著者
森川 洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.5, pp.377-395, 1962-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
31
被引用文献数
2 2

The purpose of this article is to classify the characteristics of the distribution of Japanese towns before the industrial revolution. To qualify such towns, the author uses “Kyomhseihyo” (1880), the national statistics on population and products, and limits as town the settlements with over 2, 000 persons, but some fishing villages may be exceptionally contained among them.The author thinks that the distribution of those towns is analogous to that “alten Kulturländer” called by G. Schwarz, which roughly speaking is related to the density of rural population (Fig. 1.) There was a dense net of towns with much urban populatin in coastal and basin regions (densely populated), where there were also large towns like Tokyo (725, 000), Osaka (363, 000), Kyoto (136, 000), Nagoya (117, 000), Kanazawa (108, 000) etc. (Fig. 2 and 3). Of course, the agglomeration of towns and urban population in those days were not in so large scale as in the present day.But the distribution of towns in those days can not be explained by population density only. The ratio of urban population per Kuni, regional division in those days (Fig. 4) and the hierarchical structure of towns were related more closely to scale of regional centres than to economic richness of the areas. For example, the large regional centre Toitori (36, 000) and some small towns (2-3, 000) lay in Inaba-Kuni, so that the ratio of urban population per Kuni was raised (exclusively) by the urban population of Tottori.Most of such regional contres were castle towns in feudal age, and their scale was in proportion to that of territories of “Daimyoes”, feudal lords. The origin of small towns was mosily market towns, coaching towns, and port-towns, which had grown in proportion to regional economic development.Therefore, the distribution of towns in early Meiji-era was related to hitstorical conditions in feudal age everywhere.
著者
高木 彰彦
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.1, pp.26-40, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
103
被引用文献数
2
著者
岡本 兼佳
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
8
被引用文献数
1

For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,
著者
中西 雄二
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.6, pp.649-665, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
81
被引用文献数
1 1

More than two million Russian refugees resulted from the Russian Revolution in 1917. These refugees were termed "White Russians" ("Hakkei-Roshiajin" in Japanese) and did not accept the Soviet regime. For this reason, they escaped from their motherland and spread to many countries similar to a diaspora.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the way of life and the functions of White Russian society who chose Kobe, a former central city of White Russians living in Japan, as their domicile. This study is based on documents from the Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and oral data gained through fact-finding visits and interviews in the area.Most White Russians in Japan lived in Tokyo and Yokohama before the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, a large number of them migrated from the Tokyo area to Kobe, which provided shelter from the disaster. Thereafter, Kobe became one of the central settlements of White Russians in Japan, along with the Tokyo metropolitan area. In those days, many White Russians, more than 400 people at its highest point, settled in Kobe, particularly in the former Fukiai and Ikuta wards.The term "White Russians" refers to all people from the territory of the Russian Empire, including Christians, Jews, and Muslim Tatars. Therefore, White Russians are a group that is diverse in terms of culture, ethnicity and religion. Consequently, their organizations were based on their religious affiliations in Kobe.In the period after 1925, White Russians were categorized as stateless in Japan. They had the right to obtain a "Nansen Passport", issued by the League of Nations as identification cards, but their status was very uncertain. Moreover, many White Russians were peddlers and frequently travelled around. As a result, the Japanese authorities watched them closely as they were suspicious that White Russians were spies sent from foreign countries, especially from the Soviet Union. In fact, some White Russians were expelled from Japan in the 1920s. However, in the 1930s, chauvinistic nationalism arose among White Russians themselves, and some of them even provided donations to the Japanese government and army. This indicates that the White Russian society was subsumed within Japanese society in those days. In addition, there was some conflict over the attitude toward the Soviet Union in White Russian society.After W. W. II, the number of White Russians in Japan suddenly decreased. This is because many people went abroad in order to avoid chaos after the war. In Kobe, there was also a rapid decrease in the population of White Russians, and their organizations gradually declined and eventually dissolved. Today, only "The Kobe Eastern Orthodox Church Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", "The Kobe Muslim Mosque", and "The Kobe Foreign Cemetery" remain in Kobe as remnants of former White Russian society.These cases illustrate the disappearance of the ethnicity of White Russians in Kobe. There is a tendency for refugees to remigrate or for their families to disperse. Many White Russians were no exception, and this tendency is one of the reasons why White Russians disappeared from Kobe. In addition, the negative attitude of the Japanese state towards the inflow and settlement of foreigners is one of the major factors explaining their disappearance.
著者
中谷 友樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.3, pp.254-273, 1994-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
90
被引用文献数
1 1

A mathematical model is built for influenza or other similar disease epidemics in a multi-region setting. The model is an extended type of chain-binomial model applied to a large population (Cliff et al., 1981), taking into account interregional infection by interregional contacts of people. If the magnitude of the contact is presented by simple distance-decay spatial interaction or the most primitive gravity model, a conventional gravity-type epidemic model (Murray and Cliff, 1977; Thomas, 1988) is deduced.Given the number of infectives and susceptibles, the chain-binomial model predicts the number of infectives in the next period with binomial probability distribution. Available data are, however, weekly cases per reporting clinic in each prefecture reported by the surveillance project, characterized by continuous variation; the data could be a surrogate index for rates of infection. The author modified the model to use rates of infectives and susceptibles, and used a normal approximation of binomial distribution. With the maximum-likelihood method, this model can be calibrated. The specification of the model is as follows:Li(Yi, t=0, …, Yi, t=T|β°i, δi)=Πt1/√2πVar[Yi, t+1]·exp{-1/2Var[Yi, t+1](Yi, t+1-E[Yi, t+1])}, E[Yi, t+1]=β°i/MiXi, tΣjmijYj, t, Var[Yi, t+1]=β°i/MiXi, tΣjmijYj, t(1-β°i/MiΣjmijYj, t), Xi, t=δi-Σis=0Yi, s, where Mi=Σjmij; Li denotes the likelihood of the model for region i; Xi, t denotes the estimated rate of susceptibles in region i at week t; Yi, t denotes the reported rate of infectives in region i at time t; mij denotes the size of interregional contact with the people in regions j for the people in region i; β°i denotes the infection parameter in region i; δi denotes the parameter concerned with the rate of initial susceptibles in region i.The model posits that the average number of people who come into contact with a susceptible in prefecture i is a constant, and that the average rate of infectives of the people is ΣjmijYj, t/Mi. The probability of a susceptible in region i infected at time t is, therefore, β°iΣjmijYj, t/Mi.This model was applied to a weekly incidence of influenza in each prefecture, from the 41st week, 1988, to the 15th week, 1989, Japan, letting the size of interregional passenger flow Tij correspond to mij as follows: mij=Tij+Tji (i≠j), mii=Tii.Goodness-of-fits (Table 1) of one-week-ahead forecasts were almost satisfactory except for prefectures whose epidemic curves were bi-modal (e.g., Hokkaido) or whose transition speed between epidemic breakout and peak was too high (e.g., Yamagata). The latter might be explained by a cluster of group infection (e.g., school classes) in an earlier phase of the epidemic (see Fig. 4).
著者
西村 孝彦
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.6, pp.524-538, 1979-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
39
被引用文献数
3 1
著者
織田 武雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, no.5-6, pp.152-162,A15, 1952-01-15 (Released:2009-04-30)
参考文献数
45

Either to affirm or to deny the circumnavigation of Africa by Phoenicians there are not sufficient data, because Herodotus' description of it is brief. It may be wise to conclude, like Bunbry, “it is not proven”.However, when the oceanic currents and wind are taken into consideration, it is understood that the least geographic obstacles will be met if the sailing around of Africa is started from the east seacoást of the continent. Also, while Polynesians got to almost all islands in the Pacific by means of their primitive canoes, Phoenicians had possessed better vessels and navigation than Polynesians.If indirect evidence such as above mentioned is taken into accounts, the circumnavigation of Africa by Phoenicians may be considered “gar nicht unwahrscheinlich, ” as remarked by Humboldt.
著者
菊池 万雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.5, pp.447-461, 1978-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
30

It is said that in the Edo Era cholera prevailed in Bunsei 5 (1822), Ansei 5 (1858) and Bunkyu 2 (1862). In considering the actual substance of each epidemic from the number of the deaths recorded in the necrologies of temples, the following became clear.1) The epidemic in Bunsei 5 was the first big incident of this in Japan. As for the invasion route of cholera to our country, although there are several opinions, it can be established that invasion came through Nagasaki.Cholera prevailed in south-west Japan, especially in the San'in and San'yo areas, but it did not reach north-east Japan or Edo.2) The Ansei epidemic started from Nagasaki, and became quite widespread all over the country in Ansei 5 and 6, spreading as far as Edo and Mutsu.The Ansei 5 epidemic was the first one in Edo and it was particularly serious but as regards the country as a whole, there seem to have been more places where the epidemic broke out in Ansei 6 rather than Ansei 5.Because there was so much recorded concerning the epidemic in Edo, it was wrongly thought to be the biggest epidemic of cholera in modern age in our country.3) Cholera also prevailed on a great scale over the whole country in Bunkyu 2. To consider this as a continuation of the epidemic in the Ansei period is wrong, for it is established fact that in the first year of Bunkyu, matters were completely back to normal and that the epidemic in the second year of Bunkyu came in from Nagasaki and spread from there.It is possible to say that the cholera epidemic in Bunkyu 2 was substantially the worst in the Edo Era, because it was widespread throughout the country and the number of victims was so great.As the record of deaths in the necrologies show pronounced peaks coinciding with the sudden infection of cholera and high death rate, and as the peaks occur at different times depending on the district, it is easy to trace the infection route of cholera.Furthermore, based on various old records of public government offices, villages and temples, we can endorse the following points concerning the prevalence of cholera at that time.* That the invasion route of cholera started in Nagasaki.* That the theory of the big three epidemics in Bunsei, Ansei and Bunkyu stands, rather than the theory of the big two in Bunsei and Ansei.* That the Ansei 5 epidemic occurred in Edo only, and that as regards the whole country the theory that the worst epidemic was in Bunkyu 2 stands rather than the theory that it was in Ansei 5.
著者
村田 陽平
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.6, pp.533-551, 2000-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
80
被引用文献数
4 3

Over the decades since the 1970s, feminist geography has challenged the exclusion of women from the production of geographical knowledge. With the emergence of feminist geography, gender perspectives have attracted considerable attention. However, men who feel alienated by changing gender roles have not received much attention. The purpose of this article is to elucidate the empirical situation of the masculinity of geographical knowledge by highlighting the major characteristics of alienated middle-aged single men in contemporary Japan.In the introductory section, an overview and the significance of feminist geography are discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the importance of men's studies within gender research in geography. The development of men's studies has enabled an interrogation of masculinity from varied angles.The second section is devoted to an explanation of the interview method employed in the article and its limitations. The informants are ten single men, aged 35-64. Their narratives are quoted as evidence of their alienation.The third section interprets the concrete places within which middle-aged single men feel alienated. The specific contents of these places of alienation are presented as follows:1. In rural areas, where they do not play an important role within patriarchy, they are not regarded as 'full-fledged' men.2. At the workplace, where they are unable to participate in male bonding which is a feature of homosocial workspaces.3. At home, where the lack of women results in their homes being labelled as 'dirty', as men are considered to lack the ability to do housework.4. In contemporary gendered urban spaces, where despite an image of these spaces allowing diversity, middle-aged single men feel suppressed.The evidence from the research points to the above four factors being the main considerations underlying the alienation of single and middle-aged men.Based upon the discussion of the preceding sections, the fourth section interprets the meanings of space and place from the standpoint of men who feel alienated, with reference to feminist geography. Firstly, it is noted that place in humanistic geography, which has been criticized by feminist geography as having a masculinist bias, alienates middle-aged single men, as well as women. Moreover, feminist geography points out that the notion of space in Marxist geography is also gendered. This paper draws attention to the fact that gendered space does not privilege all men, but just those men who meet certain conditions of masculinity.The final section discusses the conclusion reached, that hegemonic masculinity in geographical knowledge oppresses not only women, but also men. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate differences among men.
著者
河原 典史
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.168-181, 1990-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
42
被引用文献数
2

The regional character of different places can berecognized through living styles and their changes in rural houses. In this study, the author examined functional changes and their factors in rural houses according to the changes in fishing, taking rural houses in fishery villages which have been neglected as an example. As a case study, the author took up funaya settlements in Ineura, in which many kinds of functions are mixed.It was in the Taisho Era that the living functions of funaya which had functions for fishing, such as dry-docking a boat, keeping fishery tools, drying fishing nets and so on, began to come into existence. And it was after World War II that these living functions remarkably expanded.The forms of funaya have greatly changed from a simple two-storied house to a regular two-storied house, because the living space has expanded to the upper stories of funaya since the war ended.The following factors can be given as the reasons for which funaya are equipped with living functions:1. the economic factor: prosperity of fishing in 1950, 1951 and in 1970∼1975.2. the physical factor: linear villages which have little space for housing land.3. a social factor: the rise of nuclear families.Non-fishing families which have a large main house don't need funaya so few of these funaya are equipped with living functions. Furthermore, since about 1965, funaya have had a surplus of living space, so some houses are often found to be changed into minshuku (guest houses).At the present time, the place for dry-docking a boat on the first floor of funaya is classifiied into 4 types: A, B, C and D (see Fig. 8). The main reason is that fiberglass-reinforced-plastic (F.R.P.) boats were introduced in 1969 and the weaving industry spread in 1961.A type: This type doesn't show changes of form. Despite being equipped with dry-docking functions, these are hardly used.B type: Though this type shows changes in form, it still preserves its function for dry-docking boats.C type: This is the type in which formal change is the same as the functional one when the function for dry-docking boats disappeared because of the introduction of F.R.P. boats.D type: This is the type in which the function for dry-docking of boats has disappeared and the forms have changed a great deal, owing to protection of weaving machines and commercial goods.
著者
早瀬 哲恒
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.4, pp.251-267,314, 1958-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
76

The ‘yamato-mune’, or ‘takahei’, is a type of roofing popular among private houses. What characterizes it is the way that the thatched gable roof has its gable-walls plastered with wall mud and then covered with tiles. The aim of this thesis is to classify its varied forms and examine the distribution as well as the route of distribution of those various forms in order to throw light on the process of development of the ‘yamato-mune’.Several varieties are found in the ‘yamato-mune’ roofing:I. the fundamental type; ‘takahei’, ‘naka-takahei’, ‘hizumi-takahei’;II. the tiled-roof type; ‘hakomune’, ‘daimune’, ‘okimune’;III. the intermediate type; ‘ryogawa-danchigai’, ‘kata-takahei’;IV. the ‘Koshiore’ type;V. the Kawachi type;VI. the cryptmeria bark- or board-roof type;VII. the zinc-roof type;IIX. other varieties.The ‘yamato-mune’ is mainly used in the Yamato Basin, but the range of its distribution extends west to Kawachi, Settsu, and Izumi, east to the Iga Basin, south to the basin of the River Yoshino (or Kinokawa), and north as far as that part of southern, Yamashiro along the River Kizu. It is also found at a few specific places outside this general range. Distrtbution of several of its varieties is as follows:the fundamental type: to be found in the Yamato Basin;the Kawachi type: Kawachi, Settsu, and Izumi;the ‘hizumi-takahei’ Kawachi: southern and middle Kawachi, Kii;the ‘daimune’ tiled-roof type: north Kawachi;the ‘higashi-sanchu’ tiled-roof type: the Yamato Plateau;the ‘uda-sanchu’ cryptmeria bark-or board-roof type: Oku-uda districts.The ‘yamato-mune’ roofs seem to be distributed along routes of traffic or along rounts of migration of the carpenters. As we move along the principal rountes of traffic from the Yamato Basin to the surrounding districts, we find the fundamental type gradually changed to or replaced by other types. For instance:the fundamental type—the intermediate type—another type of roofing, principally the ‘irimoya’ roofing, which originally belonged to those districts surrounding the Yamato Basin;the fundamental type—the ‘hakomune’—the ‘daimune’;—the Kawachi type;—the ‘daimune’ or the ‘koshiore’;—the ‘higashi—sanchu’—the Iga type (the tiled-roof ‘yosemune’); etc.The fundamental type found in the Yamato Basin is obviously the original ‘yamato-mune’, and the genealogy of the fundamental type is to be further questioned. At present the writer of this thesis tends to think that its prototype would be either the ‘takahei’ roof or the ‘naka-takahei’ roof. This, however, will have to be treated in another thesis.
著者
丹羽 弘一
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.5, pp.545-564, 1992-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
67
被引用文献数
1 4

This article seeks to explain the circumstances of homeless people in Osaka City and their temporal change using the concept of the social space in an urban area. The special concern here is Kamagasaki District, a typical and nationally well-known yoseba (the space served as a catchment place of day laborers for jobs regarded as relatively unskilled). Such places generally have a large number of cheap lodging houses (doyagai) for them. The homeless people in Japan, mostly single man, were called formerly runpen or furosha, and currently are known as nojukusha. They correspond to day laborers in a substantive sense.Kamagasaki is a commonly-used place name of the neighborhood, located in the northeastern part of Nishinari-ward, Osaka City, and its extent is almost identical to that of Airin-chiku (Airin District), as is has usually been referred to by the administrative authorities, police and mass media. There is a huge day labor market centered on Airin Multi-purpose Center in this area and it is generally said that the district has more than twenty thousand day laborers, about two hundred cheap lodging houses and numerous eating houses, resulting in a distinctive landscape segregated from surrounding areas.In the second section, previous research of yoseba is reviewd. This district has been studied as a disorganized area mainly by social pathologists in the existing literature of social science. But it mirrors a negative and passive understanding of this social space in urban area. The author here, putting emphasis on the social structural context, would like to identify a certain social space focused on the district. On this occation the actual situation concerned with the homeless is a very good indicator of the social space.The third section is devoted to a historical explanation. In the period immediately after World War II, Osaka City's governmental measures toward the homeless was to settle disorder due to the influx of sufferers and returnees in and around Osaka Station. Nevertheless, as the district served as the place for single male day laborers during the period of fast economic growth in the 1960s, the homeless within the city tended to be accounted for primarily by Kamagasaki's day-laborers. Then, the measures were developed in the Airin regime (Airin taisei) which was established in the beginning of the 1970's, motivated by the‘riots’and still continues. The survey of occupational careers conducted in 1988 indicates that, the numbers of homeless persons rise occur in the season or months when jobs are unavailable, whereas they become laborers in the remainder.Specific attributes are discussed in the fourth section. According to the records of the Thursday Night Patrol Party within the Kamagasaki Christian Society, there is a general tendency to seasonal size change in incidence of the homeless: they expand from April to summer and then contract. Such change is due to the job offering variation concerned with the labor force through the Nishinari Labor and Welfare Center as well as climatic condition such as temparature. Moreover, the records suggests that this change has been less remarkable within the district, while now obvious outside it. Also worthy-of-note is that, as the number of the homeless as a whole tends to decrease, the inside-the-district proportion has been lower.In the 1988 investigation, the homeless persons are grouped into the following three length types: the long type (more than one year), the short type (less than one year), and the cyclic type, which implies repeatedly homeless and non-homeless conditions seasonally over the past years. Furthermore, such types are cross tabulated with income source and reason for becoming homeless. With regard to the source, many of the long and short types work as junk dealer (yoseya), while most of the other type are day laborers.
著者
平岡 昭利
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.5, pp.503-518, 2005-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
92
被引用文献数
1

The Senkaku Islands are made up of five uninhabited islands scattered about 170km north of the Yaeyama Islands of Okinawa Prefecture. In recent years the territorial claims on these islands made by China and Taiwan have increased since it was found that under that area there is a lot of petroleum and natural gas. No one has ever sufficiently examined why Japanese people in the Meiji Era started going to these islands made only of rocks. This study discusses the Japanese advance into and the development of the Senkaku Islands. The following is its summary;The territorial possession of the uninhabited Senkaku Islands started with the exploration by the Okinawa Prefectural Government in 1885, and the exploration report says that a large flock of albatross was found there. In the 1890's, the Japanese advance into the Senkaku Islands was accelerated in order to get the albatross plumage and the great green turban. In those days the Okinawa Prefectural Government had to plead with the Meiji Central Government again and again to put national landmarks on the islands because it was not clear whether the islands were actually Japanese or Chinese territory. Finally in 1894, the Meiji Government permitted to put the national landmarks. In 1895 the Senkaku Islands were placed under the jurisdiction of Okinawa Prefecture. In the same year, Tatsushiro Koga, who was a powerful and wealthy shellfish merchant, asked the Meiji Government to lease Kuba Island for the purpose of catching albatross because of the rapid decrease of the great green turban. His business changed from shellfish to albatross. In 1896, the Government not only leased Kuba Island to him but also granted him the lease of another four Senkaku Islands for 30 years.In 1897 Koga started his business in the Senkaku Islands, but albatross, his main resource of business, decreased devastatingly in only three years. Therefore, he diversified his business into stuffed birds, bonito fishing, guano, and phosphate rocks and managed to make an immense profit. But his business didn't last long because he mismanaged the natural resources on the islands. Koga Village, founded in Uotsuri Island with a huge investment of money, disappeared in about 30 years and around 1937 the Senkaku Islands again became uninhabited with no change since then.
著者
籠瀬 良明
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.3, pp.36-47,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
18

In the plain of Takada can be traced an old watercourse of the Hokura about five kilometers in length. What characterize this old watercourse are free meandering and natural banks, running on both sides of it and higher than the level by one meter or two with fields and hamlets on them. A long succession of fine paddy-fields stretehes on this old course of the river, which were brought under cultivation in middle ages. (Especially, it is the case with the lower course of the river.)In the article two of those examples, Matsuhashi and Funatsu in the village of Honda are dealt.[The author made a lecture on other such examples, Honda-Enokii and Katatsu, at the autumnal meeting of Association of Japanese Geographers last year, and explained why the region should be supposed to have been cultivated in Middle Ages, also explaining its characteristics. The details are to be mentioned in next number.]
著者
桑林 賢治
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.1, pp.5-30, 2021 (Released:2021-04-13)
参考文献数
59

先住民による「記憶の場所」の構築と,支配的マジョリティがそこに与えた文化的・社会的な影響を分析することは,先住民のアイデンティティと過去,そして場所の関係性を解明する一助となりうる。本稿は,アイヌによってシャクシャインに関する「記憶の場所」へと構築された北海道新ひだか町の真歌山を事例に,その構築がいかに彼(女)らをめぐるポストコロニアル状況に影響されていたのかを考察する。真歌山は従来からシャクシャインに対する顕彰行為の場であったが,1960年代末以降,和人のまなざしの影響を受けながら,アイヌ・アイデンティティと結びつく「記憶の場所」へと構築され,各地のアイヌを巻き込んでいった。その後も,アイヌによる和人のまなざしの受け止め方が変化するたびに,真歌山という「記憶の場所」は再構築され続けている。こうした動きには,文化的な喪失と同化を経験し,今なお和人のまなざしから解放されていない,現代のアイヌをめぐる文化的・社会的なポストコロニアル状況が映し出されていた。その意味で,真歌山は現代のアイヌを取り巻くコロニアリズムの残滓を反映した,ポストコロニアルな「記憶の場所」として位置づけられる。このようなコロニアリズムの残滓について,多様な解釈が存在することを想定し,それらを丁寧に読み解くことが,真歌山という「記憶の場所」の構築をより深く理解するためには必要である。
著者
三木 理史
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.5, pp.373-391, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)
参考文献数
99

This paper clarifies the decline of the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities by analyzing transport coordination in Osaka City after World War II. First, the author hypothesizes that influences in urban traffic planning were reversed between the Ministry of Construction (the Ministry of the Interior before World War II) and the Ministry of Transport (the Ministry of Railways before World War II) before and after World War II, by concentrating on the Urban Transportation Council which played an important part in subsequent transport coordination. This is considered from two points:Transport management generally consists of both infrastructure and transport systems. The Ministry of Railways that regarded transport systems as businesses had difficulty controlling urban areas where the ratio of tram traffic was much higher than railway traffic, because the Ministry of the Interior, which regarded transport systems as belonging to infrastructure, dominated urban areas through the Urban Planning Central Council. However, the Urban Planning Central Council was abolished in 1941 under the influence of the wartime regime. Therefore, urban planning works were weakened because the Ministry of Interior was also dissolved. Since the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka City was the basis of urban planning that was greatly controlled by that ministry, it was thought to be obligated to conflict with the Ministry of Transport after World War II.The Ministry of Transport, which was organizationally constructed in 1949, promoted the Traffic Council to democratize traffic administration. The Traffic Council was related to the Land Transport Coordination Council from before World War II due to changes in transport legislation. The Urban Transportation Council used to be the Transport Coordination Council before World War II because it was constructed as one branch of the Traffic Council in 1955.This paper considers the decline of the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka from these two circumstances. Although necessarily unsettled before World War II, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities was restored to reflect the desires of the wartime regime. The Ministry of Transport tried to break through using G. H. Q. support immediately after World War II; in spite of this, ideas of municipal control continued to be entrenched. However, urban areas had spread rapidly because residents were fleeing to the suburbs to escape the bombing in the cities during the war. Because the municipality had difficulty monopolizing transport businesses in municipal areas due to serious traffic jams and increased automobile traffic during the era of high economic growth, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities lost geographical validity. Therefore, because the construction of municipal subway lines was very expensive, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities also lost economic viability. As a result, the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities declined rapidly after the end of the period of high economic growth.By considering the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka, the reasons for its decline may be generally seen as a deficit in the transport businesses of the Osaka municipality. However, this paper clarifies that the municipal monopoly of urban traffic facilities in Osaka declined not only due to geographical factors but also economic factors. Therefore, its decline was also related to the reversal of relative power between the Ministries of Transport and Construction in urban transport planning after World War II.
著者
スミス・ ネィール
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.51-66, 2000-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
35
被引用文献数
2 4

1980年代と1990年代のグローバル化に関する広く行きわたった認識は、資本蓄積の進行に地理的空間がますます関わらなくなっているという考えを助長してきた。多くの公式的な見解とは反して、グローバル化は金融資本の国際化よりも製造資本の国際化に刺激を受けている。グローバル化のもとでは、はるかにより包括的な過程が生じている-それは徹底的な地理的スケールの再構築である。本稿は、資本蓄積が、経済的な状況については国民国家の相対的後退を伴いつつ、グローバル-ローカル関係がますます決定的になる新たな段階に突入していることを論じる。このことにより、グローバルな資本の中核に多くのアジアとラテンアメリカの経済が状況に応じて統合される一方でアフリカと世界中の縁辺化された人々がますます追い払われる、地理的不均等発展の新しいパターンがあらわれている。
著者
野澤 秀樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.47-67, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
145
被引用文献数
4 1