著者

川喜田 二郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.5, pp.493-522, 1973-10-29 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

15

被引用文献数

1 3

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Geography is a “field science” in the sense that it needs field work. In spite of it, the methodology on field work is not yet satisfactory through various branches of science including geography. Present article is a rough sketch and comments on the personal history of my inquiry into the methodology of field work, especially in the fields of geography and ethnology. In particular, a method of idea generation named KJ Method which was generated by me was explained in detail.For the purpose of recording field data, I devised a form of data card (abbreviated as DC; cf. Fig. 1). In order to classify a file of DC, I tried to adopt the classification table of HRAF (Human Relations Area Files). Soon, however, I understood that classification only was much unsatisfactory for a field worker who sought for true integration of data. Quite different from classification and analysis, another unknown methodology for the purpose of “Facts speak for themselves” must exist.In around 1951, I obtained a first hint for this purpose. And my work “Ethno-Geographical Observations on the Nepal Himalaya” (in Peoples of Nepal Himalaya, ed. by H. Kihara) became the first output along this new method of data processing. Later on, this methodology was greatly improved by myself and named KJ-M. in 1965 by various men. It was a nickname in origin. The first book systematically written on this methodology “Hassôhô” (Abduction) was published in 1967. (cf. References.) This method was welcomed very much, firstly in the fields of company management, business and engineering and gradually in the field of education and science.In the basic KJ-M, there are four essential steps: a) label making, b) label grouping, c) chart making, d) explanation. Label making is to record one concept on a label usually in the form of sentence. (Rarely in the form of any picture.) Surrounding a theme, as rich variety of labels as possible are collected. Label grouping is attained through the repetition of the steps of making teams of labels and title making. Through this process, a number of labels are organized, not by the classification based on some pre-conceived ideas but according to the appeals of original labels. In the step of chart making, these organized labels are spreaded spacially on a sheet according to the recognition of natural relationship among the titles or labels. At last a multi-layered complex relationship between the labels is presented in a chart. Then the last step “explanation” is applied to this chart, i.e. explanatory story making connecting all labels in writings or by verbal explanation.Using the basic KJ-M. repeatedly, we can challenge highly complex problem solvings. A full process of the basic KJ-M. was named “a round”. Multi-round application of this method is called the Cumulative KJ Method (C-KJ). When a C-KJ is applied along the course of problem solving shown in the W-shaped chart (Cf. Fig. 3 and Fig. 7), this method is most fruitful.Using the steps of field work→recording DC→using KJ-M. and C-KJ, chaotic field data can be organized heuristically. The course of data processing is clear and open to anyone who wants to know it. Plenty of hints, hypotheses and generalization arise on the way and in conclusions. These suggestions are not harmful because of subjective judgement but welcomed because of stimuli to readers, as the grounds and processes which bore these suggestions are offered to them frankly. The readers may agree with the author or oppose him. In both cases, both parties will receive desirable stimuli through the dialogue. Thus a basic recognition that data are never facts and the means of observation and data processing intervene between the two leads to the truly scientific and charming geography or ethnography.

著者

森川 洋

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.5, pp.377-395, 1962-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

31

被引用文献数

2 2

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The purpose of this article is to classify the characteristics of the distribution of Japanese towns before the industrial revolution. To qualify such towns, the author uses “Kyomhseihyo” (1880), the national statistics on population and products, and limits as town the settlements with over 2, 000 persons, but some fishing villages may be exceptionally contained among them.The author thinks that the distribution of those towns is analogous to that “alten Kulturländer” called by G. Schwarz, which roughly speaking is related to the density of rural population (Fig. 1.) There was a dense net of towns with much urban populatin in coastal and basin regions (densely populated), where there were also large towns like Tokyo (725, 000), Osaka (363, 000), Kyoto (136, 000), Nagoya (117, 000), Kanazawa (108, 000) etc. (Fig. 2 and 3). Of course, the agglomeration of towns and urban population in those days were not in so large scale as in the present day.But the distribution of towns in those days can not be explained by population density only. The ratio of urban population per Kuni, regional division in those days (Fig. 4) and the hierarchical structure of towns were related more closely to scale of regional centres than to economic richness of the areas. For example, the large regional centre Toitori (36, 000) and some small towns (2-3, 000) lay in Inaba-Kuni, so that the ratio of urban population per Kuni was raised (exclusively) by the urban population of Tottori.Most of such regional contres were castle towns in feudal age, and their scale was in proportion to that of territories of “Daimyoes”, feudal lords. The origin of small towns was mosily market towns, coaching towns, and port-towns, which had grown in proportion to regional economic development.Therefore, the distribution of towns in early Meiji-era was related to hitstorical conditions in feudal age everywhere.

著者

中西 雄二

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.649-665, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

81

被引用文献数

1 1

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More than two million Russian refugees resulted from the Russian Revolution in 1917. These refugees were termed "White Russians" ("Hakkei-Roshiajin" in Japanese) and did not accept the Soviet regime. For this reason, they escaped from their motherland and spread to many countries similar to a diaspora.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the way of life and the functions of White Russian society who chose Kobe, a former central city of White Russians living in Japan, as their domicile. This study is based on documents from the Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and oral data gained through fact-finding visits and interviews in the area.Most White Russians in Japan lived in Tokyo and Yokohama before the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, a large number of them migrated from the Tokyo area to Kobe, which provided shelter from the disaster. Thereafter, Kobe became one of the central settlements of White Russians in Japan, along with the Tokyo metropolitan area. In those days, many White Russians, more than 400 people at its highest point, settled in Kobe, particularly in the former Fukiai and Ikuta wards.The term "White Russians" refers to all people from the territory of the Russian Empire, including Christians, Jews, and Muslim Tatars. Therefore, White Russians are a group that is diverse in terms of culture, ethnicity and religion. Consequently, their organizations were based on their religious affiliations in Kobe.In the period after 1925, White Russians were categorized as stateless in Japan. They had the right to obtain a "Nansen Passport", issued by the League of Nations as identification cards, but their status was very uncertain. Moreover, many White Russians were peddlers and frequently travelled around. As a result, the Japanese authorities watched them closely as they were suspicious that White Russians were spies sent from foreign countries, especially from the Soviet Union. In fact, some White Russians were expelled from Japan in the 1920s. However, in the 1930s, chauvinistic nationalism arose among White Russians themselves, and some of them even provided donations to the Japanese government and army. This indicates that the White Russian society was subsumed within Japanese society in those days. In addition, there was some conflict over the attitude toward the Soviet Union in White Russian society.After W. W. II, the number of White Russians in Japan suddenly decreased. This is because many people went abroad in order to avoid chaos after the war. In Kobe, there was also a rapid decrease in the population of White Russians, and their organizations gradually declined and eventually dissolved. Today, only "The Kobe Eastern Orthodox Church Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", "The Kobe Muslim Mosque", and "The Kobe Foreign Cemetery" remain in Kobe as remnants of former White Russian society.These cases illustrate the disappearance of the ethnicity of White Russians in Kobe. There is a tendency for refugees to remigrate or for their families to disperse. Many White Russians were no exception, and this tendency is one of the reasons why White Russians disappeared from Kobe. In addition, the negative attitude of the Japanese state towards the inflow and settlement of foreigners is one of the major factors explaining their disappearance.

著者

高木 彰彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.26-40, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

103

被引用文献数

3

著者

今里 悟之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.5, pp.433-456, 1999-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

183

被引用文献数

1

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Over the last few decades, theories of the spatial structure of Japanese villages have been the subject of controversy in human geography, folklore, cultural anthropology, history and architecture. The author identifies an important unresolved question concerning these theories. Although many scholars have profoundly discussed each of the categories of space such as land use zones, folk-taxonomy, 'place', social space, and symbolic space, the interrelationships among these categories and the synthesis of them have not been sufficiently examined.With this in mind, this article discusses each of the categories of space for a case study area, an agricultural and forestry village-Hagikura-in Central Japan, to reveal the interrelationships among all spatial categories by introducing a semiotic theory. The author examines the historical changes of space since the mid-Edo era, when Hagikura was settled. To pursue these aims, various methods and materials are used: interviews, landscape observation, participant observation, the analysis of land ledgers, cadastral maps, tax ledgers, local topographies, historical documents and geographical statistics.Hagikura was a shinden settlement which stands on a river terrace near Lake Suwa in Nagano Prefecture, and is now a mixed-settlement in which newcomers from Shimosuwa Town have settled since the era of rapid growth in the Japanese economy. The subsistence farming economy of Hagikura is based on paddy, mulberry and vegetables, sericulture and forestry. In addition, people have been engaged in filature in the Meiji era, agar production in the Taisyo era and dairy farming and flower cultivation in the 1960s. Recently, almost all farmers have become factory or office workers, commuting to the towns along Lake Suwa.The findings of this article can be summarised as follows. The folk-taxonomy of space, which is deduced by an investigation of place names and folk categories of landscape, is composed of five levels: land use zone, subdivision of the zone, koaza (small place name), block name, and strip name. In the residential area, there is another classification system of social space composed of four levels: dual organization, mutual aid organization for funerals, neighborhood group, and household. In each land use zone, the shrine which guards the people working in each zone is located showing the center of meaning. As the center of the total area, the shrine of the settlement is located at the cardinal point of two axes of folk orientations which structure the village territory in concentric circles. These orientations are prescribed by the zofu-tokusui topography of fung-shui tought, whose rear is a hill and front is a river. This spatial structure with these land use zones and folk orientations is found similarly in homesteads and fields owned by each household. The boundaries of each land use zone and village social space are demarcated by objects such as stone statues and isolated trees, and through varied ritual behaviors. The social space of the village community which corresponds to the village territory is divided into nested boxes according to the social group system. All of the boundaries of the village are folk, social, mental, or symbolical, and the outer boundary of the forestry zone is, at the same time, a geographical or administrative one.The social structure of the village social space is composed of three groups-'natives', oldcomers and newcomers. The natives who settled in the Edo era and consist of nine kinship groups were former landowners or independent farmers. The oldcomers who settled in the Meiji era as filature or farming workers were tenants of native landowners in the Taisyo and early Showa eras. The newcomers are factory or office workers who have settled in new housing estates since the rapid growth of the Japanese economy. The main native families occupied the cultivated fields near the residential area.

著者

岡本 兼佳

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

8

被引用文献数

1

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For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,

著者

岩動 志乃夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.2, pp.264-265, 2017 (Released:2017-07-07)

著者

中谷 友樹

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.254-273, 1994-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

90

被引用文献数

1 1

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A mathematical model is built for influenza or other similar disease epidemics in a multi-region setting. The model is an extended type of chain-binomial model applied to a large population (Cliff et al., 1981), taking into account interregional infection by interregional contacts of people. If the magnitude of the contact is presented by simple distance-decay spatial interaction or the most primitive gravity model, a conventional gravity-type epidemic model (Murray and Cliff, 1977; Thomas, 1988) is deduced.Given the number of infectives and susceptibles, the chain-binomial model predicts the number of infectives in the next period with binomial probability distribution. Available data are, however, weekly cases per reporting clinic in each prefecture reported by the surveillance project, characterized by continuous variation; the data could be a surrogate index for rates of infection. The author modified the model to use rates of infectives and susceptibles, and used a normal approximation of binomial distribution. With the maximum-likelihood method, this model can be calibrated. The specification of the model is as follows:Li(Yi, t=0, …, Yi, t=T|β°i, δi)=Πt1/√2πVar[Yi, t+1]·exp{-1/2Var[Yi, t+1](Yi, t+1-E[Yi, t+1])}, E[Yi, t+1]=β°i/MiXi, tΣjmijYj, t, Var[Yi, t+1]=β°i/MiXi, tΣjmijYj, t(1-β°i/MiΣjmijYj, t), Xi, t=δi-Σis=0Yi, s, where Mi=Σjmij; Li denotes the likelihood of the model for region i; Xi, t denotes the estimated rate of susceptibles in region i at week t; Yi, t denotes the reported rate of infectives in region i at time t; mij denotes the size of interregional contact with the people in regions j for the people in region i; β°i denotes the infection parameter in region i; δi denotes the parameter concerned with the rate of initial susceptibles in region i.The model posits that the average number of people who come into contact with a susceptible in prefecture i is a constant, and that the average rate of infectives of the people is ΣjmijYj, t/Mi. The probability of a susceptible in region i infected at time t is, therefore, β°iΣjmijYj, t/Mi.This model was applied to a weekly incidence of influenza in each prefecture, from the 41st week, 1988, to the 15th week, 1989, Japan, letting the size of interregional passenger flow Tij correspond to mij as follows: mij=Tij+Tji (i≠j), mii=Tii.Goodness-of-fits (Table 1) of one-week-ahead forecasts were almost satisfactory except for prefectures whose epidemic curves were bi-modal (e.g., Hokkaido) or whose transition speed between epidemic breakout and peak was too high (e.g., Yamagata). The latter might be explained by a cluster of group infection (e.g., school classes) in an earlier phase of the epidemic (see Fig. 4).

著者

宮崎 良美

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.4, pp.396-412, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

61

著者

早瀬 哲恒

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.4, pp.251-267,314, 1958-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

76

被引用文献数

1

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The ‘yamato-mune’, or ‘takahei’, is a type of roofing popular among private houses. What characterizes it is the way that the thatched gable roof has its gable-walls plastered with wall mud and then covered with tiles. The aim of this thesis is to classify its varied forms and examine the distribution as well as the route of distribution of those various forms in order to throw light on the process of development of the ‘yamato-mune’.Several varieties are found in the ‘yamato-mune’ roofing:I. the fundamental type; ‘takahei’, ‘naka-takahei’, ‘hizumi-takahei’;II. the tiled-roof type; ‘hakomune’, ‘daimune’, ‘okimune’;III. the intermediate type; ‘ryogawa-danchigai’, ‘kata-takahei’;IV. the ‘Koshiore’ type;V. the Kawachi type;VI. the cryptmeria bark- or board-roof type;VII. the zinc-roof type;IIX. other varieties.The ‘yamato-mune’ is mainly used in the Yamato Basin, but the range of its distribution extends west to Kawachi, Settsu, and Izumi, east to the Iga Basin, south to the basin of the River Yoshino (or Kinokawa), and north as far as that part of southern, Yamashiro along the River Kizu. It is also found at a few specific places outside this general range. Distrtbution of several of its varieties is as follows:the fundamental type: to be found in the Yamato Basin;the Kawachi type: Kawachi, Settsu, and Izumi;the ‘hizumi-takahei’ Kawachi: southern and middle Kawachi, Kii;the ‘daimune’ tiled-roof type: north Kawachi;the ‘higashi-sanchu’ tiled-roof type: the Yamato Plateau;the ‘uda-sanchu’ cryptmeria bark-or board-roof type: Oku-uda districts.The ‘yamato-mune’ roofs seem to be distributed along routes of traffic or along rounts of migration of the carpenters. As we move along the principal rountes of traffic from the Yamato Basin to the surrounding districts, we find the fundamental type gradually changed to or replaced by other types. For instance:the fundamental type—the intermediate type—another type of roofing, principally the ‘irimoya’ roofing, which originally belonged to those districts surrounding the Yamato Basin;the fundamental type—the ‘hakomune’—the ‘daimune’;—the Kawachi type;—the ‘daimune’ or the ‘koshiore’;—the ‘higashi—sanchu’—the Iga type (the tiled-roof ‘yosemune’); etc.The fundamental type found in the Yamato Basin is obviously the original ‘yamato-mune’, and the genealogy of the fundamental type is to be further questioned. At present the writer of this thesis tends to think that its prototype would be either the ‘takahei’ roof or the ‘naka-takahei’ roof. This, however, will have to be treated in another thesis.

著者

西村 孝彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.6, pp.524-538, 1979-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

39

被引用文献数

3 1

著者

桑林 賢治

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1, pp.5-30, 2021 (Released:2021-04-13)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

3

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先住民による「記憶の場所」の構築と,支配的マジョリティがそこに与えた文化的・社会的な影響を分析することは,先住民のアイデンティティと過去,そして場所の関係性を解明する一助となりうる。本稿は,アイヌによってシャクシャインに関する「記憶の場所」へと構築された北海道新ひだか町の真歌山を事例に,その構築がいかに彼(女)らをめぐるポストコロニアル状況に影響されていたのかを考察する。真歌山は従来からシャクシャインに対する顕彰行為の場であったが,1960年代末以降,和人のまなざしの影響を受けながら,アイヌ・アイデンティティと結びつく「記憶の場所」へと構築され,各地のアイヌを巻き込んでいった。その後も,アイヌによる和人のまなざしの受け止め方が変化するたびに,真歌山という「記憶の場所」は再構築され続けている。こうした動きには,文化的な喪失と同化を経験し,今なお和人のまなざしから解放されていない,現代のアイヌをめぐる文化的・社会的なポストコロニアル状況が映し出されていた。その意味で,真歌山は現代のアイヌを取り巻くコロニアリズムの残滓を反映した,ポストコロニアルな「記憶の場所」として位置づけられる。このようなコロニアリズムの残滓について,多様な解釈が存在することを想定し,それらを丁寧に読み解くことが,真歌山という「記憶の場所」の構築をより深く理解するためには必要である。

著者

今野 泰三

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.173-194, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

137

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本稿では,宗教の地理学と政治地理学の研究動向を,宗教と政治(特に国家建設やナショナリズムに動機付けられた領土問題や民族紛争)の関係性がどのように扱われてきたかという問題に焦点を当てて概観する。その上で,この問題が顕著に現れているパレスチナ・イスラエル紛争に関する地理学的研究の方向性を論じる。特に,当該紛争において宗教と政治が深く関わるユダヤ人入植地と民族宗教派に関する先行研究を整理・検討し,以下の2つの研究課題が重要であると論じる。第1は,紛争当事者のアイデンティティや他者との関係性を規定する,死/死者に関する語りと表象である。第2は,紛争当事者間の境界と規範と秩序の動態的な相互作用である。本論考では,これら2つの課題について筆者が行った研究の内容と意義を論じた上で,今後の研究課題として,1967年以降の入植地問題とそれ以前のシオニスト入植史を関連づける作業,特に宗教キブーツ運動とグーシュ・エムニームとの関係性をシオニスト入植史とパレスチナ地域史の中に位置づけて再検討していく作業が必要であると論じる。

著者

菊池 万雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.5, pp.447-461, 1978-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

30

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It is said that in the Edo Era cholera prevailed in Bunsei 5 (1822), Ansei 5 (1858) and Bunkyu 2 (1862). In considering the actual substance of each epidemic from the number of the deaths recorded in the necrologies of temples, the following became clear.1) The epidemic in Bunsei 5 was the first big incident of this in Japan. As for the invasion route of cholera to our country, although there are several opinions, it can be established that invasion came through Nagasaki.Cholera prevailed in south-west Japan, especially in the San'in and San'yo areas, but it did not reach north-east Japan or Edo.2) The Ansei epidemic started from Nagasaki, and became quite widespread all over the country in Ansei 5 and 6, spreading as far as Edo and Mutsu.The Ansei 5 epidemic was the first one in Edo and it was particularly serious but as regards the country as a whole, there seem to have been more places where the epidemic broke out in Ansei 6 rather than Ansei 5.Because there was so much recorded concerning the epidemic in Edo, it was wrongly thought to be the biggest epidemic of cholera in modern age in our country.3) Cholera also prevailed on a great scale over the whole country in Bunkyu 2. To consider this as a continuation of the epidemic in the Ansei period is wrong, for it is established fact that in the first year of Bunkyu, matters were completely back to normal and that the epidemic in the second year of Bunkyu came in from Nagasaki and spread from there.It is possible to say that the cholera epidemic in Bunkyu 2 was substantially the worst in the Edo Era, because it was widespread throughout the country and the number of victims was so great.As the record of deaths in the necrologies show pronounced peaks coinciding with the sudden infection of cholera and high death rate, and as the peaks occur at different times depending on the district, it is easy to trace the infection route of cholera.Furthermore, based on various old records of public government offices, villages and temples, we can endorse the following points concerning the prevalence of cholera at that time.* That the invasion route of cholera started in Nagasaki.* That the theory of the big three epidemics in Bunsei, Ansei and Bunkyu stands, rather than the theory of the big two in Bunsei and Ansei.* That the Ansei 5 epidemic occurred in Edo only, and that as regards the whole country the theory that the worst epidemic was in Bunkyu 2 stands rather than the theory that it was in Ansei 5.

著者

三木 理史

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.5, pp.373-391, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)

参考文献数

99

被引用文献数

1

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This paper clarifies the decline of the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities by analyzing transport coordination in Osaka City after World War II. First, the author hypothesizes that influences in urban traffic planning were reversed between the Ministry of Construction (the Ministry of the Interior before World War II) and the Ministry of Transport (the Ministry of Railways before World War II) before and after World War II, by concentrating on the Urban Transportation Council which played an important part in subsequent transport coordination. This is considered from two points:Transport management generally consists of both infrastructure and transport systems. The Ministry of Railways that regarded transport systems as businesses had difficulty controlling urban areas where the ratio of tram traffic was much higher than railway traffic, because the Ministry of the Interior, which regarded transport systems as belonging to infrastructure, dominated urban areas through the Urban Planning Central Council. However, the Urban Planning Central Council was abolished in 1941 under the influence of the wartime regime. Therefore, urban planning works were weakened because the Ministry of Interior was also dissolved. Since the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka City was the basis of urban planning that was greatly controlled by that ministry, it was thought to be obligated to conflict with the Ministry of Transport after World War II.The Ministry of Transport, which was organizationally constructed in 1949, promoted the Traffic Council to democratize traffic administration. The Traffic Council was related to the Land Transport Coordination Council from before World War II due to changes in transport legislation. The Urban Transportation Council used to be the Transport Coordination Council before World War II because it was constructed as one branch of the Traffic Council in 1955.This paper considers the decline of the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka from these two circumstances. Although necessarily unsettled before World War II, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities was restored to reflect the desires of the wartime regime. The Ministry of Transport tried to break through using G. H. Q. support immediately after World War II; in spite of this, ideas of municipal control continued to be entrenched. However, urban areas had spread rapidly because residents were fleeing to the suburbs to escape the bombing in the cities during the war. Because the municipality had difficulty monopolizing transport businesses in municipal areas due to serious traffic jams and increased automobile traffic during the era of high economic growth, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities lost geographical validity. Therefore, because the construction of municipal subway lines was very expensive, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities also lost economic viability. As a result, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities declined rapidly after the end of the period of high economic growth.By considering the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka, the reasons for its decline may be generally seen as a deficit in the transport businesses of the Osaka municipality. However, this paper clarifies that the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka declined not only due to geographical factors but also economic factors. Therefore, its decline was also related to the reversal of relative power between the Ministries of Transport and Construction in urban transport planning after World War II.

著者

于 亜

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.4, pp.396-413, 2005-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

33

被引用文献数

2 2

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Every traditional society has its own particular regional food culture. The dumplings examined in this article are one example. In northern China, the dumpling has played an important role in food culture, not only materially but also spiritually. Dumplings even have meaning as ceremonial foods, and they form one of the chief elements of traditional food culture. Due to the liberal reform policies carried out in the 1980s, the Chinese economy has developed remarkably, and daily life, especially the food culture of the Chinese people, has changed radically. The aim of this paper is to examine the changing nature of the traditional food culture by focusing on the dumpling, and also to examine the changing meaning and function of the dumpling itself.The region discussed in this paper is Shandong in the lower Yellow River valley. The present state of dumpling food culture was investigated in seven districts within this region. In each district I distributed questionnaires, interviewed local people, and consulted historical records concerning food culture.The Shandong region is the birthplace of the dumpling and we can trace the historical development of it by using local documents. People consume dumplings in various settings, not only in daily life, but on formal occasions as well. The latter category includes annual celebrations and ceremonial events such as weddings, funerals, ancestor-worship rituals, and coming-of-age ceremonies. People still recognize dumplings as a vital dish. Moreover, on formal occasions, the opportunity for consumption, the reason for consumption, the place of consumption, and the group preparing the dumplings differs from place to place. Thus, the dumpling in Shandong is a daily food staple made out of wheat, and, at the same time, is a part of the local food culture that is valued socially and ritually.Since every local area has its own natural environment and historical and social background, types of dumplings differ by locality. However, people's respect for the dumpling is universal. By observing variations in the form of dumplings and by interviewing cooks, it becomes clear that knowledge about dumplings-their different types, forms, and functions-is a sort of folk wisdom that has spread widely.

著者

平井 松午

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.458-459, 2022 (Released:2023-02-14)

参考文献数

1

著者

河原 典史

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.168-181, 1990-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

42

被引用文献数

5

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The regional character of different places can berecognized through living styles and their changes in rural houses. In this study, the author examined functional changes and their factors in rural houses according to the changes in fishing, taking rural houses in fishery villages which have been neglected as an example. As a case study, the author took up funaya settlements in Ineura, in which many kinds of functions are mixed.It was in the Taisho Era that the living functions of funaya which had functions for fishing, such as dry-docking a boat, keeping fishery tools, drying fishing nets and so on, began to come into existence. And it was after World War II that these living functions remarkably expanded.The forms of funaya have greatly changed from a simple two-storied house to a regular two-storied house, because the living space has expanded to the upper stories of funaya since the war ended.The following factors can be given as the reasons for which funaya are equipped with living functions:1. the economic factor: prosperity of fishing in 1950, 1951 and in 1970∼1975.2. the physical factor: linear villages which have little space for housing land.3. a social factor: the rise of nuclear families.Non-fishing families which have a large main house don't need funaya so few of these funaya are equipped with living functions. Furthermore, since about 1965, funaya have had a surplus of living space, so some houses are often found to be changed into minshuku (guest houses).At the present time, the place for dry-docking a boat on the first floor of funaya is classifiied into 4 types: A, B, C and D (see Fig. 8). The main reason is that fiberglass-reinforced-plastic (F.R.P.) boats were introduced in 1969 and the weaving industry spread in 1961.A type: This type doesn't show changes of form. Despite being equipped with dry-docking functions, these are hardly used.B type: Though this type shows changes in form, it still preserves its function for dry-docking boats.C type: This is the type in which formal change is the same as the functional one when the function for dry-docking boats disappeared because of the introduction of F.R.P. boats.D type: This is the type in which the function for dry-docking of boats has disappeared and the forms have changed a great deal, owing to protection of weaving machines and commercial goods.

著者

織田 武雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.5-6, pp.152-162,A15, 1952-01-15 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

45

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Either to affirm or to deny the circumnavigation of Africa by Phoenicians there are not sufficient data, because Herodotus' description of it is brief. It may be wise to conclude, like Bunbry, “it is not proven”.However, when the oceanic currents and wind are taken into consideration, it is understood that the least geographic obstacles will be met if the sailing around of Africa is started from the east seacoást of the continent. Also, while Polynesians got to almost all islands in the Pacific by means of their primitive canoes, Phoenicians had possessed better vessels and navigation than Polynesians.If indirect evidence such as above mentioned is taken into accounts, the circumnavigation of Africa by Phoenicians may be considered “gar nicht unwahrscheinlich, ” as remarked by Humboldt.

著者

森 正人

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.1-22, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)

参考文献数

98

被引用文献数

3 2

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This article traces some trajectories of social and cultural geography since the end of the 1980s to the early 2000s and attempts to explain how the geography of materiality has become a matter in current Anglophone geography, especially in the United Kingdom. Although the new cultural geography of Japan redefines social and cultural geography and focuses on discursive practices and representations, in Japan there is low awareness of discussions on post-humanism, which is a topic in Anglophone geography. Anglophone geography consists of topics such as materiality, performativity, complexity theory, and actor-network theory. There is no paper in the Japanese or English literature in Japan that discusses such topics. Hence, this article attempts to establish a framework to facilitate the discussion of topics such as those mentioned above.To begin with, the process of development of the new cultural geography is detailed in order to review the questions raised towards the end of the 1980s on both sides of the Atlantic. The new social and cultural geography has progressed beyond the conventional understanding of culture, which is sustained by traditional cultural geography, stressing the complex relation between culture, economy and politics, and has also served to underline the crisis in geographical representations associated with anthropological discussions. In this consideration, moral geography, which forms webs of ideologies through space, place, and landscape, is examined. There have been criticisms of the new cultural geography, of which a problem of reification of the idea of culture is noted here. However, the controversy around this criticism seemingly still retains a problem of metaphysics, and rigidly assumes the existence of ‘subject’ and ‘object’. Phil Crang’s paper that intends to combine the cultural aspect with economic geography implies the idea of culture and economy as something performed. It states that there is no linearity or predetermined harmony among cultural, economic and political practices. This point of view was amplified in some lines of discussions in the late 1990s.Second, theoretical frameworks for performativity, hybridity, ethics, non-representational theory, complexity theory, and actor-network theory are outlined in this essay. The power of things, women, nature, etc. that have been objectified is included as these discussions revolve around the issue of western metaphysics which continually attempts to establish a rigid division between the subject and the object. The distinction has been always/already mediated by the corporeal. The traces left by the corporeal or things reveals the impossibility of the execution of the project of western metaphysics. Ethics are centered, instead of moral geography, to grasp the entanglement of humans and non-humans.Third, criticism of the material turn that occurred at the end of the 1990s is studied. The discussion on materiality became a critical vehicle to overcome the weakness of verbal analysis. Mike Crang’s papers on heritage show that materiality emerges in various practices and affects people’s memories. Materiality is not only an issue of matter. Subsequently, there is reference to a controversy between Daniel Miller, who influenced the material turn in geography, and Michel Callon, who proposed the actor-network theory. It demonstrates how Miller is captured by the classic Hegelian/Marxist concept: Miller assumes the linearity of ideology in a market and the predominance of the subject over the object. It is, therefore, understandable that some geographers were accused of continuing to retain Hegelian beliefs, i. e., the belief that there is a binary relation between subject/object, spirit/thing, and human/nature.(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)