著者
高木 彰彦
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.1, pp.26-40, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
103
被引用文献数
2
著者
岡本 兼佳
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
8

For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,
著者
中西 雄二
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.6, pp.649-665, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
81
被引用文献数
1 1

More than two million Russian refugees resulted from the Russian Revolution in 1917. These refugees were termed "White Russians" ("Hakkei-Roshiajin" in Japanese) and did not accept the Soviet regime. For this reason, they escaped from their motherland and spread to many countries similar to a diaspora.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the way of life and the functions of White Russian society who chose Kobe, a former central city of White Russians living in Japan, as their domicile. This study is based on documents from the Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and oral data gained through fact-finding visits and interviews in the area.Most White Russians in Japan lived in Tokyo and Yokohama before the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, a large number of them migrated from the Tokyo area to Kobe, which provided shelter from the disaster. Thereafter, Kobe became one of the central settlements of White Russians in Japan, along with the Tokyo metropolitan area. In those days, many White Russians, more than 400 people at its highest point, settled in Kobe, particularly in the former Fukiai and Ikuta wards.The term "White Russians" refers to all people from the territory of the Russian Empire, including Christians, Jews, and Muslim Tatars. Therefore, White Russians are a group that is diverse in terms of culture, ethnicity and religion. Consequently, their organizations were based on their religious affiliations in Kobe.In the period after 1925, White Russians were categorized as stateless in Japan. They had the right to obtain a "Nansen Passport", issued by the League of Nations as identification cards, but their status was very uncertain. Moreover, many White Russians were peddlers and frequently travelled around. As a result, the Japanese authorities watched them closely as they were suspicious that White Russians were spies sent from foreign countries, especially from the Soviet Union. In fact, some White Russians were expelled from Japan in the 1920s. However, in the 1930s, chauvinistic nationalism arose among White Russians themselves, and some of them even provided donations to the Japanese government and army. This indicates that the White Russian society was subsumed within Japanese society in those days. In addition, there was some conflict over the attitude toward the Soviet Union in White Russian society.After W. W. II, the number of White Russians in Japan suddenly decreased. This is because many people went abroad in order to avoid chaos after the war. In Kobe, there was also a rapid decrease in the population of White Russians, and their organizations gradually declined and eventually dissolved. Today, only "The Kobe Eastern Orthodox Church Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", "The Kobe Muslim Mosque", and "The Kobe Foreign Cemetery" remain in Kobe as remnants of former White Russian society.These cases illustrate the disappearance of the ethnicity of White Russians in Kobe. There is a tendency for refugees to remigrate or for their families to disperse. Many White Russians were no exception, and this tendency is one of the reasons why White Russians disappeared from Kobe. In addition, the negative attitude of the Japanese state towards the inflow and settlement of foreigners is one of the major factors explaining their disappearance.
著者
丹羽 弘一
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.5, pp.545-564, 1992-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
67
被引用文献数
1 3

This article seeks to explain the circumstances of homeless people in Osaka City and their temporal change using the concept of the social space in an urban area. The special concern here is Kamagasaki District, a typical and nationally well-known yoseba (the space served as a catchment place of day laborers for jobs regarded as relatively unskilled). Such places generally have a large number of cheap lodging houses (doyagai) for them. The homeless people in Japan, mostly single man, were called formerly runpen or furosha, and currently are known as nojukusha. They correspond to day laborers in a substantive sense.Kamagasaki is a commonly-used place name of the neighborhood, located in the northeastern part of Nishinari-ward, Osaka City, and its extent is almost identical to that of Airin-chiku (Airin District), as is has usually been referred to by the administrative authorities, police and mass media. There is a huge day labor market centered on Airin Multi-purpose Center in this area and it is generally said that the district has more than twenty thousand day laborers, about two hundred cheap lodging houses and numerous eating houses, resulting in a distinctive landscape segregated from surrounding areas.In the second section, previous research of yoseba is reviewd. This district has been studied as a disorganized area mainly by social pathologists in the existing literature of social science. But it mirrors a negative and passive understanding of this social space in urban area. The author here, putting emphasis on the social structural context, would like to identify a certain social space focused on the district. On this occation the actual situation concerned with the homeless is a very good indicator of the social space.The third section is devoted to a historical explanation. In the period immediately after World War II, Osaka City's governmental measures toward the homeless was to settle disorder due to the influx of sufferers and returnees in and around Osaka Station. Nevertheless, as the district served as the place for single male day laborers during the period of fast economic growth in the 1960s, the homeless within the city tended to be accounted for primarily by Kamagasaki's day-laborers. Then, the measures were developed in the Airin regime (Airin taisei) which was established in the beginning of the 1970's, motivated by the‘riots’and still continues. The survey of occupational careers conducted in 1988 indicates that, the numbers of homeless persons rise occur in the season or months when jobs are unavailable, whereas they become laborers in the remainder.Specific attributes are discussed in the fourth section. According to the records of the Thursday Night Patrol Party within the Kamagasaki Christian Society, there is a general tendency to seasonal size change in incidence of the homeless: they expand from April to summer and then contract. Such change is due to the job offering variation concerned with the labor force through the Nishinari Labor and Welfare Center as well as climatic condition such as temparature. Moreover, the records suggests that this change has been less remarkable within the district, while now obvious outside it. Also worthy-of-note is that, as the number of the homeless as a whole tends to decrease, the inside-the-district proportion has been lower.In the 1988 investigation, the homeless persons are grouped into the following three length types: the long type (more than one year), the short type (less than one year), and the cyclic type, which implies repeatedly homeless and non-homeless conditions seasonally over the past years. Furthermore, such types are cross tabulated with income source and reason for becoming homeless. With regard to the source, many of the long and short types work as junk dealer (yoseya), while most of the other type are day laborers.
著者
籠瀬 良明
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.3, pp.36-47,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
18

In the plain of Takada can be traced an old watercourse of the Hokura about five kilometers in length. What characterize this old watercourse are free meandering and natural banks, running on both sides of it and higher than the level by one meter or two with fields and hamlets on them. A long succession of fine paddy-fields stretehes on this old course of the river, which were brought under cultivation in middle ages. (Especially, it is the case with the lower course of the river.)In the article two of those examples, Matsuhashi and Funatsu in the village of Honda are dealt.[The author made a lecture on other such examples, Honda-Enokii and Katatsu, at the autumnal meeting of Association of Japanese Geographers last year, and explained why the region should be supposed to have been cultivated in Middle Ages, also explaining its characteristics. The details are to be mentioned in next number.]
著者
スミス・ ネィール
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.51-66, 2000-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
35
被引用文献数
2 2

1980年代と1990年代のグローバル化に関する広く行きわたった認識は、資本蓄積の進行に地理的空間がますます関わらなくなっているという考えを助長してきた。多くの公式的な見解とは反して、グローバル化は金融資本の国際化よりも製造資本の国際化に刺激を受けている。グローバル化のもとでは、はるかにより包括的な過程が生じている-それは徹底的な地理的スケールの再構築である。本稿は、資本蓄積が、経済的な状況については国民国家の相対的後退を伴いつつ、グローバル-ローカル関係がますます決定的になる新たな段階に突入していることを論じる。このことにより、グローバルな資本の中核に多くのアジアとラテンアメリカの経済が状況に応じて統合される一方でアフリカと世界中の縁辺化された人々がますます追い払われる、地理的不均等発展の新しいパターンがあらわれている。
著者
森 正人
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.6, pp.535-556, 2002-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
101

This paper discusses the changing spatiality and movement modes of the 'Henro' pilgrimage on Shikoku Island from 1920-1930. The pilgrimage is one of principal topics in the geography of religion, and geographers have analysed its spatial structure using historical, quantitative and humanistic approaches. For those researching the spatiality of the pilgrimage, it is necessary to clarify the contested processes by which spatiality was produced and the manner in which discourses concerned with modes of movement were produced in order to control the flow of pilgrims. Though pilgrims mainly traveled on foot for religious training, there were no statements concerning the pilgrimage route in guidebooks published at Edo era.Since the modern Japanese government created a transport system to create homogeneous space in Japan, several transport systems-train, bus and ship-were available in Shikoku until the middle of 1930s. For pilgrims who used these transport systems, movement patterns during the Henro pilgrimage became diversified. However, since the end of the Taisho era, 'the intellectual class' who had hardly previously participated, became interested in the Henro pilgrimage. As a result of this change, the Henro pilgrimage became involved in domestic tourism as alternative form of tourism at the end of the 1920s, and pilgrims using the new transport system and taking casual pleasure in were referred to as 'Modern Henro'.On the other hand, in 1929, 'Henro-Dogyokai', which aimed to organize pilgrims and provide several activities concerned with the Henro pilgrimage, was founded at Tokyo. Its goal was to enlighten people along national policy and to criticize the Modern Henro because they regarded its style as religiously regressive. Through providing information about the Henro pilgrimage in their monthly journal Henro and their activities, they emphasised the authentic style or way of the Henro pilgrimage, and at the same time they emphasized that pilgrims should journey on foot.In short, from the end of 1920s to the middle of 1930s, while Japanese tourism or 'Modern Henro' represented the space of the Henro pilgrimage as tourist space, 'Henro-Dogyokai' represented it as religious training space. However, both agents reconstituted the network in the space of the Henro pilgrimage; indeed the space of the Henro pilgrimage was a contested one in this period. Of course, traditional pilgrims-those who had not been admitted to live their village community and could do nothing but carry on the pilgrimage with begging -also existed. In this context, the reconstituted Henro pilgrimage was appropriated within Japanese fascist policy through its articulation with hiking in the middle of 1930s, and Modern Henro' and 'Henro-Dogyokai' were placed within national ideology. The Japanese government coerced people into walking to make proper bodies and to pray for victory in World War II. In this policy, adopting various modes of movement in pilgrimage was unacceptable since pilgrims were compelled to walk. However, despite this policy, some pilgrims refused to comply and some of them preferred to use transportation.
著者
平岡 昭利
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.5, pp.503-518, 2005-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
92
被引用文献数
1

The Senkaku Islands are made up of five uninhabited islands scattered about 170km north of the Yaeyama Islands of Okinawa Prefecture. In recent years the territorial claims on these islands made by China and Taiwan have increased since it was found that under that area there is a lot of petroleum and natural gas. No one has ever sufficiently examined why Japanese people in the Meiji Era started going to these islands made only of rocks. This study discusses the Japanese advance into and the development of the Senkaku Islands. The following is its summary;The territorial possession of the uninhabited Senkaku Islands started with the exploration by the Okinawa Prefectural Government in 1885, and the exploration report says that a large flock of albatross was found there. In the 1890's, the Japanese advance into the Senkaku Islands was accelerated in order to get the albatross plumage and the great green turban. In those days the Okinawa Prefectural Government had to plead with the Meiji Central Government again and again to put national landmarks on the islands because it was not clear whether the islands were actually Japanese or Chinese territory. Finally in 1894, the Meiji Government permitted to put the national landmarks. In 1895 the Senkaku Islands were placed under the jurisdiction of Okinawa Prefecture. In the same year, Tatsushiro Koga, who was a powerful and wealthy shellfish merchant, asked the Meiji Government to lease Kuba Island for the purpose of catching albatross because of the rapid decrease of the great green turban. His business changed from shellfish to albatross. In 1896, the Government not only leased Kuba Island to him but also granted him the lease of another four Senkaku Islands for 30 years.In 1897 Koga started his business in the Senkaku Islands, but albatross, his main resource of business, decreased devastatingly in only three years. Therefore, he diversified his business into stuffed birds, bonito fishing, guano, and phosphate rocks and managed to make an immense profit. But his business didn't last long because he mismanaged the natural resources on the islands. Koga Village, founded in Uotsuri Island with a huge investment of money, disappeared in about 30 years and around 1937 the Senkaku Islands again became uninhabited with no change since then.
著者
村田 陽平
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.6, pp.533-551, 2000-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
80
被引用文献数
4 2

Over the decades since the 1970s, feminist geography has challenged the exclusion of women from the production of geographical knowledge. With the emergence of feminist geography, gender perspectives have attracted considerable attention. However, men who feel alienated by changing gender roles have not received much attention. The purpose of this article is to elucidate the empirical situation of the masculinity of geographical knowledge by highlighting the major characteristics of alienated middle-aged single men in contemporary Japan.In the introductory section, an overview and the significance of feminist geography are discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the importance of men's studies within gender research in geography. The development of men's studies has enabled an interrogation of masculinity from varied angles.The second section is devoted to an explanation of the interview method employed in the article and its limitations. The informants are ten single men, aged 35-64. Their narratives are quoted as evidence of their alienation.The third section interprets the concrete places within which middle-aged single men feel alienated. The specific contents of these places of alienation are presented as follows:1. In rural areas, where they do not play an important role within patriarchy, they are not regarded as 'full-fledged' men.2. At the workplace, where they are unable to participate in male bonding which is a feature of homosocial workspaces.3. At home, where the lack of women results in their homes being labelled as 'dirty', as men are considered to lack the ability to do housework.4. In contemporary gendered urban spaces, where despite an image of these spaces allowing diversity, middle-aged single men feel suppressed.The evidence from the research points to the above four factors being the main considerations underlying the alienation of single and middle-aged men.Based upon the discussion of the preceding sections, the fourth section interprets the meanings of space and place from the standpoint of men who feel alienated, with reference to feminist geography. Firstly, it is noted that place in humanistic geography, which has been criticized by feminist geography as having a masculinist bias, alienates middle-aged single men, as well as women. Moreover, feminist geography points out that the notion of space in Marxist geography is also gendered. This paper draws attention to the fact that gendered space does not privilege all men, but just those men who meet certain conditions of masculinity.The final section discusses the conclusion reached, that hegemonic masculinity in geographical knowledge oppresses not only women, but also men. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate differences among men.
著者
加藤 政洋
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.164-182, 1999-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
130
被引用文献数
1 1

There has begun to develop a burgeoning new problematic in recent works in human geography addressing the debate around postmodernism and the city. David Harvey's The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) and The Urban Experience (1989), and Edward Soja's Postmodern Geographies (1989) are major works on this theme. While their contribution to 'postmodern geography' is now widely accepted, they have been criticized by some feminist geographers such as Massey (1991) and Deutsche (1991) for their suppression of difference, their failure to be aware of masculinity and their lack of recognition of feminist theories of representation in their works. There is one other matter which is important in these criticisms. As Deutsche and Gregory (1994) have acutely pointed out, Harvey and Soja read the city as a distant silhouette and both accord a particular privilege to this distant view.The purpose of the present paper is to outline a series of debates, as mentioned above, around ways of seeing the city in contemporary urban studies in general, and to undertake a critical assessment of Harvey's voyeurism in his 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience and Soja's solar Eye (looking down like a God) in 'an imaginative cruise' in particular. In addition to this purpose, I am going to suggest two directions for a postmodern geographical critique of the modernist gaze on the urban condition-the politics of representation and the politics of scale.The second section of the paper explains the change in Harvey's attitude towards the city. We can observe this change in the transfiguration of the leading figure from a 'restless analyst' (in Consciousness and the Urban Experience) to 'the voyeur' (in The Urban Experience). Harvey, as the restless analyst, places an exaggerated importance on wandering the streets, playing 'flaneur', watching people, eavesdropping on conversations and reading local newspapers. In short, he learns more about the city and its urban condition by engaging in microgeographies of everyday life and pursuing a view from the city streets. As the voyeur, however, he makes a point of ascending to a high point and looking down upon the intricate landscape of streets, built environment and human activitv. In the 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience, Harvey so obviously prefers the view from above as a voyeuristic way of seeing the city that homogenizes street life, urban life and everyday life in a desire for legibility/readability. Thus, the privileging of the high viewpoint is his particular method of conceptualizing 'the city as a whole'. For Harvey as the voyeur, therefore, the position of restless analyst in the street 'cannot help acquiring new meaning'. This goes to his modernist sensibility.In Postmodern Geographies, Soja introduces his most exciting essay on Los Angeles as an attempt to evoke a 'spiraling tour' around the city that he made with Frederic Jameson and Henri Lefebvre. This essay is not a mere field report, but he tries to recapture their travels as ';an imaginative cruise'! The third section of the paper points out that his 'imaginative cruise' is conducted from many vantage-points and so Soja's position on urban studies implies a Foucaldian panoptic gaze. For example, although Soja declares that 'only from the advantageous outlook of the center can the surveillant eye see everyone collectively, disembedded but interconnected', he climbs the high rise City Hall building and looks down on the landscape of downtown. The view from this site is especially impressive to Soja as one of surveillance.What I try to show in sections 2 and 3 is that there is a great similarity between Harvey and Soja in their ways of seeing the city.
著者
岡田 俊裕
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.5, pp.445-460, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
4 2

The concepts of landscape (Landschaft, paysage) spread through the geographic world in Japan since the latter half of 1920's. The discipline of geography in Japan before the war's end was characterized by studies based on these concepts, the theory of man-land relationships, and geopolitics. This paper is the first historical review of studies of geographical landscape in Japan.Japanese geographers had tried to translate landscape (Landschaft, paysage) into Japanese since 1925, using such terms as“fukei (風景)”,“fudo (風土)”,“keiso (景相)”, “chiriteki keikan (地理的景観)”,“fukei keitai (風景形態)”,“keiiki (景域)”,“chisokei (地相景)”,“kansho (環象)”,“keikan (景観)”and others. Keikan was by far the most popularly used term. It is thought that Tsujimura Taro had a great influence on this state of affairs.The concepts of landscape can be classified into three major interpretations: (1) the synthetic contents of a (unit) region, (2) common regions as a type, (3) the visible and morphologic objects in a region. On the basis of this classification, the writer puts interpretations of these concepts before the war's end in the order stated above, number (1) being the most frequent interpretation. Other Japanese equivalents besides“keikan” were used frequently in interpretation number (1). However, it is said that interpretation number (3) came into wider use than number (1) in field studies.“Keikan”was used frequently in this case. Therefore, many theoretical studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (1), while most field studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (3). Interpretation number (2) appeared in a few cases, but it is not thought to have been used frequently.In the 1910's in Germany, the concept of landscape (Landschaft) was introduced to the system of geography, and the form or shape of landscape was treated as the object of landscape study. Studies which had some resemblance to those in Germany were seen before and after the 1930's in Japan. The studies of relations between landscape and social, economic and cultural conditions were deepened and developed later in Germany. However, research on form of landscape were, in Japan, still being carried out, and the function and phylogeny of landscape were not developed enough in Japan. But theoretical studies did develop some what. The development of landscapes was studied, and some researchers began to point out that it was necessary in landscape study to clarify the development mechanisms of human societies. Moreover the landscape was grasped from a view-point of social science, in that the landscape is thought to be determined by the mode of production.A problem that was little discussed throughout the pre-war and post-war days is the role of subjectivity in human societies in the formation of the cultural landscape. This is the main reason for the criticism that early studies of geographical landscape were not really connected to the contemporary world. In the first half of 1930's in Germany, O. Maull and H. Hassinger proposed that the nation state was the builder of landscape. Their propositions were soon introduced to Japan, but have not yet been really discussed. How are human societies including nation states related to the formation of the cultural landscape? The writer concludes that this discussion remains as an unsolved problem.
著者
松井 圭介
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.5, pp.515-533, 1993-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
127
被引用文献数
4 1

Geography of religion aims to clarify the relationships between the environment and religious phenomena. In Japan, this discipline has four major fields of researchThe first field is that of the relationships between the natural environment and religion. The emphasis in this field, however, is on the influence of the environment upon religion. Whereas many scholars study how climate and topography change the formation of religious beliefs, there is almost no study of the influence of religion upon the natural environment. In order to fill this lack, it is necessary, for instance, to clarify the role of religion in environmental protection.Secondly, geographers of religion study how religion influences social structures, organizations, and landscapes in local areas. They mainly examine the urban structure and its transformation within religious cities with regard to the dominant religion. There are also some studies about the significance of religion for the formation of new cities. The relationships of the religious orientation to the local structure of cities and villages, however, has not been thoroughly clarified yet.Thirdly, pilgrimage forms another major field of research in the geography of religion. Most studies so far, however, remain preliminary, showing the routes of pilgrimage without reconstructing networks among sacred places and their surroundings. Moreover, the contemporary meaning of pilgrimage is not studied enough, though people today still carry out pilgrimages fervently.Lastly, geographers of religion try to clarify the structure of space which is created by the sacred, through examining the distribution and propagation of religion. One of the major studies in this field is that of sphere of religion.This geography of religion as the study of relationships between the environment and religion has two indispensable approaches, for the space created through these relationships has two aspects; empirical and symbolic. On the one hand, religion has power to organize local communities and this power generates the structure of space which is grasped empirically. On the other hand, religion supports human existence through offering a cosmology. This cosmology appears in the structure of space symbolically. Geography of religion should understand the religious structure of space throughly by adopting both positivistic and symbolic approaches.
著者
倉光 ミナ子
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.4, pp.383-395, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
36

A lot of research on reclamation settlements has been done by Japanese geographers. Most of it has been the studies developing statistical data and not focusing on the consciousness of the settlers who actually built the settlements. The culture, especially ritual, transplanted from their homeland to their new settlement has a significance as a symbol in the process of settling. The purpose of this study is to consider the relationship between the formation of reclaimed settlements and ‘revived’ ritual in terms of the settlers.The field of the study, ‘Miyuki-cho’, is formally divided into Nishimiyuki and Higashimiyuki-cho in Toyohashi-shi. It was settled immediately after the Second World War. In 1945, a group of people from Toyone village, the north-eastern part of Aichi Prefecture, started to settle in this area. That was a policy of Toyone village because of its lack of land for cultivation. As reclamation was conducted by Iwanishi agricultural cooperative association, this settlement became a highly united one in comparison with other settlements. In 1949, the Miyuki shrine was established as a result of transplanting a part of their original settlements' shrines. This provided the necessary setting for the settlers to start a ritual, Hanamatsuri, in 1956.There were two contexts in reviving Hanamatsuri. First, the tools for Hanamatsuri were transferred from the people of the Bunchi settlement in Toyone village, who had to move from their original site because of the construction of the Sakuma dam. Among the tools Onimen (mask of gods) is the most crucial one and is the object of worship by the people. Secondly, the cognition of the people concerning Hanamatsuri is significant. They used to learn Hanamatsuri customs in their youth in their home village. It was natural for the people to practice Hanamatsuri and they never questioned its meaning.In conclusion, the settlers started Hanamatsuri as it was indispensable for their life. It was important to revive Hanamatsuri in the process of developing settlements as it meant a final success of their reclamation for the settlers. In sum, in considering the formation of the reclamation settlements, not only physical and economic points of view, but also socio-cultural and subjective viewpoints are necessary.
著者
藤塚 吉浩
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.5, pp.496-514, 1994-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
136
被引用文献数
3 1

This paper seeks to review the gentrification studies in the Western countries, and obtain implications for Japanese cities.The article begins with a review of the literature concerned with social effects of gentrification. In the capitalist countries, at the outset, many people expect that gentrification is caused by private ecnomy. However the effects of gentrification are not so expected for the several reasons. One reason is that most of inmovers to the gentrified neighborhoods are not part of a ‘back to the city movement’, but ‘staying in the city’. The other is that gentrifiers revitalizing abandoned areas are limited in number. On the contrary, it causes the displacement of the socioeconomically weak. Most of them are low income, elderly and minority. They feel the sting of the displacement caused by urban revitalization. Furthermore it results in producing a lot of homeless people.The third chapter treats with five theoretical issues, which are institutions, stage models, rent-gap theory, the new middle class, and marginal gentrifiers. According to the institutionalist approach, central and local government, estate agents, and building societies, are the inducers of gentrification. The stage model explains the gentrification process positively by inmovers' attitude to accept risks in the deteriorated areas. Rent-gap theory explains gentrification structurally by the movement of capital, back to the inner city. The new middle class is on the rise due to industrial restructuring.They prefer to live near the city center, so they cause gentrification. They prefer not only historical architecture, but also modern amenities. Inmovers to the gentrified neighborhoods, are not only the new middle class. There is also the formation of reproducing marginal gentrifiers. Marginal gentrifiers come to live in the inner city because of alternative life-styles. Many researchers agree that no approach cannot explain the phenomenon alone, and some of them seek to integrate several approaches.In section four I argue the applicability of researches on social effects and theoretical approaches in Western countries for Japanese cases. First I show two bases for the occurrence of gentrification in Japanese cities. One is the recent trend of upgrading living spaces. Most Japanese houses are built of wood, so they become obsolete without maintenance. It is easy to scrap obsolete houses and renovate new ones. Recently there are many cases of rehabilitating modern Western-style buildings and reforming the living layout of condominiums. The other is the restructuring of the inner city. In the 1970s most central cities lost affluent people. Many heavy industries scattered from metropolitan regions to nonmetropolitan areas. Although the inner city area in the central cities lost population, it also provides opportunities to increase population again. Actually recurrence of population appeared in some of those large cities during the late 1980s. I argue that three primary factors may cause gentrification in Japanese cities. The first one is industrial restructuring. Industrial restructuring produces new professionals. They may be potential gentrifiers. The second one is suburbanization. Expanding urban regions make a long commute to the office in the central city. So many people prefer to live not so far from the office. The third one is the supply of condominiums. Many people invested in them during the late 1980s, because of lower interest rates. Most of them located in the inner city and induce inmovers.Second, I discuss future directions for research on gentrification in Japanese cities. There may be three main issues. The first one is resettlement in the inner city. Municipal officials of most large central cities are working to prevent the population from decreasing.
著者
滝波 章弘
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.4, pp.340-362, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
63
被引用文献数
2 2

What do tourists experience in travel? What is the meaning of contemporary tourism? These questions have been proposed since the mid 1970's by geographers, anthropologists, and psychologists of tourism in the English-speaking world. Most of the studies attempt to verify MacCanell's theory of authenticity, Turner's process of communitas or Cohen's systematic typology of tourist experience. Are these hypothesis also applicable to the Japanese contemporary tourist experience?The popular travel monthly“Tabi”proves an indispensable source concerning Japanese tourism. Each edition contains travel essays contributed by readers. I compared 155 travel writings in“Tabi”from 1992 to 1995 with the contributors ranging from the young to the aged.In the first analysis, I examined three hypothesis. Turner's communitas was verified only in 3 essays; MacCanell's authenticity in 25 essays; and Cohen's typology in 47 essays. These results show that the existing models are insufficient to explain the Japanese tourist experience.In the second analysis, I tried to treat the 155 travel narratives without hypothesis. Based upon the structuralist textual analysis, I extracted six main subjects: encounter of people, perception of panorama or landscape, discovery of another world, observation of culture and history, solution of problem which arise during travel, and recognition of ones life.The relations between the demographic category and the subjects of tourist experience are summarized as follows. The younger writers emphasize the spatial contrast: they often compare their chosen destination with their everyday environment, and the smaller places they explored with popular tourist sites. The comparison is not neutral: what is unknown or idyllic is evaluated positively, while what is popular or metropolitan is portrayed negatively. The older writers are likely to underline the spatio-temporal contrast: they frequently speak of a spiritual experience following an ordeal, e.g., reverence of a panoramic view after a painful ascent. In terms of encounter, the nuance between age-groups is also clear. The younger tend to analyze systematically the encounter: they underline the contrast between the fragile tourist from the city and the kind and tough local people. For the older, the encounter is more realistic: there exists mutual communication between the local and the tourist.Regarding gender, more of the men observe the culture, history, and life style of the destination than women. Observation often leads to comprehension by accompanying the discourse of cultural comparison between native country and destination. On the other hand, women are more concerned with the solution of problems which may happen in their travel. In some cases, they write about the aid given by a local person in an encountered difficult situation; and in other cases they stress their sense of accomplishment after surmounting difficulties. Women are more concerned with self-presentation than men.Under divers tourist experiences, we can find out one common structure the spatiotemporal contrast. Men seek the spatial contrast between life-space and tourist space, between famous place and little place, and so on. Women pursue temporal contrast between difficult situation and accomplishment, between assisted tourist and assisting local person, and so on.The structure of contrast in the tourist experience resembles the system of objects proposed by Baudrillard. Both try to contrast some elements with others: goods in Baudrillard, and spatio-temporal experiences in travel writings. In this respect, we can say that travel writing is a part of a contemporary semiotic world. But we can also remark that there is a considerable difference: the contrast is symmetric in the system of goods and asymmetric in the narrative of travel. The asymmetry of the latter is the result of the real space.
著者
Rosalia AVILA-TAPIES
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.2, pp.174-188, 1995-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
26
被引用文献数
4 2 4

There are many studies on Japanese internal migration, however the movements of foreigners living in Japan have not been studied specifically until now, in part due to data unavailability. This study tries to clarify the in- and out-migration patterns of the Japanese and foreign population living in the centre of a metropolis, selecting as a research area the Ikuno Ward in Osaka city. Ikuno Ward has been losing population since the 1960's (see graph), and it is distinguished by the existence of an important and stable Korean community (a quarter of the total population), whose origin goes back to the colonial times.The data was gathered from the residential change forms in Ikuno's ward office. The study covers the period of March, April and May of 1993, and the subjects are 3, 078 out-migrants and 2, 603 in-migrants, accounting for in each case about 32% of all the migrants from and to Ikuno Ward in that year. The data collected is: gender, type of migration (individual or family), age, and destination or origin of the flows.Out-migration (see Table 1):(1) In both populations out-migrants are short-distance migrants, and about 76% of them moved within the metropolitan area of Osaka. This figure refers to the internal migration. However, the foreigners, who in this case can be considered Koreans, either tend to remain more in the city, mainly in the sourrounding areas where important Korean populations exist, or moved out to the central wards. In addition, there is a significant migration of foreigners to big cities such as Kobe and Kyoto. The outstanding Japanese sectoral bias out-migration toward the east (Nara Prefecture) related to the purchase of a home is unimportant to foreigners, and the suburbanization phenomenon is less evident. At the national level, the foreigners' out-migration to Eastern Japan is far more important than to Western Japan. Therefore they break the East-West cultural division that is visible in the Japanese migration flows.(2) Mobility in terms of gender is substantially higher among men, and more noticeable among Japanese. The sex ratio of out-migrants to the metropolitan area is the same for both populations (about 99), however for the rest of Japan it increases, especially for the Japanese migrating to Eastern Japan.(3) In general, individual migration is higher for foreigners except in the case of the Japanese migrating to Eastern Japan.(4) The Japanese migrants of different ages exhibit clearly different patters of destination choice, while for the Koreans it is not so clear.In-migration (see Table 2) and net migration:There is a negative net migration for both populations. There is a larger percentage of foreigners in-migrating from the metropolitan area, principally from the rest of Osaka Prefecture to Ikuno Ward (positive net migration). The in-migration from Eastern Japan is comparatively higher for foreigners also. For the Japanese, the in-migration from the rest of Western Japan is a major flow (positive net migration). The sex ratio is higher for foreigners particularly for those coming from outside the Metropolitan Area. Ikuno Ward is a net gainer of mainly female, young, individual Japanese migrants from Western Japan.The author believes that the destination choice process varies not only with the migrant's age and gender, but also with its ethnic and cultural characteristics. In this case, restrictions in employment and housing opportunities for Koreans are probably important factors for the difference in migration patterns. Moreover, more qualitative research is needed in geography on the ethnic groups' differential spatial perceptions and migration decision-making process.
著者
井上 孝 森本 健弘
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.5, pp.479-492, 1991

This study examined how population density and agricultural land productivity in a metropolitan area varied spatially by discussing the case of the Kanto district. A mathematical model was presented for describing the relationship of these two values. Population density values were calculated from grid-cell data of the population census of 1980. Values of agricultural land productivity were represented by agricultural income per hectare estimated from grid-cell data of the agricultural census of 1980. Figure 3 shows distribution of these values.We attempted to find the complicated spatial patterns of these values by analyzing the covariation of them in two aspects: the covariation with distance from the city center (Fig. 4) and with azimuth angle in distance belts (Fig. 5).The facts that we found are summarized as follows:The covariation with distance showed a tendency to correlate positively in the inside range of 35km and showed a tendency to correlate negatively in the outside range of 35km, except the non-agricultural city core and the mountainous area beyond 95km.The variation with azimuth angle, both of density and of productivity, consisted of long waves and short waves. The long waves of density and productivity showed similar curves. By contrast, the short waves of them showed inverse curves. This inverse relationship was weaker in the outside range of 35km than the inside.A mathematical model was then presented on the basis of these facts. This model consists of the following two parts:1) The covariation with distanceThe following formulation describes the covariation of population density fP and agricultural land productivity fA with distance. Equation (1) shows the productivity fA (r, p) at a place where distance from the edge of the city center is r and deviation of density is p. Variables fA (r, p), gA (r), and hA (p) in (1) correspond to curves FA, G, and H in Figure 6 respectively. The variable gA (r) is a component declining exponentially with distance r; gA (r)>0 and (d/dr) gA (r)<0 for r>0. The variable hA (r) is a component increasing with decreasing deviation p; (d/dp) hA (p)<0; hA (p)≈0 at p=0. Let fP(r) be the population density at distance r and fP be the mean value of fP(r) with respect to overall r, we get p=fP(r)-fP and (d/dr)fP(r)<0. Thus hA (p) becomes a function of r and (d/dr)hA(p(r)) becomes positive. Let r0 be a constant distance, the relationship between gA (r) and hA (p) is given by inequalities (2) and (3).2) The covariation with azimuth angleThe following formulation describes the covariation of population density up and agricultural land productivity uA, with azimuth angle in a specific distance belt Both uP and uA are standardized values with respect to overall angle in the distance belt. The density uP(θ) at angle θ can be written in equation (4). Variables uP(θ) and vP(θ) in (4) correspond to curves UP and VP in Figure 7 respectively. The variable vP(θ) is a component representing long periodic variation; vP(θ+λ1)=vP(θ) for a constant λ1(>0)
著者
三上 正利
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, no.5, pp.323-339,401, 1957-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
73

In Western Siberia it was in the late Palaeolithic Age that men came to liver for the first time (Cf. Fig. 1). They enlarged their dwelling. area as far as_ the lower Ob River in the Neolithic Age (Cf. Fig. 2). The first farming of Western Siberia was begun in the southern part of it at the Andronovskaya epoch (1700-1200 B.C.). The northenmost bounds of agriculture in the end of the Bronze Age were along the line of Kurgan, Petropavlovsk and Omsk. In other words, they were in the southern part of the forest steppe zone. In the part of the Minusinsk Basin, irrigation-farming was begun at the Tagarskaya epoch (700-100 B.C.). About the fifth century, they started to till the fields with plough under the influence of China. S.V. Kiselev states that hack-tilling with irrigation played the main role in the rise of the Türk people(_??__??_)in the Altay in the sixth century and that plough-tilling with irrigation came to have an important meaning in the rise of the Kyrgys people(_??__??__??_)in the upper Yenisey River in the tenth century. The agriculture in Southern Siberia, which had developed comparatively highly in the ancient time, fell into decay in the latter period.When the Russian people began colonizing in the end of the sixteenth century, the northernmost bounds of agriculture by the native peoples had moved up to the north as far as the line of Tobolsk, Tomsk and Krasnoyarsk. In other words, they were in the south of the forest zone. Only the Tatars of the Siberian khanate were tilling with plough, and the rest peoples were tilling with hack. In general, agriculture was mere the supplementary means of industry to hunting, fishing and stock farming. There were some peoples who didn't engage in agriculture. From the oldest times, Western Siberia had been the mixed area of the race of the mongoloid type and the race of the europeoid type. There were Mongoloid peoples in the north and Europeoid peoples in the south. In the Minusinsk Basin, however, mongolonization came to have a remarkable meaning at the Tashtykskaya epoch (1c. B.C-4c. A.D.). It means the process of Turkicization in the fields of both language and civilization, in which the peoples called the Tatars by Russians were formed, in the Altay and the middle and upper parts of the Yenisey River.
著者
佐藤 英人
出版者
人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.4, pp.353-368, 2001
被引用文献数
6 1

In recent years, the understanding of the processes of the suburbanization of office location has long been a major foci of discussion in urban geography. However, few studies have analyzed why large, high status office buildings have developed in the metropolitan suburbs.The purpose of this study is to investigate the supply and management of large office buildings in the Tokyo metropolitan suburbs. The analysis is based on a questionnaire survey of tenant offices in Omiya Sonic City, one of the earliest large office buildings in the suburbs.The paper can be summarized as follows:Office workers and office space stocks have steadily increased since 1990 in suburban core cities. However, there are regional differences in the temporal fluctuation of the rental ratio of office space. In particular, there has been a tendency for an improvement in the rental ratio of office space following the prominence of the bubble economy in Omiya city, one of the suburban core cities.Omiya Sonic City is a 'smart-building', which was developed by a joint enterprise of private office developers and the public sector. As this building has attracted many tenants, the rental ratio has kept to a high average since it opened in 1988. The building maintains this high rental ratio by attracting many branch offices of headquarters located in central Tokyo. These branch offices have played an important role in the regional business base of the northern Tokyo metropolitan region.The reasons why these tenant offices rent their spaces in this building are not only due to its good location and easy access to both the northern region and central business district in the Tokyo metropolitan region, but also to the fact that Omiya Sonic City is the highest status building in the suburbs.As the building's owners invited many tenant offices, they surveyed office market trends in suburban areas in detail. Based on this survey, they decided to invite branch offices of headquarters located mainly in central Tokyo. As a result, Omiya Sonic City succeeded in inviting many superior tenant offices.Recent studies have already pointed out that various 'back offices' carrying programmed works using telecommunications have moved from downtown to the suburbs because they do not need face-to-face contact in downtown. However, this study shows that the suburbanization of office locations is caused not by decentralized back-offices but by new suburban branch office locations.To comprehend the processes of the suburbanization of office location in more detail, future studies must consider examples of large office buildings at other suburban core cities.
著者
北田 晃司
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.3, pp.223-242, 2004-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
70

The urban system is always changing. The importance of studying the changing process of the urban system has been emphasised in Japan and also in Western countries from the 1990s. However, studies about the urban system of non-Western countries are still insufficient. In this article, we investigate the changing process of the urban system in Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule mainly through the location of central managerial functions and the railway network. We compare its urban system with that of Korea which was also under Japanese colonial rule for almost the same period.At the end of the 19th century, the urban system of Taiwan was a mixture of elements of both Japanese colonial rule and that of the Qing Dynasty. In the 1920s, the economy of Taiwan was stabilized due to an increase in agricultural production, especially sugar, and the number of companies significantly increased. T'aipei strengthened its position as the capital under Japanese colonial rule, and other cities, such as T'ainan, T'aichung, and Chiai also accumulated central managerial functions. Chilung strengthened its function dramatically while Danshui and An-ping declined under the influence of the colonial policy to strengthen the economic link with Japan.After the latter half of the 1930s, Taiwan was incorporated into the wartime system as a base for South-East Asia. In this period, T'aipei consolidated its absolute superiority. On the other hand, most of the local cities, except Kaohsiung and Hualiengang, declined. We can also view these changing processes from an analysis of railway passenger revenue. This process resembles that of Korea in the same period. We can say that the latter half of the 1930s was one of the most important periods for the urban system of East Asian countries because the same trends were also evident in Japan.However, judging from the structure of the main railway network, there was a clear difference between Taiwan and Korea. In the case of Korea, short railway lines, which link traditional large cities in the inner area and new port cities, had largely developed. Further, before the 1930s, these lines had a more important role than the main trunk lines which crossed over the peninsula. In Taiwan, however, the railway network mainly consisted of trunk lines which linked large cities along the coast, and short lines had not sufficiently developed. In the case of Korea, there was also a great difference between the locational pattern of economic and administrative central managerial functions. It was difficult to distinguish such a difference in Taiwan, however.There were some important reasons to explain these differences. In Korea, the commercial economy had not developed well under the Lee Dynasty because of the policy of national isolation and the influence of Confucianism. Therefore, most of the traditional cities were located in the inner area as administrative centers, and did not possess sufficient economic functions except for Hansong (Seoul). On the other hand, most of the cities in Taiwan developed on the basis of cultivation or trade with mainland China. As a result, they originally had a balance of both economic and administrative central managerial functions. After that, new port cities were formed in both Korea and Taiwan. In Korea, most of them maintained their relative position during colonial rule. However, in Taiwan, trade was gradually limited to Chilung and Kaohsiung, both of which were much extended by the colonial government, because they were afraid that Taiwan would experience a significant economic impact from Western countries by trade through Shanghai and Hong Kong. However, it is also true that there were many cities which had almost the same position in each urban system of Taiwan and Korea under the same Japanese colonial rule.