著者

黒岩 高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

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The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion’s local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.

著者

中西 竜也 森本 一夫 黒岩 高

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.162, pp.55-120, 2012-12-20

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本论文是以中国河南省开封及其近郊朱仙镇所留存的两块阿文碑记来进行讨论的。这两块阿文碑记, 除了有关建立碑记经过的记述和若干文字有不同之外, 基本上是相同的。该碑记列举了13件伊斯兰教礼法的教条, 称这些都是中国古来的《古行》, 并且又列举了27种阿语和波斯语文献, 称这些证明13件古行教条的正统性。也就是说其内容反映了所谓《古行》和《新行》的论争。而这个论争据说在常志美(1610-1670)和舍起灵(1638-1710)改革中国古来伊斯兰教礼法的时候就已经开始了。在此我们提出了开封朱仙镇阿文碑记的阿文原文和日文翻译, 来阐明其来历和历史意义, 又查明其中所列举的27种阿语和波斯语文献是什么, 并且考察所列举的文献代表着什么意涵。我们首先讨论两块阿文碑记的形成年代, 并且论证其草稿在17, 18世纪之交就已形成了, 然后指出其内容反映了《古行》和《新行》最初期的论争情况。又指出这两块阿文碑记, 包含着若干有关《古行》和《新行》论争的新信息。其次, 我们确认了开封朱仙镇阿文碑记所列举的27种阿语和波斯语文献, 大概是中亚及南亚拥有权威的哈乃斐派法学文献。这个事实意味着, 中国的穆斯林跟中亚和南亚的穆斯林有关连性。再者, 我们指出, 27种阿语和波斯语文献, 分别支持13件古行教条的一部分, 而且其中有的文献包含关于某个教条跟别的文献不一致的描述。这个事实可能说明了, 古行支持者不是被动地沿袭来自伊斯兰世界核心地域有权威的文献, 而是主动地选择利用那个文献的说法。在本论文里, 我们通过了分析开封朱仙镇阿文碑记, 可以进一步理解前近代中国穆斯林宗教实践的细节和知识水平的实际情形, 从而可以奠定探讨伊斯兰教特殊性的基础。

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.9, pp.1499-1521,1588, 2002-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Known as the greatest incident in Chines Muslim history, the Muslim rebellion in the Shaanxi and Gansu provinces (1862-1878) has also attracted attention as being one of the peasantry rebel. lions near the end of the Qing dynasty. However, by analyzing the outbreak and spread of the rumors frequently occurring before and during the rebellion, a different image of the Muslim re bellion can be conceived, There was orderly discipline between Han and Hui in the Wei River area before the rebellion, even though occasional strife, such as feuds, and a strong sense of having a different culture and society among each other existed. Focusing on the change of content of the rumors, the Muslim riots in the Wei River area in 1862 was the outbreak of the Han and Hui differentiating each other and destroying the order that had existed between them. Each society fighting for its survival, it can be said that this rebdlion had the characteristic of an "ethnic conflict". Also taking into account of the impact and spread. ing process of the "Wash away Muslims" rumors on the Han and Hui societies, this rebellion was closely related to the formation of militias. Occurring a midst of the militarization process, the Muslim rebellion of the Wei River area shared aspects similar to the other rebellions occurred all over China in this period.

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.9, pp.1499-1521,1588, 2002

---

Known as the greatest incident in Chines Muslim history, the Muslim rebellion in the Shaanxi and Gansu provinces (1862-1878) has also attracted attention as being one of the peasantry rebel. lions near the end of the Qing dynasty. However, by analyzing the outbreak and spread of the rumors frequently occurring before and during the rebellion, a different image of the Muslim re bellion can be conceived, There was orderly discipline between Han and Hui in the Wei River area before the rebellion, even though occasional strife, such as feuds, and a strong sense of having a different culture and society among each other existed. Focusing on the change of content of the rumors, the Muslim riots in the Wei River area in 1862 was the outbreak of the Han and Hui differentiating each other and destroying the order that had existed between them. Each society fighting for its survival, it can be said that this rebdlion had the characteristic of an "ethnic conflict". Also taking into account of the impact and spread. ing process of the "Wash away Muslims" rumors on the Han and Hui societies, this rebellion was closely related to the formation of militias. Occurring a midst of the militarization process, the Muslim rebellion of the Wei River area shared aspects similar to the other rebellions occurred all over China in this period.

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

---

The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion's local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.