著者
高木 彰彦
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.1, pp.26-40, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
103
被引用文献数
2
著者
中西 雄二
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.6, pp.649-665, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
81
被引用文献数
1 1

More than two million Russian refugees resulted from the Russian Revolution in 1917. These refugees were termed "White Russians" ("Hakkei-Roshiajin" in Japanese) and did not accept the Soviet regime. For this reason, they escaped from their motherland and spread to many countries similar to a diaspora.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the way of life and the functions of White Russian society who chose Kobe, a former central city of White Russians living in Japan, as their domicile. This study is based on documents from the Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and oral data gained through fact-finding visits and interviews in the area.Most White Russians in Japan lived in Tokyo and Yokohama before the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, a large number of them migrated from the Tokyo area to Kobe, which provided shelter from the disaster. Thereafter, Kobe became one of the central settlements of White Russians in Japan, along with the Tokyo metropolitan area. In those days, many White Russians, more than 400 people at its highest point, settled in Kobe, particularly in the former Fukiai and Ikuta wards.The term "White Russians" refers to all people from the territory of the Russian Empire, including Christians, Jews, and Muslim Tatars. Therefore, White Russians are a group that is diverse in terms of culture, ethnicity and religion. Consequently, their organizations were based on their religious affiliations in Kobe.In the period after 1925, White Russians were categorized as stateless in Japan. They had the right to obtain a "Nansen Passport", issued by the League of Nations as identification cards, but their status was very uncertain. Moreover, many White Russians were peddlers and frequently travelled around. As a result, the Japanese authorities watched them closely as they were suspicious that White Russians were spies sent from foreign countries, especially from the Soviet Union. In fact, some White Russians were expelled from Japan in the 1920s. However, in the 1930s, chauvinistic nationalism arose among White Russians themselves, and some of them even provided donations to the Japanese government and army. This indicates that the White Russian society was subsumed within Japanese society in those days. In addition, there was some conflict over the attitude toward the Soviet Union in White Russian society.After W. W. II, the number of White Russians in Japan suddenly decreased. This is because many people went abroad in order to avoid chaos after the war. In Kobe, there was also a rapid decrease in the population of White Russians, and their organizations gradually declined and eventually dissolved. Today, only "The Kobe Eastern Orthodox Church Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", "The Kobe Muslim Mosque", and "The Kobe Foreign Cemetery" remain in Kobe as remnants of former White Russian society.These cases illustrate the disappearance of the ethnicity of White Russians in Kobe. There is a tendency for refugees to remigrate or for their families to disperse. Many White Russians were no exception, and this tendency is one of the reasons why White Russians disappeared from Kobe. In addition, the negative attitude of the Japanese state towards the inflow and settlement of foreigners is one of the major factors explaining their disappearance.
著者
丹羽 弘一
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.5, pp.545-564, 1992-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
67
被引用文献数
1 4

This article seeks to explain the circumstances of homeless people in Osaka City and their temporal change using the concept of the social space in an urban area. The special concern here is Kamagasaki District, a typical and nationally well-known yoseba (the space served as a catchment place of day laborers for jobs regarded as relatively unskilled). Such places generally have a large number of cheap lodging houses (doyagai) for them. The homeless people in Japan, mostly single man, were called formerly runpen or furosha, and currently are known as nojukusha. They correspond to day laborers in a substantive sense.Kamagasaki is a commonly-used place name of the neighborhood, located in the northeastern part of Nishinari-ward, Osaka City, and its extent is almost identical to that of Airin-chiku (Airin District), as is has usually been referred to by the administrative authorities, police and mass media. There is a huge day labor market centered on Airin Multi-purpose Center in this area and it is generally said that the district has more than twenty thousand day laborers, about two hundred cheap lodging houses and numerous eating houses, resulting in a distinctive landscape segregated from surrounding areas.In the second section, previous research of yoseba is reviewd. This district has been studied as a disorganized area mainly by social pathologists in the existing literature of social science. But it mirrors a negative and passive understanding of this social space in urban area. The author here, putting emphasis on the social structural context, would like to identify a certain social space focused on the district. On this occation the actual situation concerned with the homeless is a very good indicator of the social space.The third section is devoted to a historical explanation. In the period immediately after World War II, Osaka City's governmental measures toward the homeless was to settle disorder due to the influx of sufferers and returnees in and around Osaka Station. Nevertheless, as the district served as the place for single male day laborers during the period of fast economic growth in the 1960s, the homeless within the city tended to be accounted for primarily by Kamagasaki's day-laborers. Then, the measures were developed in the Airin regime (Airin taisei) which was established in the beginning of the 1970's, motivated by the‘riots’and still continues. The survey of occupational careers conducted in 1988 indicates that, the numbers of homeless persons rise occur in the season or months when jobs are unavailable, whereas they become laborers in the remainder.Specific attributes are discussed in the fourth section. According to the records of the Thursday Night Patrol Party within the Kamagasaki Christian Society, there is a general tendency to seasonal size change in incidence of the homeless: they expand from April to summer and then contract. Such change is due to the job offering variation concerned with the labor force through the Nishinari Labor and Welfare Center as well as climatic condition such as temparature. Moreover, the records suggests that this change has been less remarkable within the district, while now obvious outside it. Also worthy-of-note is that, as the number of the homeless as a whole tends to decrease, the inside-the-district proportion has been lower.In the 1988 investigation, the homeless persons are grouped into the following three length types: the long type (more than one year), the short type (less than one year), and the cyclic type, which implies repeatedly homeless and non-homeless conditions seasonally over the past years. Furthermore, such types are cross tabulated with income source and reason for becoming homeless. With regard to the source, many of the long and short types work as junk dealer (yoseya), while most of the other type are day laborers.
著者
村田 陽平
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.6, pp.533-551, 2000-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
80
被引用文献数
4 4

Over the decades since the 1970s, feminist geography has challenged the exclusion of women from the production of geographical knowledge. With the emergence of feminist geography, gender perspectives have attracted considerable attention. However, men who feel alienated by changing gender roles have not received much attention. The purpose of this article is to elucidate the empirical situation of the masculinity of geographical knowledge by highlighting the major characteristics of alienated middle-aged single men in contemporary Japan.In the introductory section, an overview and the significance of feminist geography are discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the importance of men's studies within gender research in geography. The development of men's studies has enabled an interrogation of masculinity from varied angles.The second section is devoted to an explanation of the interview method employed in the article and its limitations. The informants are ten single men, aged 35-64. Their narratives are quoted as evidence of their alienation.The third section interprets the concrete places within which middle-aged single men feel alienated. The specific contents of these places of alienation are presented as follows:1. In rural areas, where they do not play an important role within patriarchy, they are not regarded as 'full-fledged' men.2. At the workplace, where they are unable to participate in male bonding which is a feature of homosocial workspaces.3. At home, where the lack of women results in their homes being labelled as 'dirty', as men are considered to lack the ability to do housework.4. In contemporary gendered urban spaces, where despite an image of these spaces allowing diversity, middle-aged single men feel suppressed.The evidence from the research points to the above four factors being the main considerations underlying the alienation of single and middle-aged men.Based upon the discussion of the preceding sections, the fourth section interprets the meanings of space and place from the standpoint of men who feel alienated, with reference to feminist geography. Firstly, it is noted that place in humanistic geography, which has been criticized by feminist geography as having a masculinist bias, alienates middle-aged single men, as well as women. Moreover, feminist geography points out that the notion of space in Marxist geography is also gendered. This paper draws attention to the fact that gendered space does not privilege all men, but just those men who meet certain conditions of masculinity.The final section discusses the conclusion reached, that hegemonic masculinity in geographical knowledge oppresses not only women, but also men. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate differences among men.
著者
スミス・ ネィール
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.51-66, 2000-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
35
被引用文献数
2 4

1980年代と1990年代のグローバル化に関する広く行きわたった認識は、資本蓄積の進行に地理的空間がますます関わらなくなっているという考えを助長してきた。多くの公式的な見解とは反して、グローバル化は金融資本の国際化よりも製造資本の国際化に刺激を受けている。グローバル化のもとでは、はるかにより包括的な過程が生じている-それは徹底的な地理的スケールの再構築である。本稿は、資本蓄積が、経済的な状況については国民国家の相対的後退を伴いつつ、グローバル-ローカル関係がますます決定的になる新たな段階に突入していることを論じる。このことにより、グローバルな資本の中核に多くのアジアとラテンアメリカの経済が状況に応じて統合される一方でアフリカと世界中の縁辺化された人々がますます追い払われる、地理的不均等発展の新しいパターンがあらわれている。
著者
三上 正利
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, no.5, pp.323-339,401, 1957-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
73

In Western Siberia it was in the late Palaeolithic Age that men came to liver for the first time (Cf. Fig. 1). They enlarged their dwelling. area as far as_ the lower Ob River in the Neolithic Age (Cf. Fig. 2). The first farming of Western Siberia was begun in the southern part of it at the Andronovskaya epoch (1700-1200 B.C.). The northenmost bounds of agriculture in the end of the Bronze Age were along the line of Kurgan, Petropavlovsk and Omsk. In other words, they were in the southern part of the forest steppe zone. In the part of the Minusinsk Basin, irrigation-farming was begun at the Tagarskaya epoch (700-100 B.C.). About the fifth century, they started to till the fields with plough under the influence of China. S.V. Kiselev states that hack-tilling with irrigation played the main role in the rise of the Türk people(_??__??_)in the Altay in the sixth century and that plough-tilling with irrigation came to have an important meaning in the rise of the Kyrgys people(_??__??__??_)in the upper Yenisey River in the tenth century. The agriculture in Southern Siberia, which had developed comparatively highly in the ancient time, fell into decay in the latter period.When the Russian people began colonizing in the end of the sixteenth century, the northernmost bounds of agriculture by the native peoples had moved up to the north as far as the line of Tobolsk, Tomsk and Krasnoyarsk. In other words, they were in the south of the forest zone. Only the Tatars of the Siberian khanate were tilling with plough, and the rest peoples were tilling with hack. In general, agriculture was mere the supplementary means of industry to hunting, fishing and stock farming. There were some peoples who didn't engage in agriculture. From the oldest times, Western Siberia had been the mixed area of the race of the mongoloid type and the race of the europeoid type. There were Mongoloid peoples in the north and Europeoid peoples in the south. In the Minusinsk Basin, however, mongolonization came to have a remarkable meaning at the Tashtykskaya epoch (1c. B.C-4c. A.D.). It means the process of Turkicization in the fields of both language and civilization, in which the peoples called the Tatars by Russians were formed, in the Altay and the middle and upper parts of the Yenisey River.
著者
山近 久美子
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.3, pp.231-250, 2010 (Released:2018-01-19)
参考文献数
99

This study examines the ideas of ancient people about places for placenta rituals in Heijo-kyo, the 8th-century capital of Japan. The placenta is the material that comes out of a woman’s body after she gives birth to a baby, which is necessary to nourish and protect the baby in utero. Traditionally, the treatment of the placenta has been associated with the health and future of the baby, so there are many forms of related ceremonies around the world.In Japan, placenta rituals took different forms in different periods. In many modern instances, the placenta was wrapped with paper or cloth and put in a pot, then buried underground in an auspicious direction. The pot contained, if the baby was a boy, a brush or an ink stick with his placenta. If the baby was a girl, there was a thread or a needle with her placenta.Archaeologists have cited placenta rituals in folklore for their interpretations of pottery-buried remains. Many archaeologists have believed pottery was ritually buried around the front door of houses since in folklore, the placenta was frequently put in a pot and buried under the entrance of a house. But placentas were actually buried in various places apart from the front door; for example, in the shade, on mountains, by the roadside, in estates, under the floor, and in lavatories.The oldest attested pottery-buried remains are found at the capital, Heijo-kyo. It is difficult to determine the purposes of burying earthenware during the Nara period. Yet two major purposes are for ground-purification ceremonies and for placenta rituals. So this paper first attempted to classify them by the kinds and the contents of the ritually buried pottery. The typical pottery used for placenta rituals is Sue ware jars called “Sueki tsubo A”, resembling a medicine pot that was associated with Yakushi or the Buddha of healing. The typical contents of the pottery are ink sticks, brushes and pieces of cloth.The sites where pottery-buried remains were unearthed are large in size and near the Heijo Palace. This fact suggests that placenta ceremonies were carried out by government officials of the Heijo-kyo capital. And the sites of rituals were not always at entrances, but in many cases around the houses. According to ancient Chinese medical books, burying the placenta in the shade was taboo. But in modern folklore of Japan, the shade was often chosen as the place for burying the placenta, and many placentas were buried under the floors of houses.In this respect, the sites where pottery-buried remains were unearthed in Heijo-kyo differ from those of placenta rituals as described in modern folklore. We came to the conclusion that though in Heijo-kyo they had their own idea about the placenta burial site, the rituals were typically performed by government officials on the basis of ancient Chinese medical books.
著者
平岡 昭利
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.5, pp.503-518, 2005-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
92
被引用文献数
1

The Senkaku Islands are made up of five uninhabited islands scattered about 170km north of the Yaeyama Islands of Okinawa Prefecture. In recent years the territorial claims on these islands made by China and Taiwan have increased since it was found that under that area there is a lot of petroleum and natural gas. No one has ever sufficiently examined why Japanese people in the Meiji Era started going to these islands made only of rocks. This study discusses the Japanese advance into and the development of the Senkaku Islands. The following is its summary;The territorial possession of the uninhabited Senkaku Islands started with the exploration by the Okinawa Prefectural Government in 1885, and the exploration report says that a large flock of albatross was found there. In the 1890's, the Japanese advance into the Senkaku Islands was accelerated in order to get the albatross plumage and the great green turban. In those days the Okinawa Prefectural Government had to plead with the Meiji Central Government again and again to put national landmarks on the islands because it was not clear whether the islands were actually Japanese or Chinese territory. Finally in 1894, the Meiji Government permitted to put the national landmarks. In 1895 the Senkaku Islands were placed under the jurisdiction of Okinawa Prefecture. In the same year, Tatsushiro Koga, who was a powerful and wealthy shellfish merchant, asked the Meiji Government to lease Kuba Island for the purpose of catching albatross because of the rapid decrease of the great green turban. His business changed from shellfish to albatross. In 1896, the Government not only leased Kuba Island to him but also granted him the lease of another four Senkaku Islands for 30 years.In 1897 Koga started his business in the Senkaku Islands, but albatross, his main resource of business, decreased devastatingly in only three years. Therefore, he diversified his business into stuffed birds, bonito fishing, guano, and phosphate rocks and managed to make an immense profit. But his business didn't last long because he mismanaged the natural resources on the islands. Koga Village, founded in Uotsuri Island with a huge investment of money, disappeared in about 30 years and around 1937 the Senkaku Islands again became uninhabited with no change since then.
著者
松田 敦志
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.5, pp.492-508, 2003-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
81
被引用文献数
1

In the suburban residential areas developed before World War II, some problems, such as the division of a housing lot, the rebuilding of a residence and the progress of aging, have been arising recently. Development of residential suburbs before the war is thought to be a part of urban development and to have produced the present life style, that is, the separation of home and workplace so that it has an important historical meaning from the viewpoint of the formation of city and urban life style.We cannot ignore the private railway company, especially in Kansai region, when we consider the developments of residential suburbs. Therefore, in this paper, I study the private railway company that has influenced developments of residential suburbs. And I clarify its management strategy and the specific characteristics of the residential suburbs developed by the private railway company, Osaka Denki Kido Railway Company.It was necessary for the private railway company to increase transportation demand by carrying out various activities, in order to secure stable income, because it had only one or a few short and local railway lines. But, since Osaka Denki Kido Railway Company had many sightseeing spots along its line, it first aimed for the stability of management not by developing any areas along its line, but by promoting its sightseeing areas and expanding its routes. However, it began to set about the developments along its lines gradually after the end of Taisho Period. It developed the residential areas along its lines, utilizing the advantage as a railway company, for example, preparation of a new station and offering a commuter pass as a gift to people who moved to residential areas along its lines. Some characteristic scenes such as little streams and roadside trees, some urban utilities and facilities such as electrical and gas equipment, some playing-around spaces such as parks or tennis courts, which the middle class who were aiming for a better life wanted, were prepared in these residential areas. It tried to obtain constant commuting demands by urging them to move to these suburbs.For example, it connected its route to Yamamoto and built a station there consciously. And then, it developed the residential areas around Yamamoto Station in collaboration with the Sumitomo Company. Osaka Denki Kido Railway and Sumitomo produced the image of residential suburb as an education zone by inviting schools there, and tried to maintain the good habitation environment by imposing housing construction regulation on residents. In this way, many of the middle class families moved into the residential area at Yamamoto before the war. Moreover, Osaka Denki Kido Railway encouraged residential developments around that area, and consequently the suburbs were expanded.After all, Osaka Denki Kido Railway produced some residential suburbs along its line for the middle class before the war, although that time was a little later compared with Hankyu Railway. The reason was that its management strategy was to secure stable demands of transport. As suburban life grew up gradually there, that increased the number of suburban residents, and the residential suburbs were developed around them further. In other words, Osaka Denki Kido Railway has been responsible for the expansion of the suburbs.
著者
森 正人
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.6, pp.535-556, 2002-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
101
被引用文献数
3

This paper discusses the changing spatiality and movement modes of the 'Henro' pilgrimage on Shikoku Island from 1920-1930. The pilgrimage is one of principal topics in the geography of religion, and geographers have analysed its spatial structure using historical, quantitative and humanistic approaches. For those researching the spatiality of the pilgrimage, it is necessary to clarify the contested processes by which spatiality was produced and the manner in which discourses concerned with modes of movement were produced in order to control the flow of pilgrims. Though pilgrims mainly traveled on foot for religious training, there were no statements concerning the pilgrimage route in guidebooks published at Edo era.Since the modern Japanese government created a transport system to create homogeneous space in Japan, several transport systems-train, bus and ship-were available in Shikoku until the middle of 1930s. For pilgrims who used these transport systems, movement patterns during the Henro pilgrimage became diversified. However, since the end of the Taisho era, 'the intellectual class' who had hardly previously participated, became interested in the Henro pilgrimage. As a result of this change, the Henro pilgrimage became involved in domestic tourism as alternative form of tourism at the end of the 1920s, and pilgrims using the new transport system and taking casual pleasure in were referred to as 'Modern Henro'.On the other hand, in 1929, 'Henro-Dogyokai', which aimed to organize pilgrims and provide several activities concerned with the Henro pilgrimage, was founded at Tokyo. Its goal was to enlighten people along national policy and to criticize the Modern Henro because they regarded its style as religiously regressive. Through providing information about the Henro pilgrimage in their monthly journal Henro and their activities, they emphasised the authentic style or way of the Henro pilgrimage, and at the same time they emphasized that pilgrims should journey on foot.In short, from the end of 1920s to the middle of 1930s, while Japanese tourism or 'Modern Henro' represented the space of the Henro pilgrimage as tourist space, 'Henro-Dogyokai' represented it as religious training space. However, both agents reconstituted the network in the space of the Henro pilgrimage; indeed the space of the Henro pilgrimage was a contested one in this period. Of course, traditional pilgrims-those who had not been admitted to live their village community and could do nothing but carry on the pilgrimage with begging -also existed. In this context, the reconstituted Henro pilgrimage was appropriated within Japanese fascist policy through its articulation with hiking in the middle of 1930s, and Modern Henro' and 'Henro-Dogyokai' were placed within national ideology. The Japanese government coerced people into walking to make proper bodies and to pray for victory in World War II. In this policy, adopting various modes of movement in pilgrimage was unacceptable since pilgrims were compelled to walk. However, despite this policy, some pilgrims refused to comply and some of them preferred to use transportation.
著者
島本 多敬
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.1, pp.7-28, 2019

<p>本稿は,19世紀中期以前,近世の本屋仲間(書肆の同業組合)の活動期に出版された災害図を取り上げ,災害図の出版・改訂に影響を与えていた書肆の版権と出版活動について検討したものである。享和2年(1802)7月の淀川水害の後に大坂で出版された「摂河水損村々改正図」系統の水害図は,諸本を書誌学的に検討した結果,3つの版が存在していたことが判明した。大坂本屋仲間記録の記述によれば,この3つの版は,本屋仲間非構成員によって非公式に2つの版が出版された後,本屋仲間に所属する書肆が板木を買収し,4軒の書肆の連名で改めて公式に出版されることによって成立した。同図の板元は大坂町奉行所の御用絵師の名前を図中に示して,情報の信頼性を謳っていたとみられる。また,4書肆のうちの1軒は,本屋仲間に所属していない板元による水害図の出版を,自店の出版大坂図・河川図に対する版権侵害を理由に差し止めていた。同図の検討結果から,19世紀初頭当時の本屋仲間所属書肆は,自店の地図・地理書と関連付けた商業的な論理のもと,本屋仲間に所属しない板元による災害情報の出版をコントロールし,より詳細で「正確」な災害情報の出版を志向していたと評価される。</p>
著者
中澤 高志
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.3, pp.259-277, 2012 (Released:2018-01-24)
参考文献数
43

In September 2008, Lehman Brothers Holdings, a major American financial services firm, filed for bankruptcy, which consequently resulted in the global economic downturn. Many Japanese multinational companies, especially export-oriented manufacturers, downsized their factory floor employment mainly by reducing the number of subcontracted workers. In this paper, the author analyzed factors related to the workers who were placed in manufacturing factories by temporary staffing agencies or subcontractors, and who lost their jobs because of the economic downturn. The author analyzes the casework records of the consultation desk, which was established by a local municipality located in Kyushu, Japan, of those who had lost their jobs. Over a thousand workers lost their jobs as the economy of this locality was supported by a few export-oriented plants.Most visitors to the consultation desk had worked at specific plants but were not directly employed by the owners of their workplaces. Their move to the locality was mediated by a temporary staffing agency or subcontractors. When the financial crisis broke out and the restructuring of employment began, many workers who had lost jobs went back to their hometowns to seek family support. However, most visitors to the consultation desk did not have reliable families. Moreover, some of them had been remitting parts of their wages to their parents. This heavily strained their budget. Some households, such as those consisting of only couples where both partners were subcontracted workers, or households containing sick persons, etc., suffered even more severe circumstances.Typically, the residences for subcontracted workers are company-supplied dormitories. They are furnished, and workers who lived there did not need to provide either guarantors or deposits. However, the rents for the dormitories, plus a surcharge for the furniture, were relatively high, although the subcontracted workers did not receive large wages. Thus the visitors to the consultation desk rarely had any savings.With the reduction in the number working days and hours, the workers’ incomes were reduced to such an extent that they could no longer sustain their lives. Unemployed and isolated from their families, they exhausted their meager financial resources and soon had to evacuate the dormitories. Some workers arrived at the consultation desk in a condition of homelessness and hunger.The factors that contributed the difficult conditions of the workers are: (1) lack of contact with families, a source of support; (2) lack of financial resources; (3) lack of direct employment contracts; (4) lack of housing facilities independent of employment; and (5) migrant status. They were the first ones to lose their jobs because they were not employed directly. They lost their housing because it was bound to the employment contract. They could not withstand the hardship because they did not have financial or family resources. Moreover, they were migrants in the locality.
著者
竹内 祥一朗
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.72, no.1, pp.1-20, 2020

<p>本稿は,近世の官撰地誌史上の重要史料である『筑前国続風土記』の編纂過程を検討し,さらにこれと福岡藩政や作者である藩儒・貝原益軒の知的実践との関係を論じ,その成果を近世官撰地誌史に位置づけるものである。まず,『筑前国続風土記』の編纂過程について,日記や藩政史料などを用いて検討した。その結果,『筑前国続風土記』の地理情報は藩の支配機構を回路として収集される一方,益軒独自の書物収集によって蓄積されていたことが明らかになった。また,『筑前国続風土記』編纂を成り立たしめた藩儒益軒の知的実践,とりわけ地理的知識の形成は,参勤交代などの移動と藩の職務の遂行を背景としながら,移動先の各地の特性に応じて展開されていた。特に京都では幕藩体制の枠組みを離れた,儒者や公家からなる独自のネットワークを利用して情報の蓄積が図られていた。最終的に,『筑前国続風土記』は型式や政策との関係の点で,官撰地誌史上の17世紀と18世紀の間に適切に位置づけられることを確認し,さらに益軒の考えや配慮に由来する『筑前国続風土記』の個性は19世紀以降の地誌編纂に継承されていくことを指摘した。</p>
著者
藤塚 吉浩
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.5, pp.496-514, 1994-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
136
被引用文献数
3 3

This paper seeks to review the gentrification studies in the Western countries, and obtain implications for Japanese cities.The article begins with a review of the literature concerned with social effects of gentrification. In the capitalist countries, at the outset, many people expect that gentrification is caused by private ecnomy. However the effects of gentrification are not so expected for the several reasons. One reason is that most of inmovers to the gentrified neighborhoods are not part of a ‘back to the city movement’, but ‘staying in the city’. The other is that gentrifiers revitalizing abandoned areas are limited in number. On the contrary, it causes the displacement of the socioeconomically weak. Most of them are low income, elderly and minority. They feel the sting of the displacement caused by urban revitalization. Furthermore it results in producing a lot of homeless people.The third chapter treats with five theoretical issues, which are institutions, stage models, rent-gap theory, the new middle class, and marginal gentrifiers. According to the institutionalist approach, central and local government, estate agents, and building societies, are the inducers of gentrification. The stage model explains the gentrification process positively by inmovers' attitude to accept risks in the deteriorated areas. Rent-gap theory explains gentrification structurally by the movement of capital, back to the inner city. The new middle class is on the rise due to industrial restructuring.They prefer to live near the city center, so they cause gentrification. They prefer not only historical architecture, but also modern amenities. Inmovers to the gentrified neighborhoods, are not only the new middle class. There is also the formation of reproducing marginal gentrifiers. Marginal gentrifiers come to live in the inner city because of alternative life-styles. Many researchers agree that no approach cannot explain the phenomenon alone, and some of them seek to integrate several approaches.In section four I argue the applicability of researches on social effects and theoretical approaches in Western countries for Japanese cases. First I show two bases for the occurrence of gentrification in Japanese cities. One is the recent trend of upgrading living spaces. Most Japanese houses are built of wood, so they become obsolete without maintenance. It is easy to scrap obsolete houses and renovate new ones. Recently there are many cases of rehabilitating modern Western-style buildings and reforming the living layout of condominiums. The other is the restructuring of the inner city. In the 1970s most central cities lost affluent people. Many heavy industries scattered from metropolitan regions to nonmetropolitan areas. Although the inner city area in the central cities lost population, it also provides opportunities to increase population again. Actually recurrence of population appeared in some of those large cities during the late 1980s. I argue that three primary factors may cause gentrification in Japanese cities. The first one is industrial restructuring. Industrial restructuring produces new professionals. They may be potential gentrifiers. The second one is suburbanization. Expanding urban regions make a long commute to the office in the central city. So many people prefer to live not so far from the office. The third one is the supply of condominiums. Many people invested in them during the late 1980s, because of lower interest rates. Most of them located in the inner city and induce inmovers.Second, I discuss future directions for research on gentrification in Japanese cities. There may be three main issues. The first one is resettlement in the inner city. Municipal officials of most large central cities are working to prevent the population from decreasing.
著者
森 正人
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.1-22, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)
参考文献数
98
被引用文献数
2 2

This article traces some trajectories of social and cultural geography since the end of the 1980s to the early 2000s and attempts to explain how the geography of materiality has become a matter in current Anglophone geography, especially in the United Kingdom. Although the new cultural geography of Japan redefines social and cultural geography and focuses on discursive practices and representations, in Japan there is low awareness of discussions on post-humanism, which is a topic in Anglophone geography. Anglophone geography consists of topics such as materiality, performativity, complexity theory, and actor-network theory. There is no paper in the Japanese or English literature in Japan that discusses such topics. Hence, this article attempts to establish a framework to facilitate the discussion of topics such as those mentioned above.To begin with, the process of development of the new cultural geography is detailed in order to review the questions raised towards the end of the 1980s on both sides of the Atlantic. The new social and cultural geography has progressed beyond the conventional understanding of culture, which is sustained by traditional cultural geography, stressing the complex relation between culture, economy and politics, and has also served to underline the crisis in geographical representations associated with anthropological discussions. In this consideration, moral geography, which forms webs of ideologies through space, place, and landscape, is examined. There have been criticisms of the new cultural geography, of which a problem of reification of the idea of culture is noted here. However, the controversy around this criticism seemingly still retains a problem of metaphysics, and rigidly assumes the existence of ‘subject’ and ‘object’. Phil Crang’s paper that intends to combine the cultural aspect with economic geography implies the idea of culture and economy as something performed. It states that there is no linearity or predetermined harmony among cultural, economic and political practices. This point of view was amplified in some lines of discussions in the late 1990s.Second, theoretical frameworks for performativity, hybridity, ethics, non-representational theory, complexity theory, and actor-network theory are outlined in this essay. The power of things, women, nature, etc. that have been objectified is included as these discussions revolve around the issue of western metaphysics which continually attempts to establish a rigid division between the subject and the object. The distinction has been always/already mediated by the corporeal. The traces left by the corporeal or things reveals the impossibility of the execution of the project of western metaphysics. Ethics are centered, instead of moral geography, to grasp the entanglement of humans and non-humans.Third, criticism of the material turn that occurred at the end of the 1990s is studied. The discussion on materiality became a critical vehicle to overcome the weakness of verbal analysis. Mike Crang’s papers on heritage show that materiality emerges in various practices and affects people’s memories. Materiality is not only an issue of matter. Subsequently, there is reference to a controversy between Daniel Miller, who influenced the material turn in geography, and Michel Callon, who proposed the actor-network theory. It demonstrates how Miller is captured by the classic Hegelian/Marxist concept: Miller assumes the linearity of ideology in a market and the predominance of the subject over the object. It is, therefore, understandable that some geographers were accused of continuing to retain Hegelian beliefs, i. e., the belief that there is a binary relation between subject/object, spirit/thing, and human/nature.(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
著者
阿部 和俊
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.5, pp.432-446, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)
参考文献数
18
被引用文献数
1 1

The purpose of this report is to consider the identity of the discipline of human geography, focusing on urban geography. In order to do this, the author first examined the urban geography articles-research essays, short reports, research notes, views, and editorials-published in Geographical Review of Japan, Japanese Journal of Human Geography, Tōhoku Geography Quarterly, Annals of the Japan Association of Economic Geography, and Geographical Sciences from 1945 to 2005, considering them from the three viewpoints of: 1) whether they analyzed cities as points (point analysis) or areas (area analysis); 2) whether they analyzed cities or phenomena in cities; and 3) the changes apparent in the descriptive style of analytical results.As a result, it was clear that the number of urban geography studies had increased between 1945 and 2005. Moreover, the following points became evident: 1) a decrease in point analysis studies; 2) an increase in area analysis research; 3) an increase in studies of urban functions; 4) a decline in studies using quantitative methods; 5) an increase in studies that looked at people or social groups; 6) an increase in studies hard to classify by existing categories; and 7) an increase of studies ‘in’ rather than ‘of’ cities.As for changes in the descriptive style of analytical results, studies recording the actual voices of those surveyed increased. This is a descriptive style seen in folklore and sociology.Next, the mutual interaction between human geography and other humanistic and social science fields was considered from three perspectives: 1) the research citations listed in human geography articles published in Geographical Review of Japan, Japanese Journal of Human Geography, and Annals of the Japan Association of Economic Geography from 1971–1975 (earlier period) and 2001–2005 (later period); 2) the research citations listed in articles in Japanese Sociological Review during 2003–2006; and 3) research citations listed in single-author books.The results: 1) In the geography articles, the number of citations in each article had increased. 2) But the proportion of citations from within the discipline of geography itself declined. 3) In the earlier period, many of the citations were from the fields of history or economics, but in the later period the citations from sociology increased. 4) In the later period, there was an increase in citations from many ‘other fields’.In the articles published in Japanese Sociological Review, it was evident that: 1) citations from within the field of sociology were proportionally higher when compared to those from geography in geographic articles; and 2) there were extremely few citations in sociology articles from the field of geography. This trend was about the same in single-author books.How should we think about these facts? Does the fact that citations from geography are so few in sociology (and not only in sociology!) mean that geography’s research findings are not valued? But surely it must indicate that they are ignorant of and indifferent to geography’s findings.On the other hand, how should geographers themselves think about the fact that the level of citations from their own discipline has declined? If one reacts negatively, it means they do not value their own field, but if one reacts positively it means that geographers have an abundance of curiosity and spare no pains in hunting down the findings of other disciplines.Along with the changes in the descriptive style of analytical findings, as people who have chosen the field of geography, surely we need to seriously reconsider our own standpoint and the identity of human geography. We should be deeply concerned that if we are lax in this effort, it may mean the withering and even extinction of human geography.
著者
松井 圭介
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.5, pp.515-533, 1993-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
127
被引用文献数
4 2

Geography of religion aims to clarify the relationships between the environment and religious phenomena. In Japan, this discipline has four major fields of researchThe first field is that of the relationships between the natural environment and religion. The emphasis in this field, however, is on the influence of the environment upon religion. Whereas many scholars study how climate and topography change the formation of religious beliefs, there is almost no study of the influence of religion upon the natural environment. In order to fill this lack, it is necessary, for instance, to clarify the role of religion in environmental protection.Secondly, geographers of religion study how religion influences social structures, organizations, and landscapes in local areas. They mainly examine the urban structure and its transformation within religious cities with regard to the dominant religion. There are also some studies about the significance of religion for the formation of new cities. The relationships of the religious orientation to the local structure of cities and villages, however, has not been thoroughly clarified yet.Thirdly, pilgrimage forms another major field of research in the geography of religion. Most studies so far, however, remain preliminary, showing the routes of pilgrimage without reconstructing networks among sacred places and their surroundings. Moreover, the contemporary meaning of pilgrimage is not studied enough, though people today still carry out pilgrimages fervently.Lastly, geographers of religion try to clarify the structure of space which is created by the sacred, through examining the distribution and propagation of religion. One of the major studies in this field is that of sphere of religion.This geography of religion as the study of relationships between the environment and religion has two indispensable approaches, for the space created through these relationships has two aspects; empirical and symbolic. On the one hand, religion has power to organize local communities and this power generates the structure of space which is grasped empirically. On the other hand, religion supports human existence through offering a cosmology. This cosmology appears in the structure of space symbolically. Geography of religion should understand the religious structure of space throughly by adopting both positivistic and symbolic approaches.
著者
三木 理史
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.5, pp.373-391, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)
参考文献数
99

This paper clarifies the decline of the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities by analyzing transport coordination in Osaka City after World War II. First, the author hypothesizes that influences in urban traffic planning were reversed between the Ministry of Construction (the Ministry of the Interior before World War II) and the Ministry of Transport (the Ministry of Railways before World War II) before and after World War II, by concentrating on the Urban Transportation Council which played an important part in subsequent transport coordination. This is considered from two points:Transport management generally consists of both infrastructure and transport systems. The Ministry of Railways that regarded transport systems as businesses had difficulty controlling urban areas where the ratio of tram traffic was much higher than railway traffic, because the Ministry of the Interior, which regarded transport systems as belonging to infrastructure, dominated urban areas through the Urban Planning Central Council. However, the Urban Planning Central Council was abolished in 1941 under the influence of the wartime regime. Therefore, urban planning works were weakened because the Ministry of Interior was also dissolved. Since the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka City was the basis of urban planning that was greatly controlled by that ministry, it was thought to be obligated to conflict with the Ministry of Transport after World War II.The Ministry of Transport, which was organizationally constructed in 1949, promoted the Traffic Council to democratize traffic administration. The Traffic Council was related to the Land Transport Coordination Council from before World War II due to changes in transport legislation. The Urban Transportation Council used to be the Transport Coordination Council before World War II because it was constructed as one branch of the Traffic Council in 1955.This paper considers the decline of the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka from these two circumstances. Although necessarily unsettled before World War II, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities was restored to reflect the desires of the wartime regime. The Ministry of Transport tried to break through using G. H. Q. support immediately after World War II; in spite of this, ideas of municipal control continued to be entrenched. However, urban areas had spread rapidly because residents were fleeing to the suburbs to escape the bombing in the cities during the war. Because the municipality had difficulty monopolizing transport businesses in municipal areas due to serious traffic jams and increased automobile traffic during the era of high economic growth, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities lost geographical validity. Therefore, because the construction of municipal subway lines was very expensive, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities also lost economic viability. As a result, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities declined rapidly after the end of the period of high economic growth.By considering the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka, the reasons for its decline may be generally seen as a deficit in the transport businesses of the Osaka municipality. However, this paper clarifies that the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka declined not only due to geographical factors but also economic factors. Therefore, its decline was also related to the reversal of relative power between the Ministries of Transport and Construction in urban transport planning after World War II.

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出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.3, pp.215-263, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)