著者

五月女 律子

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2012, no.168, pp.168_88-101, 2012-02-29 (Released:2014-03-31)

参考文献数

39

---

This article examines Sweden's “non-alignment” as a core of its security policy. This analysis especially focuses on changes of the Swedish security doctrine and Sweden's relations to the United Nations, NATO and European regional organizations after the Cold War.In 1992, Sweden changed its security doctrine from broadly defined “neutrality” to narrow “military non-alignment” in order to adjust itself to changes in Europe after the end of the Cold War. Then, in the middle of the 1990s, Sweden joined the European Union (EU) and established close relations with NATO and Western European Union (WEU).Though Sweden has not been a member of any military alliance, it has actively participated in peacekeeping operations under the UN mandates since the 1940s. Sweden has played a very large role in peacekeeping missions with close cooperation with other Nordic countries. This can be seen as Sweden's strategy not only to contribute creation of “a better world” but also to enhance its own national security using an advantage of “non-aligned” status in international relations.Even after the Cold War, participation in peacekeeping operations and crisis management has been a self-evident Swedish contribution to international peace and security. As long as there was some form of UN resolution or consent, Sweden has allocated its troops to the NATO-led peacekeeping operations and crisis management. Sweden's close cooperation with NATO and European states has also aimed to enhance Swedish national security avoiding isolation in the post-Cold War world.As the promotion of EU crisis management fitted well into the Swedish security doctrine, Sweden, together with military non-aligned Finland, proposed to introduce the Petersberg tasks into the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in 1996. Sweden and other Nordic countries have insisted that effective crisis management has to be comprehensive and include both civilian and military means, and this approach is now the hallmark of EU crisis management.Since the middle of the 1990s, Sweden has been moving away from a military-oriented concept of “total defense” to a more civilian-oriented approach for international crisis management. At the same time, Sweden has started more open and intense military cooperation with other countries, but it still explicitly excludes mutual defense arrangements and participation in any defense alliance.Though Sweden's policy of “non-alignment” has been narrowed down to military dimension, it remains as a fundamental element in Swedish security policy. Being a military non-aligned state, Sweden still wants to preserve ability to make decisions based on its own analyses and seeks to maintain national freedom of action in external relations. In this sense, “non-alignment” continues to be a core of Swedish security policy.

著者

五月女 律子

出版者

北海学園大学

雑誌

北海学園大学法学研究 (ISSN:03857255)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.4, pp.687-711, 2006-03-31

---

Sweden has actively promoted a gender equality policy. However, distinct differences on political preference between men and women have emerged in recent years. In the referendums on EU issues, these differences were especially evident. The purpose of thi

著者

五月女 律子

出版者

北ヨーロッパ学会

雑誌

北ヨーロッパ研究 (ISSN:18802834)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.105-106, 2021 (Released:2022-07-03)

著者

五月女 律子

出版者

北ヨーロッパ学会

雑誌

北ヨーロッパ研究 (ISSN:18802834)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.47-55, 2008 (Released:2018-10-01)

---

スウェーデンの対EU政策においては、1990年代半ばまではECとどのように経済的に良好な関係を保つかが重要であり、1960年代から70年代初頭にかけてのEC加盟の是非に関する国内での議論の結果、加盟申請は見送られた。1995年のEU加盟後は、加盟国としてEUにどのように影響を及ぼすか、また自国にとって不利にならないようなEUレベルでの政策をいかに実現するかが、課題となっているといえる。スウェーデン政府はEUに対して、平和維持活動、環境保護、途上国援助、社会政策、男女平等、情報公開などの分野で積極的な働きかけを行っている。EU レベルでの政策に対して国内世論の支持が低い分野では、スウェーデン政府はEUに対して積極的に行動を起こせない場合もあるが、EU議長国の立場や欧州委員会での委員のポストで影響力を行使し、他の加盟国との協力や連携も進めつつ、EUの中での存在感とスウェーデンの目指す政策の実現を模索しているといえる。

著者

五月女 律子

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.142, pp.63-78,L10, 2005-08-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

53

---

Among the member states of the European Union (EU), Sweden is one of the most EU-skeptic countries. Opinion polls have shown strong skepticism of the Swedes since Sweden's accession to the EU in 1995. This article examines anti-EU and EU-skepticism in Sweden and tries to investigate reasons why many Swedes are skeptical about the EU.The first part of this article discuses Sweden's change of support rating for the EU and Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), presenting data from opinion polls. The Swedes strongly favored EU membership in 1991, and although their support declined after 1992, it increased again during 1994. After Sweden's entry into the EU, the Union's popularity immediately slumped and a majority of the Swedes became anti-EU. Then support for the EU gradually increased and supporters of the membership outnumbered its opponents in late 2001. Support for EMU has fluctuated since 1997, and by 2004, half of the population opposed the introduction of the “euro” to Sweden.The second part of this article examines the anti-EU/EU-skeptic faction, and investigates its activities and assertions in the campaign of referendum on Sweden's EU membership in 1994 and the European Parliament elections in 1995 and 1999. The anti-EU camp consisted of the Left Party and the Green Party (anti-EU parties), some trade unions, and members of the Social Democrats and the Center Party. The lack of transparency in EU decision-making is their prime issue. Slightly more than half of the electorate voted “yes” to Sweden's EU membership in the referendum and Sweden became an EU member state in 1995. In European Parliament elections, voter turnout was fairly low and anti-EU parties, the Left and Green Parties, gained higher vote percentages compared to national elections.The third part of this article analyses Sweden's referendum on the euro in 2003 and the European Parliament election in 2004. The anti-euro camp opposed further transfer of Sweden's policy-making power to the EU. A majority of the Swedes voted “no” to the adoption of the euro, effective from 2006. An EU-and Federo-skeptic political organization, Junilistan (The June List), which was established for the European Parliament election, became the third largest political party in Sweden's European Parliament delegation, though voter turnout was the lowest of any nation-wide Swedish election in over 80 years.In Sweden, the rise of anti-EU sentiments spawned anti-EU and EU-skeptical groups. These groups would seek to reform the EU. Many Swedes are not satisfied with the democracy, openness, transparency, social policy and environmental policy of the EU.

著者

五月女 律子

出版者

北九州市立大学国際教育交流センター

雑誌

北九州市立大学国際論集 = CIEE journal, the University of Kitakyushu (ISSN:13481851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.1-17, 2016-03

---

本稿は、スウェーデンの安全保障防衛政策の特徴について、冷戦終結後を中心として安全保障・軍事の国際化の視点から分析を行う。第1節で冷戦期におけるスウェーデンの安全保障防衛政策の特徴を概観し、第2節で欧州共同体(EC)加盟を契機としてスウェーデンが「中立政策」から「軍事的非同盟政策」に転換した際に、安全保障と防衛を切り離したことを示す。第3節で冷戦終結後の国際的な平和活動(Peace Operations)や危機管理活動(CrisisManagement)の活発化に対する・・・

著者

五月女 律子

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.128, pp.100-114,L12, 2001

---

In studies of international politics, foreign policy decision-making has been one of the important research areas. However, domestic politics in which policy decision-making is done has not received much attention in traditional studies, even though foreign policy is a point of contact between international relations and domestic politics. With the progress of international economic interdependence, theories that focus on a decision-making process in domestic politics have become important to investigate a foreign policy. In this article, theories of foreign policy decision-making are reexamined.<br>There are several approaches to theorize foreign policy decision-making. Traditional and orthodox analysis of foreign policy in studies of international politics saw domestic politics as a "black box" and explained nation's policy at the level of international system. Next attempt of theorization was to grasp a whole foreign policy-making process as a system. Then Allison's second and third model, which analyzed decision-making process in domestic politics, got attention by many scholars in the 1970s. After that, cognition of policy-maker was focused on in the academic circle of international politics. In the 1980s, importance of "idea" in foreign policy decision-making was pointed out in several studies and the "two-level games" model was proposed as another framework.<br>In the study of international political economy, domestic politics attracted scholars' attention as an important factor to analyze decision-making of foreign economic policy in the late 1980s. There are two types of studies. One focuses on preference or power resource distribution of societal actors in domestic politics. The other sees socioeconomic and/or political institutions as an important factor in policy decision-making.<br>There is another approach that makes models of decision-making and applies them to foreign policies of developed democratic countries in various issue areas. Goldmann's study investigates Sweden's foreign policies and tries to find relations between democracy and foreign policy. It examines and compares foreign policy decision-making in four issue areas (defense, internationalist, foreign economic, diplomatic security) using three criteria (representation, participation, information). Other study by Goldmann presents nine models of decision-making and applies them to Swedish foreign policies in several issue areas. These studies indicate that the analysis of domestic politics is important for foreign policy study and that plural models based on policy areas will be useful.<br>For better understanding on foreign policy decision-making, it is not sufficient to analyze foreign policy only at the level of international system or of individual decision-maker in domestic politics. We need to investigate domestic political process with the consideration to the influence of international relation on domestic politics. Therefore, approaches and methods of the study of international relations and comparative politics should be utilized and merged for analysis of foreign policy.

著者

五月女 律子

出版者

北海学園大学

雑誌

北海学園大学法学研究 (ISSN:03857255)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.23-46, 2005-06-30

---

On 14 September 2003, Sweden held the referendum on the introduction of the "euro", the common currency of the European Union (EU). The majority of the electorate voted "no", and the Swedish government abandoned adopting the euro, effective from 2006. Thi