著者
中西 雄二
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.6, pp.649-665, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
81
被引用文献数
1 1

More than two million Russian refugees resulted from the Russian Revolution in 1917. These refugees were termed "White Russians" ("Hakkei-Roshiajin" in Japanese) and did not accept the Soviet regime. For this reason, they escaped from their motherland and spread to many countries similar to a diaspora.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the way of life and the functions of White Russian society who chose Kobe, a former central city of White Russians living in Japan, as their domicile. This study is based on documents from the Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and oral data gained through fact-finding visits and interviews in the area.Most White Russians in Japan lived in Tokyo and Yokohama before the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, a large number of them migrated from the Tokyo area to Kobe, which provided shelter from the disaster. Thereafter, Kobe became one of the central settlements of White Russians in Japan, along with the Tokyo metropolitan area. In those days, many White Russians, more than 400 people at its highest point, settled in Kobe, particularly in the former Fukiai and Ikuta wards.The term "White Russians" refers to all people from the territory of the Russian Empire, including Christians, Jews, and Muslim Tatars. Therefore, White Russians are a group that is diverse in terms of culture, ethnicity and religion. Consequently, their organizations were based on their religious affiliations in Kobe.In the period after 1925, White Russians were categorized as stateless in Japan. They had the right to obtain a "Nansen Passport", issued by the League of Nations as identification cards, but their status was very uncertain. Moreover, many White Russians were peddlers and frequently travelled around. As a result, the Japanese authorities watched them closely as they were suspicious that White Russians were spies sent from foreign countries, especially from the Soviet Union. In fact, some White Russians were expelled from Japan in the 1920s. However, in the 1930s, chauvinistic nationalism arose among White Russians themselves, and some of them even provided donations to the Japanese government and army. This indicates that the White Russian society was subsumed within Japanese society in those days. In addition, there was some conflict over the attitude toward the Soviet Union in White Russian society.After W. W. II, the number of White Russians in Japan suddenly decreased. This is because many people went abroad in order to avoid chaos after the war. In Kobe, there was also a rapid decrease in the population of White Russians, and their organizations gradually declined and eventually dissolved. Today, only "The Kobe Eastern Orthodox Church Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", "The Kobe Muslim Mosque", and "The Kobe Foreign Cemetery" remain in Kobe as remnants of former White Russian society.These cases illustrate the disappearance of the ethnicity of White Russians in Kobe. There is a tendency for refugees to remigrate or for their families to disperse. Many White Russians were no exception, and this tendency is one of the reasons why White Russians disappeared from Kobe. In addition, the negative attitude of the Japanese state towards the inflow and settlement of foreigners is one of the major factors explaining their disappearance.
著者
中西 雄二
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
日本地理学会発表要旨集 2011年度日本地理学会春季学術大会
巻号頁・発行日
pp.101, 2011 (Released:2011-05-24)

_I_ はじめに 1953年12月25日、それまでアメリカ軍政下にあった奄美諸島の施政権が日本政府に返還された。これにより、奄美諸島は鹿児島県に再編入され、引き続いてアメリカ軍政下に置かれた沖縄との間に新たな行政的な分断が生じることとなった。そして、奄美に本籍を置いたまま沖縄で生活する人々は、法的に「外国人」として扱われるとともに、外国人登録の義務化やそれまで保障されていた様々な権利の剥奪をみるに至った。本研究では、沖縄における奄美出身者の法的地位が大きく変動した奄美の施政権返還前後の時期に注目し、沖縄における奄美出身者の就業状況や同郷団体活動の様態を明らかにすることを目的とする。 _II_ 奄美から沖縄への移住 第2次世界大戦前から他地域への移住が数多く認められた奄美諸島であったが、当初、近接する沖縄方面への移住はそれほど多くなく、むしろ日本「本土」の工業地帯や産炭地域へ移住する人々の規模の方が圧倒的に大きかった(『奄美』1930年2月号)。そうした状況が一変したのが、第2次世界大戦後である。特に、沖縄でのアメリカ軍基地の本格的な建設ラッシュが始まり、それに伴う軍作業に従事する労働者需要が高まった1950年以降、奄美から沖縄への「出稼ぎ」移住は急増した。この背景には、1946年2月に沖縄・奄美と「本土」との間の渡航が制限されていたことや、戦後の大規模な引き揚げによって奄美の人口が過去最高を記録するなど、余剰労働人口の顕在化していたことなどが挙げられる。 _III_ 底辺労働者としての就労 1950年半ばには沖縄での軍作業従事者約4万人中、約1万3000人が奄美出身者といわれるまでになった。そのため、1950年代前半を通して、沖縄本島における大島本籍者の居住分布は那覇市周辺の市街地とともに、基地建設が盛んに行われた本島中部への集中傾向が認められた。また、当時、主に男性に特化されていた建設労働者以外にも、女性の「出稼ぎ」も顕著となったが、性産業を含めた底辺労働に従事する人々も少なくなく、しだいに奄美出身者を表す「大島人」という標識が差別的な意味合いを持つ場面も出てくることとなった。沖縄だけでなく、奄美のマス・メディアまでが警察による沖縄在住奄美出身者の検挙事例を強調するような状況で、沖縄で組織された沖縄奄美会は、同郷者の「善導・救済・犯罪防止」を目指す活動を模索する。 _IV_ 奄美返還をめぐる動揺 このような状況で、1953年には当局が把握する正式に本籍を奄美から沖縄に移した奄美出身者だけでも約4万人に達していたが、同年8月に日本政府への奄美の施政権返還が沖縄に先行して決定した。以降、返還時期と返還後の沖縄在住奄美出身者の法的地位の扱いに関する議論が活発化する。例えば、1953年8月18日の『沖縄タイムス』に「沖縄にとって大島の分離は明らかにプラスである。(中略)大島人の多くが引き揚げることにでもなれば、漸く就職難を訴えてきた労働界は供給不足という事態が生ずることになるので沖縄の労働者にとってこの上もない好条件をつくることになる」といった社説が掲載されたり、同年12月に沖縄全島市町村長定例会議が奄美出身者の大規模な郷里帰還を琉球政府に要請したりした。 結果的に、沖縄在住奄美出身者は奄美の先行返還後、沖縄に本籍を移さない限り外国人である「非琉球人」として扱われることとなり、選挙権や公務員への就職資格などを失っただけではなく、他の日本国籍者に与えられていた政府税の優遇措置の適用外に位置づけられるなど、極めて不利な立場に置かれることとなった。 以上の一連の過程を経て、沖縄奄美会に代表される奄美出身者の同郷団体は「公民権運動」と呼ばれる権利回復を求める運動を繰り広げるなどした。しかし、いわゆる「名士」層を主としていた同郷団体は、底辺労働者の同郷者に対する否定的な認識を内在化していたこともあり、広範な層の同郷者を糾合することもなく、結局は1972年の沖縄返還まで、抜本的な処遇改善を達成するには至らなかったといえる。
著者
中西 雄二
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.6, pp.649-665, 2004
被引用文献数
2 1

More than two million Russian refugees resulted from the Russian Revolution in 1917. These refugees were termed "White Russians" ("Hakkei-Roshiajin" in Japanese) and did not accept the Soviet regime. For this reason, they escaped from their motherland and spread to many countries similar to a diaspora.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the way of life and the functions of White Russian society who chose Kobe, a former central city of White Russians living in Japan, as their domicile. This study is based on documents from the Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and oral data gained through fact-finding visits and interviews in the area.Most White Russians in Japan lived in Tokyo and Yokohama before the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, a large number of them migrated from the Tokyo area to Kobe, which provided shelter from the disaster. Thereafter, Kobe became one of the central settlements of White Russians in Japan, along with the Tokyo metropolitan area. In those days, many White Russians, more than 400 people at its highest point, settled in Kobe, particularly in the former Fukiai and Ikuta wards.The term "White Russians" refers to all people from the territory of the Russian Empire, including Christians, Jews, and Muslim Tatars. Therefore, White Russians are a group that is diverse in terms of culture, ethnicity and religion. Consequently, their organizations were based on their religious affiliations in Kobe.In the period after 1925, White Russians were categorized as stateless in Japan. They had the right to obtain a "Nansen Passport", issued by the League of Nations as identification cards, but their status was very uncertain. Moreover, many White Russians were peddlers and frequently travelled around. As a result, the Japanese authorities watched them closely as they were suspicious that White Russians were spies sent from foreign countries, especially from the Soviet Union. In fact, some White Russians were expelled from Japan in the 1920s. However, in the 1930s, chauvinistic nationalism arose among White Russians themselves, and some of them even provided donations to the Japanese government and army. This indicates that the White Russian society was subsumed within Japanese society in those days. In addition, there was some conflict over the attitude toward the Soviet Union in White Russian society.After W. W. II, the number of White Russians in Japan suddenly decreased. This is because many people went abroad in order to avoid chaos after the war. In Kobe, there was also a rapid decrease in the population of White Russians, and their organizations gradually declined and eventually dissolved. Today, only "The Kobe Eastern Orthodox Church Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", "The Kobe Muslim Mosque", and "The Kobe Foreign Cemetery" remain in Kobe as remnants of former White Russian society.These cases illustrate the disappearance of the ethnicity of White Russians in Kobe. There is a tendency for refugees to remigrate or for their families to disperse. Many White Russians were no exception, and this tendency is one of the reasons why White Russians disappeared from Kobe. In addition, the negative attitude of the Japanese state towards the inflow and settlement of foreigners is one of the major factors explaining their disappearance.
著者
中西 雄二
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.172-187, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)
参考文献数
84
被引用文献数
2

In this study, I elucidate the settlement process of Amami migrants in Kobe before World War II. Next, I analyze Amami settlers’ reactions to their host society by observing the activity of homeland-based associations and the dominant discourse about their own identity by the elite class of Amami settlers. The number of migrants from the Amami Islands to Kobe increased rapidly during the 1920s when Kobe industrialized and some areas were formed where Amami settlers were concentrated. This resulted from chain migration that is based on using connections as a means to find work and housing.In borderlands like the Amami Islands, the inhabitants frequently face situations where they are ‘othered’ in the process of being subsumed within a modern nation consisting largely of a majority people. This exerts great influence upon the construction of their identity. The purpose of this paper is to examine dynamic aspects of identity and networks that were constructed within the formation process of the community of Amami migrants. The case of Amami migrants illustrates a formation process different from the spontaneous one that originates with the relationship established before migration. With the creation of these various scale communities based on territorial bonds, nested commonness became structured. Moreover, many homeland-based associations for Amami settlers advocated assimilation into mainland Japan for the discipline and life-improvement of non-elite Amami migrants. This paper reveals the ambivalent and multiple aspects of the identity of Amami migrants ; they hope not only to assimilate into their host society but also to maintain their solidarity and their culture. This is one of the characteristics of the identity of Amami migrants. This characteristic emerged in a dynamic process of migration that was structured in a complex interaction among many factors.