著者

中西 竜也 森本 一夫 黒岩 高

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.162, pp.55-120, 2012-12-20

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本论文是以中国河南省开封及其近郊朱仙镇所留存的两块阿文碑记来进行讨论的。这两块阿文碑记, 除了有关建立碑记经过的记述和若干文字有不同之外, 基本上是相同的。该碑记列举了13件伊斯兰教礼法的教条, 称这些都是中国古来的《古行》, 并且又列举了27种阿语和波斯语文献, 称这些证明13件古行教条的正统性。也就是说其内容反映了所谓《古行》和《新行》的论争。而这个论争据说在常志美(1610-1670)和舍起灵(1638-1710)改革中国古来伊斯兰教礼法的时候就已经开始了。在此我们提出了开封朱仙镇阿文碑记的阿文原文和日文翻译, 来阐明其来历和历史意义, 又查明其中所列举的27种阿语和波斯语文献是什么, 并且考察所列举的文献代表着什么意涵。我们首先讨论两块阿文碑记的形成年代, 并且论证其草稿在17, 18世纪之交就已形成了, 然后指出其内容反映了《古行》和《新行》最初期的论争情况。又指出这两块阿文碑记, 包含着若干有关《古行》和《新行》论争的新信息。其次, 我们确认了开封朱仙镇阿文碑记所列举的27种阿语和波斯语文献, 大概是中亚及南亚拥有权威的哈乃斐派法学文献。这个事实意味着, 中国的穆斯林跟中亚和南亚的穆斯林有关连性。再者, 我们指出, 27种阿语和波斯语文献, 分别支持13件古行教条的一部分, 而且其中有的文献包含关于某个教条跟别的文献不一致的描述。这个事实可能说明了, 古行支持者不是被动地沿袭来自伊斯兰世界核心地域有权威的文献, 而是主动地选择利用那个文献的说法。在本论文里, 我们通过了分析开封朱仙镇阿文碑记, 可以进一步理解前近代中国穆斯林宗教实践的细节和知识水平的实际情形, 从而可以奠定探讨伊斯兰教特殊性的基础。

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

中国社会文化学会

雑誌

中国 (ISSN:09129308)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.331-309, 2006-06

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.858-824, 2016-03

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.553-584, 2002-12-31

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Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.584-553, 2002-12

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Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター

雑誌

イスラーム世界研究 (ISSN:18818323)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.548-555, 2014-03

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.858-824, 2016-03

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An intensification of mutual antagonism between the Muslim Hui and Han Chinese people reached a climaxin the Hui rebellions against the Qing dynasty in Yunnan province and Northwestern China during the second half of the 19th century. This confrontation endangered the survival of the Hui, fewer in numbers and less powerful than the Han. Thereafter, reconciliation with Han society and the Qing dynasty became an urgent issue for this Muslim minority. My paper examines how some Hui scholars, out of awareness of this issue, reinterpreted Islamic doctrine or law in order to facilitate the co-existence of Muslims and non-Muslims in China. First, I investigate Persian and Arabic works that the famous Yunnan Muslim scholar Ma Lianyuan (d. 1903) wrote based on an anonymous Persian work Muhimmāt al-muslimīn, one of 'classics' authoritative for Chinese Muslims. Then, I clarify the fact that he added to the original texts of Muhimmāt his own comments about the legitimacy of friendship with non-Muslims and illegitimacy of taking their lives and properties. Second, I scrutinize how Ma Lianyuan's son Ma Anyi (d. 1943) elaborated his father's views about the way of dealing with non-Muslims. In his Arabic work Tahqīq al-īmān, Ma Anyi declares that Islamic law prohibits Chinese Muslims from disobeying the Qing emperor and hence taking lives and properties of non-Muslim Chinese people. He explains the basis of this interpretation in the following fashion : The legal status of these believers is that of Muslims who enter non-Islamic domains (dār al-harb) under their non-Muslim rulers' guarantees of security, and their disobeying the rulers would be a betrayal (ghadr) which is prohibited in Islamic law. Third, I focus on the interpretation of the Qur'ānic verse 4 : 36 in the Chinese work Yisilan liushu written by Da Pusheng (d. 1965), known as one of the four greatest 'ulamā in modern China. He regards Muslim's kindness toward non- Muslim neighbors as an obligation that the Prophet ordered (wājib). I disclose that this interpretation is more amicable toward non-Muslims than that of Liu Zhi (d. after 1724), one of the most famous Hui scholars during the pre-modern period. In addition, I attempt to identify the Arabic or Persian sources of the modern Hui scholars' interpretations. In conclusion, I point out the possibility that Da Pusheng was more positive toward constructing friendships between the Hui and the Han than Ma Lianyuan and Ma Anyi. Then, I argue that the positive attitude of the former, if indeed it is judged to be so, must have been a reaction to the upsurge in Chinese nationalism, and may also have been another result of modern factors such as the fact that more books and newer ideas about Islam than in the previous age were imported to China from West and South Asia because of the development of transportation facilities and printing technology.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

若手研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2014-04-01

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近代に活躍した著名な中国ムスリム学者、王静斎が著した、コーラン(クルアーン)の漢語注釈、『古蘭経訳解』の内容を、その典拠となったアラビア語・ペルシア語のコーラン注釈と比較しつつ検討し、とくに次の二つの点を明らかにした。第一に、当該漢語注釈書においてその中国ムスリム学者は、聖戦や、それによって防衛すべきウンマ(ムスリム共同体)についての教説を、近代の中国社会やイスラーム世界の歴史的諸状況に応じて、どのように表現したか。第二に、近代イスラーム世界でしばしば批判にさらされた、スーフィズム(イスラーム神秘主義)、とくに聖者崇拝をめぐる問題を、どのように語ったか。