著者

中西 雄二

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.649-665, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

81

被引用文献数

1 1

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More than two million Russian refugees resulted from the Russian Revolution in 1917. These refugees were termed "White Russians" ("Hakkei-Roshiajin" in Japanese) and did not accept the Soviet regime. For this reason, they escaped from their motherland and spread to many countries similar to a diaspora.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the way of life and the functions of White Russian society who chose Kobe, a former central city of White Russians living in Japan, as their domicile. This study is based on documents from the Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and oral data gained through fact-finding visits and interviews in the area.Most White Russians in Japan lived in Tokyo and Yokohama before the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, a large number of them migrated from the Tokyo area to Kobe, which provided shelter from the disaster. Thereafter, Kobe became one of the central settlements of White Russians in Japan, along with the Tokyo metropolitan area. In those days, many White Russians, more than 400 people at its highest point, settled in Kobe, particularly in the former Fukiai and Ikuta wards.The term "White Russians" refers to all people from the territory of the Russian Empire, including Christians, Jews, and Muslim Tatars. Therefore, White Russians are a group that is diverse in terms of culture, ethnicity and religion. Consequently, their organizations were based on their religious affiliations in Kobe.In the period after 1925, White Russians were categorized as stateless in Japan. They had the right to obtain a "Nansen Passport", issued by the League of Nations as identification cards, but their status was very uncertain. Moreover, many White Russians were peddlers and frequently travelled around. As a result, the Japanese authorities watched them closely as they were suspicious that White Russians were spies sent from foreign countries, especially from the Soviet Union. In fact, some White Russians were expelled from Japan in the 1920s. However, in the 1930s, chauvinistic nationalism arose among White Russians themselves, and some of them even provided donations to the Japanese government and army. This indicates that the White Russian society was subsumed within Japanese society in those days. In addition, there was some conflict over the attitude toward the Soviet Union in White Russian society.After W. W. II, the number of White Russians in Japan suddenly decreased. This is because many people went abroad in order to avoid chaos after the war. In Kobe, there was also a rapid decrease in the population of White Russians, and their organizations gradually declined and eventually dissolved. Today, only "The Kobe Eastern Orthodox Church Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", "The Kobe Muslim Mosque", and "The Kobe Foreign Cemetery" remain in Kobe as remnants of former White Russian society.These cases illustrate the disappearance of the ethnicity of White Russians in Kobe. There is a tendency for refugees to remigrate or for their families to disperse. Many White Russians were no exception, and this tendency is one of the reasons why White Russians disappeared from Kobe. In addition, the negative attitude of the Japanese state towards the inflow and settlement of foreigners is one of the major factors explaining their disappearance.

著者

岩動 志乃夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.2, pp.264-265, 2017 (Released:2017-07-07)

著者

桑林 賢治

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1, pp.5-30, 2021 (Released:2021-04-13)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

3

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先住民による「記憶の場所」の構築と,支配的マジョリティがそこに与えた文化的・社会的な影響を分析することは,先住民のアイデンティティと過去,そして場所の関係性を解明する一助となりうる。本稿は,アイヌによってシャクシャインに関する「記憶の場所」へと構築された北海道新ひだか町の真歌山を事例に,その構築がいかに彼(女)らをめぐるポストコロニアル状況に影響されていたのかを考察する。真歌山は従来からシャクシャインに対する顕彰行為の場であったが,1960年代末以降,和人のまなざしの影響を受けながら,アイヌ・アイデンティティと結びつく「記憶の場所」へと構築され,各地のアイヌを巻き込んでいった。その後も,アイヌによる和人のまなざしの受け止め方が変化するたびに,真歌山という「記憶の場所」は再構築され続けている。こうした動きには,文化的な喪失と同化を経験し,今なお和人のまなざしから解放されていない,現代のアイヌをめぐる文化的・社会的なポストコロニアル状況が映し出されていた。その意味で,真歌山は現代のアイヌを取り巻くコロニアリズムの残滓を反映した,ポストコロニアルな「記憶の場所」として位置づけられる。このようなコロニアリズムの残滓について,多様な解釈が存在することを想定し,それらを丁寧に読み解くことが,真歌山という「記憶の場所」の構築をより深く理解するためには必要である。

著者

今野 泰三

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.173-194, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

137

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本稿では,宗教の地理学と政治地理学の研究動向を,宗教と政治(特に国家建設やナショナリズムに動機付けられた領土問題や民族紛争)の関係性がどのように扱われてきたかという問題に焦点を当てて概観する。その上で,この問題が顕著に現れているパレスチナ・イスラエル紛争に関する地理学的研究の方向性を論じる。特に,当該紛争において宗教と政治が深く関わるユダヤ人入植地と民族宗教派に関する先行研究を整理・検討し,以下の2つの研究課題が重要であると論じる。第1は,紛争当事者のアイデンティティや他者との関係性を規定する,死/死者に関する語りと表象である。第2は,紛争当事者間の境界と規範と秩序の動態的な相互作用である。本論考では,これら2つの課題について筆者が行った研究の内容と意義を論じた上で,今後の研究課題として,1967年以降の入植地問題とそれ以前のシオニスト入植史を関連づける作業,特に宗教キブーツ運動とグーシュ・エムニームとの関係性をシオニスト入植史とパレスチナ地域史の中に位置づけて再検討していく作業が必要であると論じる。

著者

三木 理史

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.5, pp.373-391, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)

参考文献数

99

被引用文献数

1

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This paper clarifies the decline of the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities by analyzing transport coordination in Osaka City after World War II. First, the author hypothesizes that influences in urban traffic planning were reversed between the Ministry of Construction (the Ministry of the Interior before World War II) and the Ministry of Transport (the Ministry of Railways before World War II) before and after World War II, by concentrating on the Urban Transportation Council which played an important part in subsequent transport coordination. This is considered from two points:Transport management generally consists of both infrastructure and transport systems. The Ministry of Railways that regarded transport systems as businesses had difficulty controlling urban areas where the ratio of tram traffic was much higher than railway traffic, because the Ministry of the Interior, which regarded transport systems as belonging to infrastructure, dominated urban areas through the Urban Planning Central Council. However, the Urban Planning Central Council was abolished in 1941 under the influence of the wartime regime. Therefore, urban planning works were weakened because the Ministry of Interior was also dissolved. Since the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka City was the basis of urban planning that was greatly controlled by that ministry, it was thought to be obligated to conflict with the Ministry of Transport after World War II.The Ministry of Transport, which was organizationally constructed in 1949, promoted the Traffic Council to democratize traffic administration. The Traffic Council was related to the Land Transport Coordination Council from before World War II due to changes in transport legislation. The Urban Transportation Council used to be the Transport Coordination Council before World War II because it was constructed as one branch of the Traffic Council in 1955.This paper considers the decline of the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka from these two circumstances. Although necessarily unsettled before World War II, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities was restored to reflect the desires of the wartime regime. The Ministry of Transport tried to break through using G. H. Q. support immediately after World War II; in spite of this, ideas of municipal control continued to be entrenched. However, urban areas had spread rapidly because residents were fleeing to the suburbs to escape the bombing in the cities during the war. Because the municipality had difficulty monopolizing transport businesses in municipal areas due to serious traffic jams and increased automobile traffic during the era of high economic growth, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities lost geographical validity. Therefore, because the construction of municipal subway lines was very expensive, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities also lost economic viability. As a result, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities declined rapidly after the end of the period of high economic growth.By considering the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka, the reasons for its decline may be generally seen as a deficit in the transport businesses of the Osaka municipality. However, this paper clarifies that the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka declined not only due to geographical factors but also economic factors. Therefore, its decline was also related to the reversal of relative power between the Ministries of Transport and Construction in urban transport planning after World War II.

著者

平井 松午

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.458-459, 2022 (Released:2023-02-14)

参考文献数

1

著者

森 正人

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.1-22, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)

参考文献数

98

被引用文献数

3 2

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This article traces some trajectories of social and cultural geography since the end of the 1980s to the early 2000s and attempts to explain how the geography of materiality has become a matter in current Anglophone geography, especially in the United Kingdom. Although the new cultural geography of Japan redefines social and cultural geography and focuses on discursive practices and representations, in Japan there is low awareness of discussions on post-humanism, which is a topic in Anglophone geography. Anglophone geography consists of topics such as materiality, performativity, complexity theory, and actor-network theory. There is no paper in the Japanese or English literature in Japan that discusses such topics. Hence, this article attempts to establish a framework to facilitate the discussion of topics such as those mentioned above.To begin with, the process of development of the new cultural geography is detailed in order to review the questions raised towards the end of the 1980s on both sides of the Atlantic. The new social and cultural geography has progressed beyond the conventional understanding of culture, which is sustained by traditional cultural geography, stressing the complex relation between culture, economy and politics, and has also served to underline the crisis in geographical representations associated with anthropological discussions. In this consideration, moral geography, which forms webs of ideologies through space, place, and landscape, is examined. There have been criticisms of the new cultural geography, of which a problem of reification of the idea of culture is noted here. However, the controversy around this criticism seemingly still retains a problem of metaphysics, and rigidly assumes the existence of ‘subject’ and ‘object’. Phil Crang’s paper that intends to combine the cultural aspect with economic geography implies the idea of culture and economy as something performed. It states that there is no linearity or predetermined harmony among cultural, economic and political practices. This point of view was amplified in some lines of discussions in the late 1990s.Second, theoretical frameworks for performativity, hybridity, ethics, non-representational theory, complexity theory, and actor-network theory are outlined in this essay. The power of things, women, nature, etc. that have been objectified is included as these discussions revolve around the issue of western metaphysics which continually attempts to establish a rigid division between the subject and the object. The distinction has been always/already mediated by the corporeal. The traces left by the corporeal or things reveals the impossibility of the execution of the project of western metaphysics. Ethics are centered, instead of moral geography, to grasp the entanglement of humans and non-humans.Third, criticism of the material turn that occurred at the end of the 1990s is studied. The discussion on materiality became a critical vehicle to overcome the weakness of verbal analysis. Mike Crang’s papers on heritage show that materiality emerges in various practices and affects people’s memories. Materiality is not only an issue of matter. Subsequently, there is reference to a controversy between Daniel Miller, who influenced the material turn in geography, and Michel Callon, who proposed the actor-network theory. It demonstrates how Miller is captured by the classic Hegelian/Marxist concept: Miller assumes the linearity of ideology in a market and the predominance of the subject over the object. It is, therefore, understandable that some geographers were accused of continuing to retain Hegelian beliefs, i. e., the belief that there is a binary relation between subject/object, spirit/thing, and human/nature.(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

村田 陽平

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.6, pp.533-551, 2000-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

80

被引用文献数

4 5

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Over the decades since the 1970s, feminist geography has challenged the exclusion of women from the production of geographical knowledge. With the emergence of feminist geography, gender perspectives have attracted considerable attention. However, men who feel alienated by changing gender roles have not received much attention. The purpose of this article is to elucidate the empirical situation of the masculinity of geographical knowledge by highlighting the major characteristics of alienated middle-aged single men in contemporary Japan.In the introductory section, an overview and the significance of feminist geography are discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the importance of men's studies within gender research in geography. The development of men's studies has enabled an interrogation of masculinity from varied angles.The second section is devoted to an explanation of the interview method employed in the article and its limitations. The informants are ten single men, aged 35-64. Their narratives are quoted as evidence of their alienation.The third section interprets the concrete places within which middle-aged single men feel alienated. The specific contents of these places of alienation are presented as follows:1. In rural areas, where they do not play an important role within patriarchy, they are not regarded as 'full-fledged' men.2. At the workplace, where they are unable to participate in male bonding which is a feature of homosocial workspaces.3. At home, where the lack of women results in their homes being labelled as 'dirty', as men are considered to lack the ability to do housework.4. In contemporary gendered urban spaces, where despite an image of these spaces allowing diversity, middle-aged single men feel suppressed.The evidence from the research points to the above four factors being the main considerations underlying the alienation of single and middle-aged men.Based upon the discussion of the preceding sections, the fourth section interprets the meanings of space and place from the standpoint of men who feel alienated, with reference to feminist geography. Firstly, it is noted that place in humanistic geography, which has been criticized by feminist geography as having a masculinist bias, alienates middle-aged single men, as well as women. Moreover, feminist geography points out that the notion of space in Marxist geography is also gendered. This paper draws attention to the fact that gendered space does not privilege all men, but just those men who meet certain conditions of masculinity.The final section discusses the conclusion reached, that hegemonic masculinity in geographical knowledge oppresses not only women, but also men. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate differences among men.

著者

三上 正利

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.5, pp.323-339,401, 1957-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

73

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In Western Siberia it was in the late Palaeolithic Age that men came to liver for the first time (Cf. Fig. 1). They enlarged their dwelling. area as far as_ the lower Ob River in the Neolithic Age (Cf. Fig. 2). The first farming of Western Siberia was begun in the southern part of it at the Andronovskaya epoch (1700-1200 B.C.). The northenmost bounds of agriculture in the end of the Bronze Age were along the line of Kurgan, Petropavlovsk and Omsk. In other words, they were in the southern part of the forest steppe zone. In the part of the Minusinsk Basin, irrigation-farming was begun at the Tagarskaya epoch (700-100 B.C.). About the fifth century, they started to till the fields with plough under the influence of China. S.V. Kiselev states that hack-tilling with irrigation played the main role in the rise of the Türk people(_??__??_)in the Altay in the sixth century and that plough-tilling with irrigation came to have an important meaning in the rise of the Kyrgys people(_??__??__??_)in the upper Yenisey River in the tenth century. The agriculture in Southern Siberia, which had developed comparatively highly in the ancient time, fell into decay in the latter period.When the Russian people began colonizing in the end of the sixteenth century, the northernmost bounds of agriculture by the native peoples had moved up to the north as far as the line of Tobolsk, Tomsk and Krasnoyarsk. In other words, they were in the south of the forest zone. Only the Tatars of the Siberian khanate were tilling with plough, and the rest peoples were tilling with hack. In general, agriculture was mere the supplementary means of industry to hunting, fishing and stock farming. There were some peoples who didn't engage in agriculture. From the oldest times, Western Siberia had been the mixed area of the race of the mongoloid type and the race of the europeoid type. There were Mongoloid peoples in the north and Europeoid peoples in the south. In the Minusinsk Basin, however, mongolonization came to have a remarkable meaning at the Tashtykskaya epoch (1c. B.C-4c. A.D.). It means the process of Turkicization in the fields of both language and civilization, in which the peoples called the Tatars by Russians were formed, in the Altay and the middle and upper parts of the Yenisey River.

著者

丹羽 弘一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.5, pp.545-564, 1992-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

67

被引用文献数

1 4

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This article seeks to explain the circumstances of homeless people in Osaka City and their temporal change using the concept of the social space in an urban area. The special concern here is Kamagasaki District, a typical and nationally well-known yoseba (the space served as a catchment place of day laborers for jobs regarded as relatively unskilled). Such places generally have a large number of cheap lodging houses (doyagai) for them. The homeless people in Japan, mostly single man, were called formerly runpen or furosha, and currently are known as nojukusha. They correspond to day laborers in a substantive sense.Kamagasaki is a commonly-used place name of the neighborhood, located in the northeastern part of Nishinari-ward, Osaka City, and its extent is almost identical to that of Airin-chiku (Airin District), as is has usually been referred to by the administrative authorities, police and mass media. There is a huge day labor market centered on Airin Multi-purpose Center in this area and it is generally said that the district has more than twenty thousand day laborers, about two hundred cheap lodging houses and numerous eating houses, resulting in a distinctive landscape segregated from surrounding areas.In the second section, previous research of yoseba is reviewd. This district has been studied as a disorganized area mainly by social pathologists in the existing literature of social science. But it mirrors a negative and passive understanding of this social space in urban area. The author here, putting emphasis on the social structural context, would like to identify a certain social space focused on the district. On this occation the actual situation concerned with the homeless is a very good indicator of the social space.The third section is devoted to a historical explanation. In the period immediately after World War II, Osaka City's governmental measures toward the homeless was to settle disorder due to the influx of sufferers and returnees in and around Osaka Station. Nevertheless, as the district served as the place for single male day laborers during the period of fast economic growth in the 1960s, the homeless within the city tended to be accounted for primarily by Kamagasaki's day-laborers. Then, the measures were developed in the Airin regime (Airin taisei) which was established in the beginning of the 1970's, motivated by the‘riots’and still continues. The survey of occupational careers conducted in 1988 indicates that, the numbers of homeless persons rise occur in the season or months when jobs are unavailable, whereas they become laborers in the remainder.Specific attributes are discussed in the fourth section. According to the records of the Thursday Night Patrol Party within the Kamagasaki Christian Society, there is a general tendency to seasonal size change in incidence of the homeless: they expand from April to summer and then contract. Such change is due to the job offering variation concerned with the labor force through the Nishinari Labor and Welfare Center as well as climatic condition such as temparature. Moreover, the records suggests that this change has been less remarkable within the district, while now obvious outside it. Also worthy-of-note is that, as the number of the homeless as a whole tends to decrease, the inside-the-district proportion has been lower.In the 1988 investigation, the homeless persons are grouped into the following three length types: the long type (more than one year), the short type (less than one year), and the cyclic type, which implies repeatedly homeless and non-homeless conditions seasonally over the past years. Furthermore, such types are cross tabulated with income source and reason for becoming homeless. With regard to the source, many of the long and short types work as junk dealer (yoseya), while most of the other type are day laborers.

著者

齋藤 駿介

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.1-26, 2022 (Released:2022-04-19)

参考文献数

28

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本稿では,近代仙台における法定都市計画の展開と市域拡張の関係を,周辺町村の動向に着目しながら明らかにする。仙台都市計画の主眼は周辺町村の市街化・工業化に置かれ,その展開に呼応して市域拡張が3次にわたって実施された。仙台市主導の第1次市域拡張は先行して指定された都市計画区域と同域を対象としており,直近の法定都市計画に必要な領域を取り込むという目的が明確であった。一方,第2・3次市域拡張は,隣接村からの強い要望の下で実施された。この背景には,法定都市計画の進展が周辺地域に都市計画・市域拡張の恩恵を意識させ,それと同時に周辺地域内での競争意識を駆り立てたことがあり,仙台では先行する市域拡張が次なる市域拡張を惹起させていた。さらに,都市計画は一貫して市域拡張の必要性を主張する根拠として引用されたが,合併の必要性が差し迫ってはいなかった第2・3次市域拡張ではその役割がより強調された。こうして法定都市計画と市域拡張の実施による「大仙台」建設への期待は高まり続けたが,実際には都市計画事業の進捗は大幅に遅延していた。以上の考察から,近代仙台における法定都市計画は実際の都市空間を改変する技術としての意義以上に将来的な近代都市「大仙台」建設のビジョンを示す意義が重視されており,市域拡張は「大仙台」の展開領域を具体的に提示することで遅延しがちな法定都市計画を補完する役割を果たしていたと考えられる。

著者

山近 久美子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.3, pp.231-250, 2010 (Released:2018-01-19)

参考文献数

99

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This study examines the ideas of ancient people about places for placenta rituals in Heijo-kyo, the 8th-century capital of Japan. The placenta is the material that comes out of a woman’s body after she gives birth to a baby, which is necessary to nourish and protect the baby in utero. Traditionally, the treatment of the placenta has been associated with the health and future of the baby, so there are many forms of related ceremonies around the world.In Japan, placenta rituals took different forms in different periods. In many modern instances, the placenta was wrapped with paper or cloth and put in a pot, then buried underground in an auspicious direction. The pot contained, if the baby was a boy, a brush or an ink stick with his placenta. If the baby was a girl, there was a thread or a needle with her placenta.Archaeologists have cited placenta rituals in folklore for their interpretations of pottery-buried remains. Many archaeologists have believed pottery was ritually buried around the front door of houses since in folklore, the placenta was frequently put in a pot and buried under the entrance of a house. But placentas were actually buried in various places apart from the front door; for example, in the shade, on mountains, by the roadside, in estates, under the floor, and in lavatories.The oldest attested pottery-buried remains are found at the capital, Heijo-kyo. It is difficult to determine the purposes of burying earthenware during the Nara period. Yet two major purposes are for ground-purification ceremonies and for placenta rituals. So this paper first attempted to classify them by the kinds and the contents of the ritually buried pottery. The typical pottery used for placenta rituals is Sue ware jars called “Sueki tsubo A”, resembling a medicine pot that was associated with Yakushi or the Buddha of healing. The typical contents of the pottery are ink sticks, brushes and pieces of cloth.The sites where pottery-buried remains were unearthed are large in size and near the Heijo Palace. This fact suggests that placenta ceremonies were carried out by government officials of the Heijo-kyo capital. And the sites of rituals were not always at entrances, but in many cases around the houses. According to ancient Chinese medical books, burying the placenta in the shade was taboo. But in modern folklore of Japan, the shade was often chosen as the place for burying the placenta, and many placentas were buried under the floors of houses.In this respect, the sites where pottery-buried remains were unearthed in Heijo-kyo differ from those of placenta rituals as described in modern folklore. We came to the conclusion that though in Heijo-kyo they had their own idea about the placenta burial site, the rituals were typically performed by government officials on the basis of ancient Chinese medical books.

著者

スミス・ ネィール

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.51-66, 2000-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

被引用文献数

2 6

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1980年代と1990年代のグローバル化に関する広く行きわたった認識は、資本蓄積の進行に地理的空間がますます関わらなくなっているという考えを助長してきた。多くの公式的な見解とは反して、グローバル化は金融資本の国際化よりも製造資本の国際化に刺激を受けている。グローバル化のもとでは、はるかにより包括的な過程が生じている-それは徹底的な地理的スケールの再構築である。本稿は、資本蓄積が、経済的な状況については国民国家の相対的後退を伴いつつ、グローバル-ローカル関係がますます決定的になる新たな段階に突入していることを論じる。このことにより、グローバルな資本の中核に多くのアジアとラテンアメリカの経済が状況に応じて統合される一方でアフリカと世界中の縁辺化された人々がますます追い払われる、地理的不均等発展の新しいパターンがあらわれている。

著者

阿部 亮吾

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.197-213, 2006 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

88

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Hiroshima is very famous because it was the first city in the history of the world that was hit by an atomic bomb. The purpose of this paper is to explore the controversy over the conservation or demolition of the buildings damaged by the atomic bomb (the buildings A-bombed) in Hiroshima. There are two important agents concerned with this controversy. One is the local administration of Hiroshima City, which wants to remove these buildings. The other comprises a number of groups who want to conserve them. Through two significant controversies over the buildings A-bombed since the 1970s, I first examined the claims of the two conflicting sides and made it clear that these controversies are, in fact, spatial conflicts over “landscapes of the atomic bomb”.1. The local administration has a spatial orientation that tries to contain the A-bombed memory and history in Hiroshima into a limited landscape of the atomic bomb, including the Atomic Bomb Dome as a “Symbol of Peace’’ and the peace memorial park around it. Atomic Bomb Dome was decided in 1966 to conserve in perpetuity, and, in 1996, it was registered on the UNESCO World Heritage list.2. Conservation group advocates have insisted that landscapes of the atomic bomb must be established all over Hiroshima through an expansion of the example of the Atomic Bomb Dome.I explain that the current controversies concerning the buildings A-bombed in Hiroshima are spatial conflicts between the local administration and conservation groups, and I point out that the Atomic Bomb Dome plays an important role in these controversies.Second, I explored the historical moment when the administration’s orientation was formed by examining the period of recovery (1945-1952) from Second World War damage. I paid attention to important city plans for recovery in this period, and analysed two urban concepts which city planners were concerned with at that time. As a result, I revealed this point: 3. Two concepts were fitst, a “peace city’’ concept which contributed to the establishment of the bill for the construction of a peace commemorating city and second, an urban concept about modernization which formed the basis of the city planning for recovery. And both of them produced the peace memorial park around the epicenter. Then the Atomic Bomb Dome was positioned as an important component of the park and defined as the “the only one’’ building A-bombed in Hiroshima. This definition played a vital role in the fate of the other buildings which were A-bombed, because it meant that all of these, except for the Dome, would be excluded from both the processes of construction of a peace commemorating city and a modern city. I think this definition was the historical moment that led to the local administration’s current orientation.Now, in face of the visible disappearance of other buildings except for the Atomic Bomb Dome, there has been an increase in the number of different voices on rethinking how Hiroshima should be in the future. I conclude that our historical-geographical imaginations of the history and memory affected by the atomic bomb are essential for rethinking the future of Hiroshima.

著者

立見 淳哉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.25-48, 2018 (Released:2018-04-02)

参考文献数

69

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本稿では,パリのファッション産業を事例に,価値づけの仕組みと大都市集積の役割を明らかにした。パリのファッション産業は,知識創造など非物質的労働と衣服の製造に伴う物質的労働,ネットワークと結合が典型的に見出される事例であり,またパリという空間の中で複雑な価値づけの仕組みを有している。すなわち,フォーマル/インフォーマルな制度・慣行・媒介者の存在,膨大なコモン,出会いとネットワーク構築を通じた知識・情報の相互移転,買い手とのマッチングを媒介するショー・展示会・小売店舗,そしてそれらが立地する場所といったものである。これらの雑多な諸要素が,パリの中で分散しつつも,それぞれの市場の価値づけ活動の中で結合し配置されることで,価値づけの装置として機能しているのである。ミリュー論をはじめとして,これまでの集積研究が,コーディネーション問題の解決と集団学習の基盤となる「領域化された制度・慣行」として産業集積地域を捉えてきたのに対して,産業集積あるいはミリューは「領域化されたコーディネーションと価値づけの装置」として捉えられることを示した。

著者

石川 慶一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1, pp.31-54, 2021 (Released:2021-04-13)

参考文献数

42

被引用文献数

4

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本稿は東京都中央区の民間賃貸住宅居住者の住民特性と移動歴を明らかにした。中央区の民間賃貸マンション居住の単身者を対象とした質問紙調査では,分析対象者の76.4%が未婚者,16.4%が有配偶者であり,両者の9割以上がホワイトカラー従事者であることが明らかとなった。分析対象者の半数以上を占める25~39歳の未婚者の移動歴をみると,出身地によって異なる傾向が示された。東京圏出身者は学卒後に東京圏郊外や都区部から中央区に転入する傾向があった。一方,非東京圏出身者は,就職を機に一度都区部や東京圏郊外に着地した後で中央区に住み替えるか,転勤や転職を機に非東京圏から中央区に転入する傾向があった。このように未婚者の住居移動の経路は複数に分岐しているが,いずれの場合であっても,彼らの中央区への来住は主として職住近接を志向した自発的移動の結果とみなせる。移動歴について1960~1980年代の郊外化時代の多産少死世代と現在の団塊ジュニア以降の世代を比較すると,後者の移動歴には,未婚者の都心3区への内向移動と未婚者が都心に転入する時の年齢の上昇が生じている。本稿は1990年代後半以降の東京都心3区における人口回復の背景として,団塊ジュニア以降の世代の住居移動に効果を及ぼす未婚期の長期化という家族形成規範の変化とバブル経済崩壊という時代背景を指摘した。

著者

麻生 将

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.22-41, 2011 (Released:2018-01-23)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

1 2

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People have often regarded a specific person or group as being different, and excluded them. Exclusion is a universal phenomenon, and it sometimes is manifested spatially. Still, exclusion is a complicated phenomenon because buildings that are related to groups of people who are different are not only destroyed but can also be converted by exclusionary groups. Such buildings include various narratives, memories, or discourses of exclusion, so it is possible to call such converted buildings “landscapes of exclusion.” The purpose of this research is to analyze the process that generated “landscapes of exclusion” for Catholics on Amamioshima in the 1930’s.Catholicism came to Amamioshima in the early Meiji era. Originally, the local religious groups called Noro or Yuta tried to exclude Catholicism from Amamioshima, but many people believed Catholicism would contribute to the education, medical treatment, and welfare of people on Amamioshima, and they were baptized. From the late Meiji era to the early Showa era, Catholicism was generally regarded as being different; however, because Catholicism contributed to the social welfare of people on Amamioshima, it was not excluded until the 1930’s. Catholics established a mission school called the Oshima Girls’ High School at a local assemblymen’s behest, but Catholicism became the target of suspicion because many missionaries were Canadian. As a result, the mission school was closed through an opposition movement among some locals. Owing to this incident, Catholicism was excluded socially and spatially by various local people: journalists, local assemblymen, military men, and local residents. Eventually, all Catholic workers were excluded from Amamioshima, and most believers were forced to abjure their faith. They were prohibited from gathering and praying by the local residents, and the Catholic community collapsed until the end of World War II. As a result, the unique Japanese ideological space, known as Japanese Imperialism, was expanded in Amamioshima prior to the rest of the country.In addition, the real estate of Catholics was not sold but instead became public property. This paper addresses the case of the Renga-Midou chapel in Naze City. In the process of conversion, Renga-Midou was given the mantle of Naze City’s future prosperity and became the symbol of Japanese Imperialism and its justification for the exclusion of Catholics from Amami-oshima and Japan. In this act the symbol of Renga-Midou was changed from being a symbol of Catholicism to one of Japanese Imperialism, while at the same time creating a “landscape of exclusion.” This was related to the situation of Amamioshima, which was an unstable borderland in the modern Japanese ethnic nation-state.

著者

太田 孝

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.4, pp.283-301, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)

参考文献数

66

被引用文献数

2 2

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As Japan was reorganized on a war footing during the prewar Showa Era, various measures restricting consumption within citizens’ lives were enacted by the government. School trips to pay respects at the Ise Jingu Shrine, however, were widely carried out by schools throughout Japan as ‘specially permitted school trips’ due to the Tenno ideology or emperor system. This study is an examination of the influence of these school trips to the Ise Jingu Shrine on the development of postwar Japanese tourism. In conducting the study, the cultural aspect of tourism was focused on.In the postwar Japanese travel market, the travel boom known as ‘mass tourism’ took place. The Japanese travel style in the category of the mass tourism is often referred to as ‘a hurried group excursion. ‘Where do people’s motivations for a trip originate ? And where does their travel style come from ? An earlier study has pointed out that the development of tourism is largely influenced by such external factors as socio-economic environment and media information regarding tourism. But while these external factors can act as promotional or suppressive factors, they are not fundamental in determining the desires of people. The arising of a motivation to travel and the development of a travel style take on form only when there is already a basis in the mind that responds to these external factors, which must have been fostered over a long period of time. It might be supposed that such a basis had already formed in the mind of people in the prewar period. Based on the above-mentioned awareness, in order to examine the epoch-making nature of postwar Japanese tourism, this study shows how the basis of Japanese tourism has been formed, first through analyzing the practice of travel contemporary with that period, and second, through examining the process in people’s mind towards travel style in prewar period while looking the ‘school trip to Ise Jingu Shrine,’ which many schoolchildren had experienced, as a model case.While the school trip to Ise Jingu Shrine has often been studied from the perspective of militaristic indoctrination, the ideology of the Tenno system and of ritualization, and with regard to the history of its establishment and development, studies based on the cultural aspects of tourism are rather few. In addition to the significance and effect of the school trip in terms of reverence for the imperial household, the veneration of gods, respect for ancestors, and as an opportunity for educators to train and discipline, it consequently contributed to a better exchange of communication between teachers and pupils, and among the pupils themselves. The experience of the school trip itself as well as on-the-spot group training and the contact with friends have had an influence on the formation of the mass culture, in which the pupils got involved during the course of their later lives.In this study, I took a different approach from the conventional perspective in the history of school trips, and as a result, the extent to which the school trip to Ise Jingu Shrine has influenced the development of postwar Japanese tourism was revealed.

著者

平松 晃一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.55-70, 2012 (Released:2018-01-24)

参考文献数

63

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This paper highlights the complex diversity of the interpretations of a site that has not been commemorated. The processes of commemoration of a site has been analyzed as the contestation over the dominant interpretation of the past of the site. However, little attention has been paid to sites that are not publicly commemorated.Ofuna POW Camp is an example. Its function during WW2 was to provide a center on mainland Japan for the Imperial Japanese Navy to interrogate allied POWs. After the war, many staff members were indicted as “Class B/C” war criminals. At present, a proposal to build a monument to the camp has not progressed owing to disagreements about where it should be built, and what form the monument should take.The crux of the issue is the camp’s contested legacy: the position of the Allied countries is that the camp should be censured for its inhumane treatment of prisoners, whereas Japan is critical of what it regards as the unjustness of the war crimes trials. However, on closer examination, a more complex picture emerges. This is demonstrated by classifying the respective parties as POWs, guards, interrogators, and neighbors. Each of their interpretations and experiences are then shown to contextualize their perceptions in particular ways—including some that deviate from antagonisms at the national level. These include the amicability between POWs and interrogators or neighbors, as well as conflicts arising over whether or not an individual was indicted for war crimes, along with their probable degree of awareness of what was going on in the camp. Other cases remain inconclusive because the individual’s interpretations of the camp were too ambivalent.It is concluded that this uncommemorated site demonstrates the equivocal nature and conflict involved in the attempts to interpret the past of the site. This means there is some evidence that cannot be collected and interpreted to the point where it confirms the stark oppositions that conflict requires. Learning to become attentive to this transitional situation prior to commemoration is one means of ensuring the reinterpretation and verification of existing interpretations. Ofuna POW Camp is not an isolated case in this regard because there is considerable potential to unify the interpretations, so that the open validation by posterity of uncommemorated sites may eventually attain a general significance.

著者

片山 才一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.2, pp.138-144, 1961-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

6