, la vie, la resurrection. Les ivoires paleochretiens autour de l'annee 400 ont adopte le meme motif de la porte en trois etats differents, pour le tombeau du Christ dans la scene des "Saintes Femmes au Tombeau" : elle est fermee dans l'ivoire de Munich, entr'ouverte dans celui de Milan et detruite dans celui de Londres. Surtout deux derniers etats doivent evoquer la sortie miraculeuse du Christ de son tombeau, a savoir une Resurrection par excellence qui garantie celle des chretiens en general. Mais dans tous les cas, la representation realiste, la resurrection corporelle du Christ est evitee. Elle n'apparait que plus tardivement sous l'influence des illustrations des Psaumes. Il est generalement admis que la representation de la resurrection des morts ne commence qu'a, partir du 9^e siecle-de meme que celle du Christ en corps-, et qu'elle est associee soit avecle "Crucifiement" (selon Mat. 27, 52), soit avec le "Jugement Dernier". Dans ces cas, les morts ressuscitent en deplacant les couvercles des sarcophages et ce n'est plus a travers de la porte de l'edifice ou de la chambre funeraire. Pourtant, le theme traditionnel de l'ouverture de la porte a ete utilise d'une autre maniere par ces artistes medievaux, a la fois pour l'iconographie de "l'Ascension" en tant que l'ouverture de la porte du Paradis (Adventus du rois de gloire, inspire par le psaume 23)et pour celle de la "Descente aux Limbes" en tant que la destruction de la porte d'Enfers. Nous reviendrons a ce probleme dans notre prochain article. Pour expliquer les gesticulations tres vives de nos trois personnages, nous avons essaye de les confronter avec quelques textes du Nouveau Testaments relatifs a la resurrection des morts, entre autres I Ep. Cor., IS, 51-52, qui insistent sur l'instantaneite("in momento in ictu oculi") de cette "transformation" du corruptible a l'incorruptible. Un des sermons prononce a la fete de Paques de Gregoire de Nazianz decrit longuement, en terme biologico-psychiatrique-qui evoque la scene du cours de l'anatomie decorant une des lunettes du cubiculum I de la meme catacombe-, cette resurrection instantanee et le retour subit de la memoire du passe a chaque homme. Ainsi, au son de la trompette, les trois morts ensevelis dans les trois arcosolia du cubiculum F ressuscitent instantanement. L'un se precipite vers la porte qui s'ouvre et deux autres, deja franchi le seuil, se retournent et regardent avec un air etonne l'interieur de la chambre qu'ils viennent de quitter. Bien que tres precoce, il doit s'agir ici d'une representation audacieuse de l'evasion de la chambre funeraire, c'est-a-dire la delivrance de la mort, utilisant le motif semblable a l'ouverture et a la sortie de la porte d'Hades, frequent sur les monuments funeraires paiiens d'un ou deux siecles anterieurs. D'ailleurs, Prudence, poete chretien contemporain influence par le vocabulaire de la litterature classique, ne dit-il pas qu' "apres le trepas, notre chair qui etait morte. Notre poussiere se rassemble en corps, et du tombeau renait notre forme d'autrefois" (Cathemerinon Liber, III, 193-95)?
著者
脇本 由佳
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, pp.28-39, 1997-03-10

『イーリアス』においてアイネイアースは,トロイア方でヘクトールに次ぐ重要な英雄として扱われている.しかし,『イーリアス』の中でのアイネイアースの活躍は,意外なまでに少ない.本稿では,この矛盾を解決しうる一つの仮説を提示するべく,『イーリアス』におけるアイネイアースの描かれようを観察し,そこから,ホメーロス以前のトロイア伝承で,主にアイネイアースがどのような位置づけをなされていたかを探る試みを行う.
著者
原 正幸
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, pp.51-60, 1990-03-29

Book VIII of the Politics is generally regarded as practical treatise on music education In fact, though, it is a theoretical treatise on music in which Aristotle attaches importance to two essential powers that music has, i e <<pleasure>> and <<influence upon the manner of dealing with (ethos) of soul>> His consideration of the former is based on his other discussions of pleasure, and that of the latter, on his theory of imitation First, he divides the ends of music into (i) amusement, i e relaxation, (ii) education, and (iii) action m the leisure as ultimate end He then compares (i) with (iii), bringing into relief the characteristic of the pleasure contained in (iii) Furthermore, he speaks of (ii) as preparatory training for (iii), in an attempt to illustrate the essentials of this pleasure Subsequently, he defines <<the pleasure as produced by the nature>> (i e activity of the sound faculty of hearing) to be common to all men He then picks up that which is suitable for the education of <<the habit of dealing with (arete)>> (i e moral virtue non-individuated) from <<the influence upon the manner of dealing with of soul>> which is inseparably connected with that pleasure, and applies it to music education by introducing his theory of imitation-according to which there is an immediate resemblance between <<the manner of dealing with of soul>> and the mele which imitate them The task of music education is to habituate the young to be able to judge correctly the beautiful mele, by using words analogically to describe <<the manner of dealing with>> in the actions It is this analogy between their two uses that is the very point which has been overlooked by traditional interpretations Although the <<correct judgement>> is impossible without the activity of the faculty of hearing, it is no more its activity, but that of <<the habit of dealing with>> (moral virtue non-individuated) And the enjoyment on the correct judgement is nothing but the pleasure which perfects this activity , so that two sorts of pleasures are contained in the use of music for the leisure as the ultimate end Therefore, it may be said that Aristotle does not only approve of the pleasure in music such that it is so (i e pleasure as produced by the nature), but also prescribes the one such that it should be so (i e pleasure as perfecting the activity of <<the habit of dealing with>>, and suggests to us the horizon where a community of souls could be established in music
著者
片山 洋子
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, pp.40-51, 1970-03-23

Since Boeckh pioneered in the study of liturgies in the nineteenth century, many works have been published on this subject. Yet except for incidental references, none of them have dealt thoroughly with the significance of the participation of metics in the liturgies. The liturgies originated in the period of the oligarchy and, in the democratic period, began to be performed not by noble families as in the earlier days but by wealthy citizens as honourable duties. A curious fact is that both citizens and non-citizens performed them in classical Athens where each category of population enjoyed a legal status distinct from the other. Here I want to discuss the problem of the participation of non-citizens in the liturgies and consider the significance of this fact. In the Panathenaic festival, metics performed a few fixed liturgies. Perhaps originally these accorded them honour; but, as the performer was restricted only to the metics who were humble in their social standing, the liturgies assigned to them also came to be looked upon as rather humble ones. Among the encyclic liturgies, we are certain that metics performed the choregia. However, they did so only in the Lenaean festival, which was held in winter, and for this reason they did not thrive. So the supposed honour may not have been held in common by both metics and citizens. Some scholars state that citizens alone performed the trierarchy but they do not enlarge any further upon this problem. However, as Kahrstedt has shown, the role of metics in the trierarchy was important. However, they did not become official trierarchs; there is a case of a metic embarking on behalf of a citizen trierarch. I think this cannot be the solitary example. Considering the original function of the trierarchy as a measure of naval defence substituting the naucracy, the embarkation was its most essential part. Nevertheless, in this case, a citizen trierarch bore only the financial part of his duties and transferred personal service required of him to a non-citizen. This is a parallel to the fact that citizens preferred to accept mercenaries in the army than to arm themselves. Apart from its importance in the scheme of national defence, the trierarchy had a secondary effect to promote its performers in society. The citizens wanted to monopolize the honour of bearing the title of litourgos. Therefore, when they allowed metics to take part in some liturgies, they restricted the latters' participation; when they entrusted metics the essential personal service in the trierarchy, they reserved the title of trierarch by bearing the financial part of his duties. This explains some passages in the writings of contemporaries as Aristotle, Demosthenes, Lysias etc., to the effect that, while the citizens maintained the position of litourgos to be an honourable one, in fact, they did not want to perform the liturgies by themselves, but only desired the position of litourgoi in order to win fame and they discharged the financial part of their duties for fear that they should harm their reputation by failing to perform the liturgies which they had undertaken. By the time of Aristotle, the liturgies had lost their original spirit and had become detached from their original purpose. However, as they were closely related to the democratic structure of Athenian society, they survived to the end of the democratic period.
著者
田坂 さつき
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, pp.22-32, 1998-03-23

In the last argument of the first part in the Theaetetus(184b4-187a8), Socrates tries to refute the first definition of knowledge that it is perception. In the argument he distinguishes between perception and consideration and argues that being(ουσια) belongs to consideration, but not to perception, and therefore that the definition is false, for whatever being does not belong to a being cannot be knowledge. According to the orthodox interpretation, Plato distinguishes between making judgement and having sense experience, and argues that in order to make any judgement one must grasp being, for every judgement has a propositional construction, which requires being as one of its constituents. But in sense experience, for example, in sight we see a colour of an object, but do not see a proposition that an object is coloured in such and such a way. So sense experience does not yield judgement. Hence it is not knowledge. But I cannot accept this interpretation, because it cannot explain why the arguments of the second part restrict kinds of judgement to identity. According to it, the conclusion of the last argument of the first part concludes that perception is not knowledge, but judgement can be knowledge. It follows that any kind of judgement can be a candidate for knowledge. But the argument of the second part deals only with identity judgements. So the orthodox interpretation cannot explain why they restrict kinds of judgement to identity ones. In my view, Plato does not distinguish between making judgement and having sense experience, but between considering basic comprehension in language about our experience and having sense experience. When Theaetetus agress that colour can be percieved through eyes and sound through ears(184c1-185a3), he considers that colour is one thing, sound is another, and that there are 'both things'(αμφοτερω)at once(cf. 185a4-10). Now Socrates analyzes the contents of Theaetetus' consideration in this way: (1) Theaetetus previously considers that there are both(sc. a colour and a sound) (185a8-10). (2) He considers that each of them is distinct from the other and the same as itself(185a11-b1). (3) He considers that both together are two, and each of them is one (185b2-3). (4) He can investigate whether they both are alike each other or unlike (185b4-6). Plato uses the expression 'being(εστον)' in (1), but not in (2)(3)(4) by ellipsis. Plato pays attention to (1). (1) is an assumption for Theaetetus' consideration of 'both things'. So the being(εστον) in (1) means an existential assumption, which is necessary to thinking or saying in language. Theaetetus' consideration of 'both things' is also expressed as the consideration that each is and each is not(cf. 185c5-6, c9). To avoid any jump of logic, the consideration that, for example, colour is colour, and colour is not sound. This is an identifying judgement. So the consideration of 'both things, is composed of four contents((1)〜(4)), namely an existential assumption ((1)), and two comparisons with each other((2), (4)) and calculation of number((3)). We can say, therefore, Plato uses 'being' in two senses, that is, the sense of existence and the sense of identity, in this passage, when we consider the basic comprehension about our experience. But the identifying judgement includes the existential assumption ((1)). Thus, if we don't consider 'both things' as comprehended above, we cannot intend to observe and describe each of them and say that an object is perceived to be in such and such a way. Therefore our experience, for example, perceiving, observing, saying, describing, etc., is based on this sort of comprehension in our mind. Therefore, according to my interpretation, it is reasonable to restrict kind of judgement to identity alone, in the argument of the second part. For it has shown that the last argument of the first part itself has already done so. It has the merit of being able to find out the logical connection between the two arguments without difficulty. Hence we must conclude that in the last argument of part 1 Plato dintinguishes between having experience and considering basic comprehension about our language
著者
松平 千秋
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.39-48, 1962-03-31

At the beginning of the Iliad Bk 2, Zeus sends his messenger Dream to Agamemnon with the false message that, if the war should be resumed, the Greeks would beat the Trojans Agamemnon, determined to rearm his soldiers, summons, prior to the general assembly, a council of the leading generals, and requests their cooperation in carrying out his plan, which is summarized in ll 72-5 At the assembly, however, his plan proves to be a sheer failure, as soon as the proposal of retirement is made, the army rush to their camps to make preparations for their return home The confusion is so disastrous, that, but for Hera's intervention, the retirement of the Greek army would be realized 'contrary to fate' (υπερμορα) Evidently it is not Zeus but Agamemnon himself, who is responsible for this confusion, because the idea of "tempting" the soldiers was not involved in Zeus' plan How, then, does such a strange idea, which seems to serve only as a cause for troubles, occur to Agamemnon ? The present author thinks that the clue to the solution of this question is to be sought in ll 72-5 Let us start our discussion from the following two points (1) What is in this context the meaning of the phrase η θεμιζ εστι (73) ? (2) What is the object of ερητυειν (75) ? 1) After having examined several views set forth hitherto by modern critics, the author concludes that the scholiast's interpretation (Scholia A ad loc) best suits the context He says that the King tries to test the army κατα τι παλαιον εθοζ, with the intention of knowing whether they are going to fight voluntarily or reluctantly, compelled by force, for, the scholiast continues, the King knows that the Greeks had been discouraged by the long war, by the plague, and moreover by Achilles' withdrawal from the battle-line We do not know, it must be confessed, what precedents the poet had in mind when he said η θεμιζ εστι, i e κατα τι παλαιον εθοζ. We must assume, however, that there were examples so familiar to the poet and his audience alike that it was hardly necessary for the poet to add further comments on the topic We moderns could easily collect a dozen similar examples from various times and places 11) With regard to the second point, the author again takes sides with the ancient critic (Scholia B ad loc ), who takes sue (sc Agamemnon) ταυτα λεγοντα as the object of ερητυειν, not εκεινουζ (sc 'Αχαιουζ) φευγονταζ, as did Leaf et alii Interpreted on this line, Agamemnon's plan was to stage a sham fight between the chieftains and himself, and thus to lead the debate toward his intended conclusion It is true that his plan did not succeed at the first assembly, Agamemnon may be blamed for his miscalculation of the low morale of his army But let us here turn our attention to the reopened assembly, and we shall see how smoothly, after the Thersites-scene, of course, everything proceeds, almost (not exactly, indeed) as the King had intended Agamemnon had been no fool His plan, though checked for a while, proves a success after all Certainly there are some exaggerations in the narrative from Agamemnon's "Temptation" up to the "Thersites-scene" One may even call it a trick on the poet's part Probably the poet thought that a detailed narrative to such an extent was necessary in order to make the audience realize how low the army's morale was and how difficult a task it was to make this resume warfare But it must be admitted on the other hand that the emphasis, perhaps over-strong, on this aspect has mainly been responsible for causing various misunderstandings, especially among modern critics The present writer suggests that the Temptation passage including the Thersites-scene may be called a "detachable" part of the poem By "detachable" the author means no "interpolation" in the Analyst's sense, but rather a section which the rhapsode, at discretion, could have, if not entirely omitted, at least cut to the minimum The text of the Iliad, as well as the Odyssey, represents the fullest version of the poem, collated probably in Athens in the sixth century, as is generally assumed The recitation of the whole poem may have taken place occasionally, e g at the Panathenaic Festivals But surely in most cases, it was recited on a far smaller scale, and, on such occasions, it must have been the normal practice of the rhapsode, to skip over or to abreviate non-essential (episodic) parts of the story The present writer imagines that the Homeric poems were, at least before their text was finally established in Athens, in a rather fluid condition, so that the rhapsode was given a considerable liberty in handling the text This article is not intended, of course, to draw too broad a conclusion from a single passage of the Iliad, but the author does hope that this is at least one of those cases which justify more or less his own point of view on the nature of ancient Greek poetry
著者
野津 悌
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, pp.24-34, 2002-03-05

In Rhetoric 1 2 Aristotle says that artistic modes of persuasion are of three sorts, which he calls ethos, pathos, and logos, and he recommends all three modes However, among them pathos consists in arousing emotions, and in Rhetoric 1 1 he prohibits arousing emotions because it is not right to corrupt judgement This inconsistency between the first and second chapter of his treatise has been much discussed In this paper, I examine one prevailing explanation of the inconsistency, which one can find in E M Cope's Commentary, and with which other scholars, e g A Hellwig and J Sprute, agree According to this explanation Aristotle's statements in 1 1 concern only an ideal rhetoric, which can function only if an ideal system of laws exists which prohibits the litigants from speaking outside the subject, just like in the Areopagus, and he does not claim that under real circumstances of public life arousing emotions must be prohibited Therefore, it is not inconsistent that he prohibits arousing emotions on the one hand and recommends it on the other He regards it, so to speak, as a necessary evil under real circumstances, to be used for morally irreproachable ends But this explanation is not persuasive in that arousing emotions is regarded as corrupting the hearers' judgements, and yet allowable only if it is used, as a necessary evil, for morally right ends I argue that Aristotle regards arousing emotions not only as corrupting the hearers' judgements, but also as playing an important role in the hearers' recognition of the truth Then, in order to make clear the difference between the corrupting one and the other which enables hearers to recognize the truth, I reconsider what Aristotle means by saying in 1 1 that it is right to prohibit "speaking outside the subject" According to the above explanation, which supposes "speaking outside the subject" is identical with arousing emotions, Aristotle means that arousing emotions in itself must be prohibited But, in my view, that is not right "Speaking outside the subject" here is identical with, not arousing emotions m itself, but a corrupting kind of arousing emotions, namely, arousing emotions by means of speaking about things totally extraneous to the issue Aristotle means here that only arousing emotions in such a way must be prohibited According to this view, we can suppose, there is another kind of arousing emotions, which Aristotle does not prohibit, namely, arousing emotions by means of speaking about things which are related to the issue and so enable hearers to recognize the truth To conclude, I propose that the primary function of pathos which Aristotle recommends in 1 2 consists rather in making hearers recognize the truth than in corrupting their judgement Indeed it is undeniable that pathos in 1 2 can function also as a necessary evil, as the prevailing view has it, but I claim that it is rather a subsidiary function of pathos
著者
保坂 高殿
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, pp.60-73, 2010-03-24

The Vita Constantini(VC), an encomiastic biography containing fifteen imperial letters, is one of the most important and controversial sources on the reign and personality of Constantine the Great that the church of the post-Constantinian period ever produced. Although certain critics have sometimes questioned its Eusebian authorship, recent studies have made extensive use of the text as a reliable literary source, suggesting that the issue has been conclusively resolved. Indeed, serious debate on this matter ceased in the 1970s. However, a critical reading of the text of the VC reveals that there are marked discrepancies between its description of the religious policy of Constantine and the picture of religious policy painted by pagan literature and legal texts. Most scholars are aware of this, yet they try to explain these discrepancies away as interpolations, in order to preserve the traditional view concerning its authorship from challenge. Thus, it is possible to suggest the following: 1)The characteristics of an intolerant emperor as they appear in the VC should neither be attributed to the historical Constantine (who was in fact tolerant of pagan religious practices) nor considered as stemming from the hand of an anonymous interpolator, since this antipagan writing is permeated with subversive ideas which form its conceptual framework. The enmity towards the Roman cultural heritage should therefore be viewed as being a constituent part of the work-thereby precluding the possibility of interpolations or posthumous editorial additions. 2)The VC could have been written by anyone living during a period after the death of Eusebius when the emperor was enforcing an anti-pagan policy-that is, in the time of Constantius II or later. 3)The notion of eusebeia (piety)-generally indicating any pious act for the benefit of the gods-is extended in the VC to encompass a negative attitude towards the impious. Indeed, from the start of the third century onwards there are many recorded instances of pagan assaults on Christians as acts of expiation (for example, Tert Apol 41.2 Christianos ad leonem!). However, neither the church nor the government succumbed to the popular outcry, and it was not until the latter half of the fourth century that the notion of piety in the form of a double negation was conceived. Theodosius II prescribes punishment of religious dissidents as a holy sacrifice to secure divine favor (Novellae 3.8). 4)If the VC is assigned to the time of Constantius II, it could belong to the literary genre of specula principum (mirrors for princes)-that is, its purpose could be to instruct him on how to behave towards and rule his subjects (both pagans and Christians alike) and to caution him against interfering in the internal affairs of the church. However, assigning the VC to the era of the Theodosian dynasty would instead suggest that it was composed in reply to pagan criticism of Constantine's pro-Christian policy. This seems more probable, since it is only after the 370s that the approval of physical violence which characterizes the VC is clearly attested in Christian literature.
著者
松原 俊文
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, pp.150-154, 2011-03-23