著者

高木 智見

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.4, pp.727-757, 1989-03-31

著者

加藤 直人

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.3, pp.p452-478, 1986-12

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The rebellion of Lobjang danjin that arose in the first year of Yongzheng 雍正 (1723) was carried out by the chiefs (tayiji) of the Qosuɣud tribe of Koke-naɣur and by the Tibetans and Muslims who were attached to them. Among them were also included many lamas (blama). The rebellion was quite carefully planned; nevertheless, it proved to be no match for the Qing army, and in less than one month it was thoroughly repulsed. Moreover, because there was dissension within the Qosuɣud tribe, in a little over four short months they were completely subjugated. One reason that can be offered for the defeat of the rebellion is that Lobjang danjin was too optimistic in his estimate of the tribe of Jegun-ɣar. The rebellion took place at a time when the chief of the jegunɣar, Cevang rabtan, was trying to improve his relations with the Qing and was trying to establish his influence in the areas of Kazakh and Kirgiz. And at this time, he still harbored a serious grudge against the Qosuɣud because previously, the chiefs (tayiji) of the Qosuɣud tribe had united with the Qing and had wiped out the army of Jegun-ɣar which had entered Tibet. It was impossible from the beginning for the Qosuɣud to request reinforcements from this Jegun-ɣar. A second reason that can be offered for the defeat is that on the Qing side, the preparation against the rebellion, especially of commander Nian Gengyao 年羹堯, was meticulous, and the response was swift. Nian personally made his way to Xining 西寧, the main target of the Qosuɣud attack, and there he recruited troops and prepared for the assault. And the Qing side was able to rally the tayiji of the pro-Qing faction who had fled and other defectors, while the leaders of the rebellion were left in isolation. The Qing took this opportunity after the suppression of the rebellion to introduce the Banner system (niru-jasaɣ) into Koke-naɣur, and thereby to establish direct control over the area.

著者

井谷 鋼造

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.116-149, 1988-06-30

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The last Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din was the greatest "hero" against the Mongol invasion in West Asia. His energetic military operations extended from Kirman to Rum (Asia Minor or Anatolia). Five contemporary historians, being Ibn al-Athir, al-Nasawi, Juwayni, Ibn Bibi and al-Hamawi recorded his activity in detail. These historical sources lead us to the following conclusion. Jalal al-Din's vigorous operations against Georgians since his appearance in Adharbayjan (1225) were highly estimated by Muslim authors. But when he entered into an alliance with al-Mu'azzam, son of al-'Adil b. Ayyub, Jalal al-Din was involved in a rivalry between al-Mu'azzam and al-Ashraf, another son of al-'Adil. After his first siege of Akhlat, an important city in Armenia ruled by a deputy of al-Ashraf, Khwarazmians were accused of their "evilness of behavior" by Ibn al-Athir. 'Ala' al-Din Kayqubad, Sultan of Rum was related by marriage to al-Ashraf and al-Kamil, ruler of Egypt, in 1227. After the capture of Akhlat by Jalal al-Din (1230) and his alliance with the ruler of Arzan al-Rum, cousin of Kayqubad, Rum Saltanat and the house of Ayyub formed an alliance against Jalal al-Din. Finally Jalal al-Din was defeated by the allied forces at Yassi Chaman, near Arzinjan on 28 Ramadan 627 A.H. (10.8.1230). He could never recover from this defeat and a year later was to be killed near Amid in consequence of the pursuit of a Mongol detachment sent by Ogadai Qa'an. The reason why Jalal al-Din had to fight against Sultan of Rum and the grandsons of Ayyub was for his lack of established foundation in West Asia. According to Juwayni, Jalal al-Din called himself sadd-i Iskandar against Mongol infidels, but in fact Khwarazmians lived in yawagi i.e. having neither property nor place. (Ibn Bibi, pp. 379, 430, 485 of facsimile text published by A. S. Erzi). So Khwarazmians had to become plunderers and at last collided with the most powerful forces in West Asia. Furthermore Rum Saltanat of Saljuq dynasty had enmity against Khwarazmshah, because Tekish, grandfather of Jalal al-Din, overthrew Saljuq state in Iran (1194). Rum Saltanat also, assisted by the grandsons of Ayyub, had to fight against Jalal al-Din in order to protect not only their actual interests in Eastern Anatolia, but their family's fame in history.

著者

佐藤 達郎

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.56-83, 1993-06-30

著者

井谷 鋼造

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.p358-387, 1980-09

著者

岡本 隆司

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.84-117, 1999-06

著者

佐伯 富

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.30-60, 1970-06

著者

佐伯 富

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.4, pp.55-92, 1972-03

著者

佐伯 富

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.56-117, 1970-12

著者

福井 重雅

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.24-57, 1975-06-30

著者

上田 早苗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.4, pp.283-305, 1970-03-31

著者

川本 正知

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.285-317, 1983-09-30

著者

新免 康 菅原 純

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.522-552, 2002-12-31

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In the history of Eastern Turkestan of the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries, the family known as the Kashghar Khwaja consistently played an important role in the political activities of Turkic Muslims. It would be difficult to claim that a sufficient number of historical materials exist to recount their circumstances in detail. In this study, we have focused on a scroll that has been registered with the designation Prov. 219 in what is known as the Jarring Collection of the Lund University Library in Sweden. This manuscript consists of three parts: (A) a fatwa, a religious order; (B) a nesb name, a lineage, of Khan Khwajam; and (C) the tadhkira, legend, of Khan Khwajam. The first part, the fatwa, persistently advocates unconditional obedience to the descendants of the saint by citing a bogus Hadith. The second part of the scroll, section B, is basically a lineage of the Afaqiya branch of Kashghar Khwaja family that includes the names of both a large number of legendary saints and historical members of the Afaqiya Khwajas up to the 19th century. The third part of the scroll, section C, mainly describes activities of Burhan al-Din Khwaja, who resisted the Qing dynasty's conquest of Eastern Turkistan in the middle of the 18th century. It is uniquely valuable as a rare material of Turkic Muslim on important incident at that time. It is possible to say that a group who supported a Khwaja leader, who was alive at the time of its compilation, compiled this entire manuscript in the 19th century for political purposes. In short, this manuscript directly reflects characteristic aspects of political activities of the Afaqiya branch of the Kashghar Khwaja family in the 18th and 19th centuries.

著者

佐藤 達郎

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.p56-83, 1993-06

著者

細谷 良夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.4, pp.p644-670, 1991-03

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Man Wen Lao Tang 滿文老檔, which is materials on the history of the early Ching period, is the compilation of Man Wen Yuan Tang 滿文原檔 (owned by the National Palace Museum at Taipei), which was published as Chiu Man Chou Tang 舊滿洲檔. Many things in this period are clarified through Yuan Tang. To examine Lao Tang, I investigated Huang Tzu Tang 黄字檔, a collection of ejehe (rescripts) in Yuan Tang. As a result I pointed out the need to clarify later amendments, such as unknown deletions, rewritings, corrections, and so on. To reexamine Lao Tang which records the amendments made to Huang Tzu Tang, we must restore the original copy of Huang Tzu Tang without these amendments and clarify the age when it was amended. While I restored the ejehe about Asan brothers in Huang Tzu Tang supposed to be the one of the 11th year of T'ienming 天命 by Lao Tang and clarified the process of amending to it, I compared their careers. Then the following becomes clear. Huang Tzu Tang is likely to have been copied in the 8th month of the 10th year of T'ienming. It is clear that the amendments made to it reached the 8th month of the 3rd year of T'ients'ung 天聰. The ejehe of Huang Tzu Tang tells the situation of the 3rd year of T'ients'ung against the accounts of Lao Tang.

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.4, pp.839-883, 1998-03-31

著者

宇野 伸浩

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.110-137, 2002-06-30

著者

杉本 直治郎

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.3, pp.324-343, 1964-12-31

著者

長崎 暢子

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.p231-255, 1991-09

著者

志茂 碩敏

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.456-405, 2001-09

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Faced with imminent dissolution of the Ilkhanate, Ghazan Khan determined that he would reflect on the strong unity of the tribal confederation and embarked on the compilation of a dynastic history simultaneously with the expedition against Syria. Ghazan himself recounted in detail the long-term ties between the hereditary retainers, nokor, amir-ibuzurg, of the various Mongol tribes and the Chinggisid house in the Persian language History of the Mongols, Tarikh-i Mughul. The work is an utterly unique and extremely valuable source providing first-hand knowledge of the inner workings of the nomadic tribal confederation of the Mongol empire in the voice of a Mongol emperor himself, but the various scholars who have gone through the Persian text have failed to comprehend the fundamental structure of the tribal confederation. This has been due to the fact that they proceeded to consider the entire work without comprehending the meaning of the terms buzurg, the Chinggisid house, and amir-i buzurg. hereditary retainers. A close analysis of the long-term ties of the hereditary retainers and the Chinggisid house across the breadth of the Mongol empire reveals the following points. ・The strength of the bonds between the Chinggisid house and individual Mongol tribes was common to each urus of the Mongol empire, and the structure of the Mongol ruling class in each urus was nearly identical. ・Those who served the qa'an and khan, the Chinggisid house, and who held high-ranking and vital posts inherited from their ancestors, and were charged with the management of the urus were retainers from particular lineage groups within special tribes with especially strong bonds to the Chinggisid house, such as fictive kin, fathers-in-law, sons-in-law, tutors (atabek), adopted children, the children of wet-nurses (kukaltash), and subjects who came from families of hereditary vassals who had served Chinggis Khan's ancestors for generations. If Persian language historical sources and those written in Chinese are read with care and insightfully, it will surely become clear that in other nomadic states as well as the Mongol empire and in its successor states, tribal confederations were formed, and the royal family and their fictive kin occupied the core of the political regime.