著者
高木 彰彦
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.1, pp.26-40, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
103
被引用文献数
2
著者
岡本 兼佳
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
8

For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,
著者
中西 雄二
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.6, pp.649-665, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
81
被引用文献数
1 1

More than two million Russian refugees resulted from the Russian Revolution in 1917. These refugees were termed "White Russians" ("Hakkei-Roshiajin" in Japanese) and did not accept the Soviet regime. For this reason, they escaped from their motherland and spread to many countries similar to a diaspora.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the way of life and the functions of White Russian society who chose Kobe, a former central city of White Russians living in Japan, as their domicile. This study is based on documents from the Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and oral data gained through fact-finding visits and interviews in the area.Most White Russians in Japan lived in Tokyo and Yokohama before the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. However, a large number of them migrated from the Tokyo area to Kobe, which provided shelter from the disaster. Thereafter, Kobe became one of the central settlements of White Russians in Japan, along with the Tokyo metropolitan area. In those days, many White Russians, more than 400 people at its highest point, settled in Kobe, particularly in the former Fukiai and Ikuta wards.The term "White Russians" refers to all people from the territory of the Russian Empire, including Christians, Jews, and Muslim Tatars. Therefore, White Russians are a group that is diverse in terms of culture, ethnicity and religion. Consequently, their organizations were based on their religious affiliations in Kobe.In the period after 1925, White Russians were categorized as stateless in Japan. They had the right to obtain a "Nansen Passport", issued by the League of Nations as identification cards, but their status was very uncertain. Moreover, many White Russians were peddlers and frequently travelled around. As a result, the Japanese authorities watched them closely as they were suspicious that White Russians were spies sent from foreign countries, especially from the Soviet Union. In fact, some White Russians were expelled from Japan in the 1920s. However, in the 1930s, chauvinistic nationalism arose among White Russians themselves, and some of them even provided donations to the Japanese government and army. This indicates that the White Russian society was subsumed within Japanese society in those days. In addition, there was some conflict over the attitude toward the Soviet Union in White Russian society.After W. W. II, the number of White Russians in Japan suddenly decreased. This is because many people went abroad in order to avoid chaos after the war. In Kobe, there was also a rapid decrease in the population of White Russians, and their organizations gradually declined and eventually dissolved. Today, only "The Kobe Eastern Orthodox Church Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", "The Kobe Muslim Mosque", and "The Kobe Foreign Cemetery" remain in Kobe as remnants of former White Russian society.These cases illustrate the disappearance of the ethnicity of White Russians in Kobe. There is a tendency for refugees to remigrate or for their families to disperse. Many White Russians were no exception, and this tendency is one of the reasons why White Russians disappeared from Kobe. In addition, the negative attitude of the Japanese state towards the inflow and settlement of foreigners is one of the major factors explaining their disappearance.
著者
丹羽 弘一
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.5, pp.545-564, 1992-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
67
被引用文献数
1 3

This article seeks to explain the circumstances of homeless people in Osaka City and their temporal change using the concept of the social space in an urban area. The special concern here is Kamagasaki District, a typical and nationally well-known yoseba (the space served as a catchment place of day laborers for jobs regarded as relatively unskilled). Such places generally have a large number of cheap lodging houses (doyagai) for them. The homeless people in Japan, mostly single man, were called formerly runpen or furosha, and currently are known as nojukusha. They correspond to day laborers in a substantive sense.Kamagasaki is a commonly-used place name of the neighborhood, located in the northeastern part of Nishinari-ward, Osaka City, and its extent is almost identical to that of Airin-chiku (Airin District), as is has usually been referred to by the administrative authorities, police and mass media. There is a huge day labor market centered on Airin Multi-purpose Center in this area and it is generally said that the district has more than twenty thousand day laborers, about two hundred cheap lodging houses and numerous eating houses, resulting in a distinctive landscape segregated from surrounding areas.In the second section, previous research of yoseba is reviewd. This district has been studied as a disorganized area mainly by social pathologists in the existing literature of social science. But it mirrors a negative and passive understanding of this social space in urban area. The author here, putting emphasis on the social structural context, would like to identify a certain social space focused on the district. On this occation the actual situation concerned with the homeless is a very good indicator of the social space.The third section is devoted to a historical explanation. In the period immediately after World War II, Osaka City's governmental measures toward the homeless was to settle disorder due to the influx of sufferers and returnees in and around Osaka Station. Nevertheless, as the district served as the place for single male day laborers during the period of fast economic growth in the 1960s, the homeless within the city tended to be accounted for primarily by Kamagasaki's day-laborers. Then, the measures were developed in the Airin regime (Airin taisei) which was established in the beginning of the 1970's, motivated by the‘riots’and still continues. The survey of occupational careers conducted in 1988 indicates that, the numbers of homeless persons rise occur in the season or months when jobs are unavailable, whereas they become laborers in the remainder.Specific attributes are discussed in the fourth section. According to the records of the Thursday Night Patrol Party within the Kamagasaki Christian Society, there is a general tendency to seasonal size change in incidence of the homeless: they expand from April to summer and then contract. Such change is due to the job offering variation concerned with the labor force through the Nishinari Labor and Welfare Center as well as climatic condition such as temparature. Moreover, the records suggests that this change has been less remarkable within the district, while now obvious outside it. Also worthy-of-note is that, as the number of the homeless as a whole tends to decrease, the inside-the-district proportion has been lower.In the 1988 investigation, the homeless persons are grouped into the following three length types: the long type (more than one year), the short type (less than one year), and the cyclic type, which implies repeatedly homeless and non-homeless conditions seasonally over the past years. Furthermore, such types are cross tabulated with income source and reason for becoming homeless. With regard to the source, many of the long and short types work as junk dealer (yoseya), while most of the other type are day laborers.
著者
籠瀬 良明
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.3, pp.36-47,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
18

In the plain of Takada can be traced an old watercourse of the Hokura about five kilometers in length. What characterize this old watercourse are free meandering and natural banks, running on both sides of it and higher than the level by one meter or two with fields and hamlets on them. A long succession of fine paddy-fields stretehes on this old course of the river, which were brought under cultivation in middle ages. (Especially, it is the case with the lower course of the river.)In the article two of those examples, Matsuhashi and Funatsu in the village of Honda are dealt.[The author made a lecture on other such examples, Honda-Enokii and Katatsu, at the autumnal meeting of Association of Japanese Geographers last year, and explained why the region should be supposed to have been cultivated in Middle Ages, also explaining its characteristics. The details are to be mentioned in next number.]
著者
スミス・ ネィール
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.51-66, 2000-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
35
被引用文献数
2 2

1980年代と1990年代のグローバル化に関する広く行きわたった認識は、資本蓄積の進行に地理的空間がますます関わらなくなっているという考えを助長してきた。多くの公式的な見解とは反して、グローバル化は金融資本の国際化よりも製造資本の国際化に刺激を受けている。グローバル化のもとでは、はるかにより包括的な過程が生じている-それは徹底的な地理的スケールの再構築である。本稿は、資本蓄積が、経済的な状況については国民国家の相対的後退を伴いつつ、グローバル-ローカル関係がますます決定的になる新たな段階に突入していることを論じる。このことにより、グローバルな資本の中核に多くのアジアとラテンアメリカの経済が状況に応じて統合される一方でアフリカと世界中の縁辺化された人々がますます追い払われる、地理的不均等発展の新しいパターンがあらわれている。
著者
Masataka SUZUKI
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.6, pp.541-554, 1978-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
53
被引用文献数
1 2

Spatial perception is the one of the most important problem to decide the behavior pattern in folk society where the people are living with nature. This paper proposes a study of spatial perception in folk society through the orientation in Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa prefecture of Japan. Yaeyama Islands is located in the southernmost part of Ryûkyû archipelago and therefore is the most southern of the whole Japanese area. These islands have been researched by many Japanese and foreign anthropologists, whose conclusions have had an important role in larger studies of Ryûkyûan culture. Using this anthropological approach, we will make clear up the indigenous concept of cosmology and find out the mode of spatial perception in this area.Through the analysis of myth and ritual, we may observe that Yaeyama islanders employ both the relative orientation shifting 30°-45° from the cardinal points and the absolute orientation of the cardinal points indicated by the twelve earthly branches _??__??__??_ . We call the former “folk orientation” and the latter “natural orientation”. It seems to me that “folk orientation” in Yaeyama Islands has been formed by the direction of monsoon because the term of ‘the north’ and ‘the south’ in “folk orientation” is the same as the names of wind. According to the meteorological data, the winter monsoon blows from northeast and the summer monsoon blows from southwest. Then, the pair of northeast-southwest relationship in “natural orientation” coinciding with the compass, is ‘the north-south’ relationship in “folk orientation” shifting 30°-45° from “natural orientation”. As for ‘the east-west’ relationship in “folk orientation”, the same shifting process is observed. For example, in Hateruma Island, one of the Yaeyama Islands, Simazasu in the north-western part of this island is in the islanders' conception very ‘west’ and as such connected with cape Takana in the southeastern edge of this island as the very ‘east’.On the folk village of Yaeyama Islands, these two systems of orientation are used for indicating the direction in ordinary life and make meaningful their spatial perception. For example, among the houses having three front rooms facing generally to the south of “folk orientation”, the male sides being the south and the east in “natural orientation” are superior to the female sides being the north and the west, but in religious affairs, the whole situation is reversed. Generally speaking, the pair of south-east relationship in “natural orientation” will be superior to the one of north-west relatioship. However, at the rituals on island level, cosmological concept based on a dualism that is characterized by superiority of ‘west’ and ‘female’ over ‘east’ and ‘male’, is found out. Though such value systems connected with spatial perception, are changed by the situation and the context, there are some principles formed by the indigenous concept of cosmology.In the above, we have examined spatial perception through the orientation. Lastly I will offer some interpretations of what might be called “Uyân” as it emerges in the “pan” (ritual invocations). In a passage of “pan”, “Uyân” (the deity) is praised. It runs as follows, “yuru nu isïma-ndô pïsu nu nana-ndê pïsê ôru bûyân pïsûyân” (great Uyân, Uyân looming large, who is always present during the five hours of the night and the seven hours of the day.)
著者
野澤 秀樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.47-67, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
145
被引用文献数
4 1
著者
村田 陽平
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.6, pp.533-551, 2000-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
80
被引用文献数
4 2

Over the decades since the 1970s, feminist geography has challenged the exclusion of women from the production of geographical knowledge. With the emergence of feminist geography, gender perspectives have attracted considerable attention. However, men who feel alienated by changing gender roles have not received much attention. The purpose of this article is to elucidate the empirical situation of the masculinity of geographical knowledge by highlighting the major characteristics of alienated middle-aged single men in contemporary Japan.In the introductory section, an overview and the significance of feminist geography are discussed. This is followed by a discussion of the importance of men's studies within gender research in geography. The development of men's studies has enabled an interrogation of masculinity from varied angles.The second section is devoted to an explanation of the interview method employed in the article and its limitations. The informants are ten single men, aged 35-64. Their narratives are quoted as evidence of their alienation.The third section interprets the concrete places within which middle-aged single men feel alienated. The specific contents of these places of alienation are presented as follows:1. In rural areas, where they do not play an important role within patriarchy, they are not regarded as 'full-fledged' men.2. At the workplace, where they are unable to participate in male bonding which is a feature of homosocial workspaces.3. At home, where the lack of women results in their homes being labelled as 'dirty', as men are considered to lack the ability to do housework.4. In contemporary gendered urban spaces, where despite an image of these spaces allowing diversity, middle-aged single men feel suppressed.The evidence from the research points to the above four factors being the main considerations underlying the alienation of single and middle-aged men.Based upon the discussion of the preceding sections, the fourth section interprets the meanings of space and place from the standpoint of men who feel alienated, with reference to feminist geography. Firstly, it is noted that place in humanistic geography, which has been criticized by feminist geography as having a masculinist bias, alienates middle-aged single men, as well as women. Moreover, feminist geography points out that the notion of space in Marxist geography is also gendered. This paper draws attention to the fact that gendered space does not privilege all men, but just those men who meet certain conditions of masculinity.The final section discusses the conclusion reached, that hegemonic masculinity in geographical knowledge oppresses not only women, but also men. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate differences among men.
著者
森 正人
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.6, pp.535-556, 2002-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
101
被引用文献数
1

This paper discusses the changing spatiality and movement modes of the 'Henro' pilgrimage on Shikoku Island from 1920-1930. The pilgrimage is one of principal topics in the geography of religion, and geographers have analysed its spatial structure using historical, quantitative and humanistic approaches. For those researching the spatiality of the pilgrimage, it is necessary to clarify the contested processes by which spatiality was produced and the manner in which discourses concerned with modes of movement were produced in order to control the flow of pilgrims. Though pilgrims mainly traveled on foot for religious training, there were no statements concerning the pilgrimage route in guidebooks published at Edo era.Since the modern Japanese government created a transport system to create homogeneous space in Japan, several transport systems-train, bus and ship-were available in Shikoku until the middle of 1930s. For pilgrims who used these transport systems, movement patterns during the Henro pilgrimage became diversified. However, since the end of the Taisho era, 'the intellectual class' who had hardly previously participated, became interested in the Henro pilgrimage. As a result of this change, the Henro pilgrimage became involved in domestic tourism as alternative form of tourism at the end of the 1920s, and pilgrims using the new transport system and taking casual pleasure in were referred to as 'Modern Henro'.On the other hand, in 1929, 'Henro-Dogyokai', which aimed to organize pilgrims and provide several activities concerned with the Henro pilgrimage, was founded at Tokyo. Its goal was to enlighten people along national policy and to criticize the Modern Henro because they regarded its style as religiously regressive. Through providing information about the Henro pilgrimage in their monthly journal Henro and their activities, they emphasised the authentic style or way of the Henro pilgrimage, and at the same time they emphasized that pilgrims should journey on foot.In short, from the end of 1920s to the middle of 1930s, while Japanese tourism or 'Modern Henro' represented the space of the Henro pilgrimage as tourist space, 'Henro-Dogyokai' represented it as religious training space. However, both agents reconstituted the network in the space of the Henro pilgrimage; indeed the space of the Henro pilgrimage was a contested one in this period. Of course, traditional pilgrims-those who had not been admitted to live their village community and could do nothing but carry on the pilgrimage with begging -also existed. In this context, the reconstituted Henro pilgrimage was appropriated within Japanese fascist policy through its articulation with hiking in the middle of 1930s, and Modern Henro' and 'Henro-Dogyokai' were placed within national ideology. The Japanese government coerced people into walking to make proper bodies and to pray for victory in World War II. In this policy, adopting various modes of movement in pilgrimage was unacceptable since pilgrims were compelled to walk. However, despite this policy, some pilgrims refused to comply and some of them preferred to use transportation.
著者
平岡 昭利
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.5, pp.503-518, 2005-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
92
被引用文献数
1

The Senkaku Islands are made up of five uninhabited islands scattered about 170km north of the Yaeyama Islands of Okinawa Prefecture. In recent years the territorial claims on these islands made by China and Taiwan have increased since it was found that under that area there is a lot of petroleum and natural gas. No one has ever sufficiently examined why Japanese people in the Meiji Era started going to these islands made only of rocks. This study discusses the Japanese advance into and the development of the Senkaku Islands. The following is its summary;The territorial possession of the uninhabited Senkaku Islands started with the exploration by the Okinawa Prefectural Government in 1885, and the exploration report says that a large flock of albatross was found there. In the 1890's, the Japanese advance into the Senkaku Islands was accelerated in order to get the albatross plumage and the great green turban. In those days the Okinawa Prefectural Government had to plead with the Meiji Central Government again and again to put national landmarks on the islands because it was not clear whether the islands were actually Japanese or Chinese territory. Finally in 1894, the Meiji Government permitted to put the national landmarks. In 1895 the Senkaku Islands were placed under the jurisdiction of Okinawa Prefecture. In the same year, Tatsushiro Koga, who was a powerful and wealthy shellfish merchant, asked the Meiji Government to lease Kuba Island for the purpose of catching albatross because of the rapid decrease of the great green turban. His business changed from shellfish to albatross. In 1896, the Government not only leased Kuba Island to him but also granted him the lease of another four Senkaku Islands for 30 years.In 1897 Koga started his business in the Senkaku Islands, but albatross, his main resource of business, decreased devastatingly in only three years. Therefore, he diversified his business into stuffed birds, bonito fishing, guano, and phosphate rocks and managed to make an immense profit. But his business didn't last long because he mismanaged the natural resources on the islands. Koga Village, founded in Uotsuri Island with a huge investment of money, disappeared in about 30 years and around 1937 the Senkaku Islands again became uninhabited with no change since then.
著者
菊池 万雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.5, pp.447-461, 1978-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
30

It is said that in the Edo Era cholera prevailed in Bunsei 5 (1822), Ansei 5 (1858) and Bunkyu 2 (1862). In considering the actual substance of each epidemic from the number of the deaths recorded in the necrologies of temples, the following became clear.1) The epidemic in Bunsei 5 was the first big incident of this in Japan. As for the invasion route of cholera to our country, although there are several opinions, it can be established that invasion came through Nagasaki.Cholera prevailed in south-west Japan, especially in the San'in and San'yo areas, but it did not reach north-east Japan or Edo.2) The Ansei epidemic started from Nagasaki, and became quite widespread all over the country in Ansei 5 and 6, spreading as far as Edo and Mutsu.The Ansei 5 epidemic was the first one in Edo and it was particularly serious but as regards the country as a whole, there seem to have been more places where the epidemic broke out in Ansei 6 rather than Ansei 5.Because there was so much recorded concerning the epidemic in Edo, it was wrongly thought to be the biggest epidemic of cholera in modern age in our country.3) Cholera also prevailed on a great scale over the whole country in Bunkyu 2. To consider this as a continuation of the epidemic in the Ansei period is wrong, for it is established fact that in the first year of Bunkyu, matters were completely back to normal and that the epidemic in the second year of Bunkyu came in from Nagasaki and spread from there.It is possible to say that the cholera epidemic in Bunkyu 2 was substantially the worst in the Edo Era, because it was widespread throughout the country and the number of victims was so great.As the record of deaths in the necrologies show pronounced peaks coinciding with the sudden infection of cholera and high death rate, and as the peaks occur at different times depending on the district, it is easy to trace the infection route of cholera.Furthermore, based on various old records of public government offices, villages and temples, we can endorse the following points concerning the prevalence of cholera at that time.* That the invasion route of cholera started in Nagasaki.* That the theory of the big three epidemics in Bunsei, Ansei and Bunkyu stands, rather than the theory of the big two in Bunsei and Ansei.* That the Ansei 5 epidemic occurred in Edo only, and that as regards the whole country the theory that the worst epidemic was in Bunkyu 2 stands rather than the theory that it was in Ansei 5.
著者
松田 敦志
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.5, pp.492-508, 2003-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
81
被引用文献数
1

In the suburban residential areas developed before World War II, some problems, such as the division of a housing lot, the rebuilding of a residence and the progress of aging, have been arising recently. Development of residential suburbs before the war is thought to be a part of urban development and to have produced the present life style, that is, the separation of home and workplace so that it has an important historical meaning from the viewpoint of the formation of city and urban life style.We cannot ignore the private railway company, especially in Kansai region, when we consider the developments of residential suburbs. Therefore, in this paper, I study the private railway company that has influenced developments of residential suburbs. And I clarify its management strategy and the specific characteristics of the residential suburbs developed by the private railway company, Osaka Denki Kido Railway Company.It was necessary for the private railway company to increase transportation demand by carrying out various activities, in order to secure stable income, because it had only one or a few short and local railway lines. But, since Osaka Denki Kido Railway Company had many sightseeing spots along its line, it first aimed for the stability of management not by developing any areas along its line, but by promoting its sightseeing areas and expanding its routes. However, it began to set about the developments along its lines gradually after the end of Taisho Period. It developed the residential areas along its lines, utilizing the advantage as a railway company, for example, preparation of a new station and offering a commuter pass as a gift to people who moved to residential areas along its lines. Some characteristic scenes such as little streams and roadside trees, some urban utilities and facilities such as electrical and gas equipment, some playing-around spaces such as parks or tennis courts, which the middle class who were aiming for a better life wanted, were prepared in these residential areas. It tried to obtain constant commuting demands by urging them to move to these suburbs.For example, it connected its route to Yamamoto and built a station there consciously. And then, it developed the residential areas around Yamamoto Station in collaboration with the Sumitomo Company. Osaka Denki Kido Railway and Sumitomo produced the image of residential suburb as an education zone by inviting schools there, and tried to maintain the good habitation environment by imposing housing construction regulation on residents. In this way, many of the middle class families moved into the residential area at Yamamoto before the war. Moreover, Osaka Denki Kido Railway encouraged residential developments around that area, and consequently the suburbs were expanded.After all, Osaka Denki Kido Railway produced some residential suburbs along its line for the middle class before the war, although that time was a little later compared with Hankyu Railway. The reason was that its management strategy was to secure stable demands of transport. As suburban life grew up gradually there, that increased the number of suburban residents, and the residential suburbs were developed around them further. In other words, Osaka Denki Kido Railway has been responsible for the expansion of the suburbs.
著者
山野 正彦
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.1, pp.46-68, 1979-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
114
被引用文献数
17 5
著者
小野田 一幸 宮本 真二 藤田 裕嗣 米家 泰作 河原 典史 川口 洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1-28, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)
参考文献数
222

本稿では,1980年以降の日本における歴史地理学,地図史,および歴史GISに関する主要な研究成果について展望する。この30年間にわが国では,H. C.プリンスによって定義された現実的世界,イメージの世界,および抽象的世界を対象とした豊かな研究成果が生み出されてきた。現実的世界を対象とした研究では,景観や地域構造の復原が引き続き基礎的課題となっている。とりわけ,過去と現代をつなぐ役割を担う近代期の研究意義が注目されるようになった。最新の研究動向として,環境史と学際的研究の進展があげられる。後者については,地理学,歴史学,考古学の研究分野で史資料と研究方法の共有化が進み,歴史地理学の方法論が隣接分野に受け入れられて学際的研究に発展する動向がみとめられる。イメージの世界については,過去に生きた人々の世界観に関する理解を深めるために,1980年代から古地図・絵図研究が本格化した。抽象的世界に関する研究は,歴史GISを活用することにより,21世紀初頭から新たな段階を迎えた。歴史GISは,歴史地理学を含む人文・社会科学における個別研究の成果を統合する「しくみ」としても有用とみられる。
著者
加藤 政洋
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.164-182, 1999-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
130
被引用文献数
1 1

There has begun to develop a burgeoning new problematic in recent works in human geography addressing the debate around postmodernism and the city. David Harvey's The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) and The Urban Experience (1989), and Edward Soja's Postmodern Geographies (1989) are major works on this theme. While their contribution to 'postmodern geography' is now widely accepted, they have been criticized by some feminist geographers such as Massey (1991) and Deutsche (1991) for their suppression of difference, their failure to be aware of masculinity and their lack of recognition of feminist theories of representation in their works. There is one other matter which is important in these criticisms. As Deutsche and Gregory (1994) have acutely pointed out, Harvey and Soja read the city as a distant silhouette and both accord a particular privilege to this distant view.The purpose of the present paper is to outline a series of debates, as mentioned above, around ways of seeing the city in contemporary urban studies in general, and to undertake a critical assessment of Harvey's voyeurism in his 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience and Soja's solar Eye (looking down like a God) in 'an imaginative cruise' in particular. In addition to this purpose, I am going to suggest two directions for a postmodern geographical critique of the modernist gaze on the urban condition-the politics of representation and the politics of scale.The second section of the paper explains the change in Harvey's attitude towards the city. We can observe this change in the transfiguration of the leading figure from a 'restless analyst' (in Consciousness and the Urban Experience) to 'the voyeur' (in The Urban Experience). Harvey, as the restless analyst, places an exaggerated importance on wandering the streets, playing 'flaneur', watching people, eavesdropping on conversations and reading local newspapers. In short, he learns more about the city and its urban condition by engaging in microgeographies of everyday life and pursuing a view from the city streets. As the voyeur, however, he makes a point of ascending to a high point and looking down upon the intricate landscape of streets, built environment and human activitv. In the 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience, Harvey so obviously prefers the view from above as a voyeuristic way of seeing the city that homogenizes street life, urban life and everyday life in a desire for legibility/readability. Thus, the privileging of the high viewpoint is his particular method of conceptualizing 'the city as a whole'. For Harvey as the voyeur, therefore, the position of restless analyst in the street 'cannot help acquiring new meaning'. This goes to his modernist sensibility.In Postmodern Geographies, Soja introduces his most exciting essay on Los Angeles as an attempt to evoke a 'spiraling tour' around the city that he made with Frederic Jameson and Henri Lefebvre. This essay is not a mere field report, but he tries to recapture their travels as ';an imaginative cruise'! The third section of the paper points out that his 'imaginative cruise' is conducted from many vantage-points and so Soja's position on urban studies implies a Foucaldian panoptic gaze. For example, although Soja declares that 'only from the advantageous outlook of the center can the surveillant eye see everyone collectively, disembedded but interconnected', he climbs the high rise City Hall building and looks down on the landscape of downtown. The view from this site is especially impressive to Soja as one of surveillance.What I try to show in sections 2 and 3 is that there is a great similarity between Harvey and Soja in their ways of seeing the city.
著者
岡田 俊裕
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.5, pp.445-460, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
4 2

The concepts of landscape (Landschaft, paysage) spread through the geographic world in Japan since the latter half of 1920's. The discipline of geography in Japan before the war's end was characterized by studies based on these concepts, the theory of man-land relationships, and geopolitics. This paper is the first historical review of studies of geographical landscape in Japan.Japanese geographers had tried to translate landscape (Landschaft, paysage) into Japanese since 1925, using such terms as“fukei (風景)”,“fudo (風土)”,“keiso (景相)”, “chiriteki keikan (地理的景観)”,“fukei keitai (風景形態)”,“keiiki (景域)”,“chisokei (地相景)”,“kansho (環象)”,“keikan (景観)”and others. Keikan was by far the most popularly used term. It is thought that Tsujimura Taro had a great influence on this state of affairs.The concepts of landscape can be classified into three major interpretations: (1) the synthetic contents of a (unit) region, (2) common regions as a type, (3) the visible and morphologic objects in a region. On the basis of this classification, the writer puts interpretations of these concepts before the war's end in the order stated above, number (1) being the most frequent interpretation. Other Japanese equivalents besides“keikan” were used frequently in interpretation number (1). However, it is said that interpretation number (3) came into wider use than number (1) in field studies.“Keikan”was used frequently in this case. Therefore, many theoretical studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (1), while most field studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (3). Interpretation number (2) appeared in a few cases, but it is not thought to have been used frequently.In the 1910's in Germany, the concept of landscape (Landschaft) was introduced to the system of geography, and the form or shape of landscape was treated as the object of landscape study. Studies which had some resemblance to those in Germany were seen before and after the 1930's in Japan. The studies of relations between landscape and social, economic and cultural conditions were deepened and developed later in Germany. However, research on form of landscape were, in Japan, still being carried out, and the function and phylogeny of landscape were not developed enough in Japan. But theoretical studies did develop some what. The development of landscapes was studied, and some researchers began to point out that it was necessary in landscape study to clarify the development mechanisms of human societies. Moreover the landscape was grasped from a view-point of social science, in that the landscape is thought to be determined by the mode of production.A problem that was little discussed throughout the pre-war and post-war days is the role of subjectivity in human societies in the formation of the cultural landscape. This is the main reason for the criticism that early studies of geographical landscape were not really connected to the contemporary world. In the first half of 1930's in Germany, O. Maull and H. Hassinger proposed that the nation state was the builder of landscape. Their propositions were soon introduced to Japan, but have not yet been really discussed. How are human societies including nation states related to the formation of the cultural landscape? The writer concludes that this discussion remains as an unsolved problem.
著者
松井 圭介
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.5, pp.515-533, 1993-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
127
被引用文献数
4 1

Geography of religion aims to clarify the relationships between the environment and religious phenomena. In Japan, this discipline has four major fields of researchThe first field is that of the relationships between the natural environment and religion. The emphasis in this field, however, is on the influence of the environment upon religion. Whereas many scholars study how climate and topography change the formation of religious beliefs, there is almost no study of the influence of religion upon the natural environment. In order to fill this lack, it is necessary, for instance, to clarify the role of religion in environmental protection.Secondly, geographers of religion study how religion influences social structures, organizations, and landscapes in local areas. They mainly examine the urban structure and its transformation within religious cities with regard to the dominant religion. There are also some studies about the significance of religion for the formation of new cities. The relationships of the religious orientation to the local structure of cities and villages, however, has not been thoroughly clarified yet.Thirdly, pilgrimage forms another major field of research in the geography of religion. Most studies so far, however, remain preliminary, showing the routes of pilgrimage without reconstructing networks among sacred places and their surroundings. Moreover, the contemporary meaning of pilgrimage is not studied enough, though people today still carry out pilgrimages fervently.Lastly, geographers of religion try to clarify the structure of space which is created by the sacred, through examining the distribution and propagation of religion. One of the major studies in this field is that of sphere of religion.This geography of religion as the study of relationships between the environment and religion has two indispensable approaches, for the space created through these relationships has two aspects; empirical and symbolic. On the one hand, religion has power to organize local communities and this power generates the structure of space which is grasped empirically. On the other hand, religion supports human existence through offering a cosmology. This cosmology appears in the structure of space symbolically. Geography of religion should understand the religious structure of space throughly by adopting both positivistic and symbolic approaches.
著者
木下 良
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.21, no.4, pp.370-405, 1969-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
247
被引用文献数
2 1