著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.85-103, 2001-03-01

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Takao-dayû, the original work of ukiyo-e in Freer Gallery of Art, is a picture of Takao-dayû drawn by Okumura Masanobu with a comment written by Hanaogi, the famous yûjo of Ôgiya in Yoshiwara imitating the Sawada Tôkô-style calligraphy. The content of the comments is a love letter including a hokku “Kimi ha ima komagata atari hototogisu” that is said Manji Takao, or Takao-dayû the Second of Miuraya sent to Date Tsunamune of the Sendai Clan. This letter was probably made up based on the legend of the love affair between them described in the documentary-like novel Sendai Hagi. Whether the story is true or not, the romantic atmosphere of Yoshiwara is promoted by the comments reminding readers Takao and Hanaôgi, and behind the comment of Hanaôgi, you can sense the attempt by Ôgiya Uemon or Bokuga, who was the employer of Hanôgi, to make her more famous together with Takigawa, who was also a famous yûjo, in the Tenmei period.

著者

鄧 麗霞

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, pp.77-92, 2015-03-31

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The Jikkinshō (Stories Selected to Illustrate the Ten Maxims), a collection of parables from the mid-Kamakura period, is a Confucian enlightenment text that presents ten virtues with instructional parables under each virtue, written in both Japanese and Chinese. Within these are eleven parables that concern works written by or vignettes about Confucius, the founder of Chinese Confucianism. The introduction to the Jikkinshō states that the text was compiled in order to show young men the life paths of the wise and foolish, the good and evil. To use the twentyninth story in the sixth chapter, which collects stories about Chinese wise men, as an example (wherein Confucius’s refusal to drink stolen spring water is praised), the Confucius portrayed in the Jikkinshō is a model figure, representative of wisdom and goodness. However, in the Konjaku Monogatari( Tales of Now and Then) and Uji Shūi Monogatari( Tales from Uji), which precede the Jikkinshō, parables about Confucius are all tales about his failures or comical episodes, focusing on a disgraced Confucius figure.Why did the editors of the Jikkinshō construct a Confucius image with a different character than that of the Confucius tales in the Konjaku and Uji Shūi collections? How were Confucius’s speeches or thought received in medieval Japanese literary works, and what role did they play? In order to answer these questions, it is necessary to perform an in-depth analysis on each parable that concerns Confucius in the Jikkinshō.Until now, there has been little research on Confucius-related tales in the Jikkinshō, and in particular, there has been almost no research that examines the content of the stories in a concrete way, or tries to comprehensively understand the Confucius figure depicted in these tales. This presentation will consider the formative background of the Jikkinshō while examining each story that concerns Confucius by relating it to its source. The presenter will then discuss how Confucius’s discourse and episodes about his life were received within the Jikkinshō, how they were indigenized, and what sort of lessons the editors of the Jikkinshō wanted to present through parables related to Confucius. In addition, the paper will elucidate the characteristics of the Confucius image in the Jikkinshō and consider why it was necessary for the Jikkinshō to select the discourses it did, as well as examine the actual circumstances surrounding the reception of Confucius in medieval Japanese literature.

著者

Keene Donald

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.28-42, 1983-03-01

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Translation of Japanese classical literature into foreign languages began late in the sixteenth century, when Portuguese missionaries used literary works as their textbooks for learning Japanese. With the expulsion of the Europeans in the seventeenth century, translation from the Japanese became extremely infrequent and erratic until the 1860s.Ever since that time there has been a steadily increasing amount of translation of Japanese literature not only into the various European languages but, especially in the case of modern literature, into Korean and Chinese. Today there are comparatively few major works of classical Japanese literature which have never been translated into any foreign language.The early translations of Japanese literature were made unsystematically. It is often not clear why particular works were chosen nor who the anticipated readers might have been. The translations made by Arthur Waley inaugurated a new era in the appreciation abroad of the Heian classics and No, and the best translators into English have tended to follow in his footsteps in writing for a general, rather than an academic audience. But the issue of literary versus academic translations is by no means settled, and we may in the future be able to enjoy the luxury of several different translations of the same classics.

著者

丁 貴連

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.33, pp.31-70, 2010-03-31

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In his 15 books out of 60, Kunikida Doppo used the first person as a fictional narrator who appeared as “watashi”, “boku”, or “jibun”. Moreover, his 13 epistles added, half of his novels were written in the first person. This explains he preferred to a novel narrated in the first person; especially, he liked a literary form to let the first person tell his own and other’s experiences. Therefore Osanai Kaoru described Kunikida as “the progenitor of first-person narrative”. However, this was not his original style of writing, because he learned it from Turgenev’s works translated by Futabatei Shimei. It is well known that this literary form was established and introduced by Kunikida Doppo to a Japanese literary world.It should be noted that this literary form in the first person which Kunikida preferred to use often had an influence on Korean literary world. For instance, Osanaki Tomo He (1919), Hakuchi Ka Tensai Ka (1919), and Petaragi (1921) were influenced by Kunikida’s epistolary novel; Otozure (1890), novels narrated from author’s point of view; Haruno Tori (1904), and structure novel; Unmei Ronsya (1903) or Jonan (1903) respectively. Thanks to gaining these three new literary forms, Korean literature could go mainstream of modern literature with the help of discovering children, fools, women, the poor etc.In this paper, I would like to clarify the fact that Japanese modern literature was not only the receiver of Western literature but also it had a great influence on Korean modern literature.

著者

Robert Jean-Noël

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.1-15, 2003-03-01

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When it comes to the important question of religion and language in Buddhism, the importance of the Japanese language is wont to be underestimated. By comparison with medieval Chinese or Tibetan, Japanese obviously cannot boast of the same feats in translating the Buddhist Scriptures. Even in the case of Mongolian or Manchu, that former scholars tended to neglect, both these languages produced translations of the Buddhist Canon (albeit a partial one for the latter), which are to be taken, although they are secondary translations, as a landmark in the cultural history of East Asia.Japanese is prima facie different; there was no organized translations of the Canon in that language before modern times, and, in that respect, it would be closer to the situation of Siam or Cambodia. But there was indeed a field in which Japanese monk-scholars engaged in an enterprise that could be deemed akin to the achievements of their Tibetan counterparts, and that was the Japanese poetry (waka) on Buddhist themes, that I will here cover by the general term of “exegetical” poetry or shakkyou kaei.We may for our purpose propose here a broad division of those poems in two, namely those that make use of Chinese Buddhist vocabulary tel quel, and those that endeavor to rely exclusively on ‘pure’ Japanese poetical language.Taking the example of two corpuses of Buddhist waka poems on the theme of the Lotus Sutra by Jien and Sonen, I will consider three points:a) How the scholastic and religious vocabulary of Buddhism has been translated in original Japanese idioms.b) How the poetical expression of the Lotus tenets enhanced and developed the doctrinal interpretation.c) In what way this interpretation or exegesis fits into a precise pattern of religious practice. I hope, through these points, to make a step towards assessing this poetical genre as a full-fledged category of religious literature.

著者

ミギー ディラン

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第41回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 41st INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.41, pp.68-54, 2018-03-28

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This paper will examine over 34 different varieties of protective covers used by the Daisō lending library throughout the nineteenth century, categorizing them according to pattern. When cross-referenced with the publication dates of the book on which they appear, these covers yield a consistent data set for dating the acquisition of individual books—something that has not been possible previously due to the absence of detailed house records.The Daisō lending library operated for nearly 150 years in castle town of Nagoya and at its height was regarded as the largest commercial lender in all of Japan. While there has been extensive research on the history of the firm, as well as a full bibliographic survey of its extant books, to date very little is known about its day-to-day operations, given the dearth of house records about its acquisition and lending practices. Accordingly, this paper will seek to model a new approach for dating the acquisition of Daisō books, based on a cross-referencing of cover varieties with publication data.The practice of fitting heavily circulating gōkan with protective covers appears to have begun at the Daisō around Bunka 8 (1811), when the first proprietor, Ōnoya Sōhachi I (Tojirō) passed away and was succeeded by his son Seijirō. This practice continued for at least fifty years, with evidence of newly fitted covers dating to Bunkyū 1 (1861) and later. The covers themselves appear to have been intended to minimize wear and tear on the lavishly illustrated gōkan, whose brilliant nishiki-e covers were an object of interest for lending library readers. The covers featured a different design each year, beginning with relatively simple brushstroke designs in the 1810s and 1820s, and progressively moving to more complex abstract (stripes, lattices, and swastikas) and figural patters (seashells, animals, etc.).This paper proposes that the Daisō alternated varieties of protective covers from year to year and fitted them on books that circulated heavily soon after acquisition. By cross-referencing the annual varieties of covers with the publication dates of the books on which they appear, it is possible to estimate the year of acquisition. At the same time, this material enables us to create windows for estimating the production of manuscript books and paratextual materials like ads for Daisō brand medicines and cosmetics.

著者

Kabat Adam

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.73-92, 1997-10-01

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In the summer of 1778, oni musume (literally, "demon-girl") enjoyed a brief popularity as a sideshow attraction in an Edo religious festival. While records of the day attest to oni musume's acclaim with the general public, descriptions of the "demon" itself seem rather bland. In fact, oni musume soon found herself with at least one competitor, a flashy "fake" incorporating all the typical characteristics of a demon.Kibyōshi dealing with oni musume from that period are an interesting mixture of fact and fiction. The illustrations portray the woman probably much as she really was, while the stories reflect contemporary trends. At the same time, elements of oni folklore and literature are worked into the texts. These broader cultural aspects come to the fore in later kibyōshi in which both pictures and text place oni musume firmly within the context of the traditional oni stereotype. The jealous woman who changes into a demon establishes itself as one of the prevailing motifs in oni musume literature.

著者

顧 姍姍

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.39-53, 2011-03-31

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Couplet expressions are the most prominent rhetorical feature in Chinese poetry literature. They frame poems. As Chinese poetry literature developed, different variations of couplet appeared. Among them, Kakku-tsui (couplet of every other line) is a relatively unique pattern. Usually, couplet consists of two consecutive lines, but Kakku-tsui is formed as follows; one by the first line and the third line, or by the second line and the fourth line. The origin can be traced to ‘Shi Jing’ and Kakku-tsui is also used frequently in ‘Pianli wen’ as well as in Chinese poetry in the Chinese oldest anthology ‘Wen Xuan’ compiled during Liù Cháo. At the beginning of the Tong Dynasty, it’s regarded as an important formality and manner by several reviews of Shangguan Yi. ‘Shi Jing’ and ‘Wen Xuan’ were introduced to Japan in an earlier time and were textbooks for Daigaku-ryo designated by Yourou Code. Moreover, Shangguan Yi’s book is quoted by Kukai and the form of ‘Kakku-tsui’ is found in ‘Bunkyohifuron’ (before 820). Descriptions of Kakku-tsui are found in other books. Though we can see a lot of Kakku-tsui in ‘Pianli wen’ compiled in anthologies of Chinese poetry in the first half of the 9th century (‘Ryoun-syu’, ‘Bunka-syurei-syu’ and ‘Keikoku-syu’), it has never been used in Chinese poems.Kakku-tsui was finally begun to use as an expression method of Archaistic Poetry in the latter half of the 9th century when Sugawara-no-Michizane and Shimada- Tadaomi were on active. This is attributed to the frequent use by Bai Juyi and the popularity of ‘Hakushi-monjyu (bunsyu)’ after Jouwa period, so we can presume the strong influence of Bai Juyi. However, if we compare the Kakku-tsui written by Michizane and Bai Juyi, there is similarity but also there is notable difference. In this presentation, I want to explain how Japanese poets in the 9th century absorbed the formality and manner of Chinese poetry through Chinese books and shaped Japanese style Chinese poetry by investigating the reality of Kakku-tsui.

著者

兪 三善

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.111-124, 1996-10-01

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate words of mimicry and sound effects which appear in the joruri drama of Chikamatsu and the pansori plays of the Korean dramatist Shinzehyo, with particular attention to the characteristics of words which express "crying." Here is a summary of the results of my investigations. Firstly, it is clear that words reproducing emotion occur far more frequently in joruri than in pansori. The fixed facial expressions of joruri puppets mean that free expression of psychological shifts is impossible, and consequently this has to be expressed to the audience directly through words. Another reason is that the chief interest of the sewamono plays lies in the depiction of the characters' psychological changes, rather than the details of the background incidents. As a result. joruri requires a more emotionally descriptive language. By contrast, the scarcity of such languag in pansori can be attributed to the following three points: a) pansori is an art form which expresses by music a narrative poem. The author's personal feelings or thoughts are never expressed. Individual expression is denied, and in its place these epic poems aspire to a manner of thought that will be universally understood. b) emphasis is on depiction of the progression of events within the narrative rather than personal characterisation, so pansori lacks emotional or passionate language c) emotional swings are often indicated by varying the jandan (rhythm). These three factors reduce the necessity for emotional or passionate language. Secondly, I examined how often phrases depicting lamentation or crying in both materials, and whether the frequency of crying varied. I found that crying (including the crying voice itself) is by far the most important, presumably because the central aim of the dramatic works of both countries is naturally to express "yû" (grief). In addition, most of the characters are lower-class citizens, peasants, oppressed people, much given to lamentation and crying. Furthermore, the frequency of the use of words reproducing lamentation was lower in joruri than in pansori. The scarcity of such words in joruri can be attributed to the seriousness of tragedy. The author has tried to express emotion by using various kinds of words, together with words of mimicry and sound effects. Pansori on the other hand, is tragic. The emotion of crying could even be expressed by words of mimicry and sound effects without the help of other expressions.Thirdly, I compared the expressions of crying, and found that, in joruri, these are generally limited to sudden cries of "watto!", whereas in pansori the commonest phrase is "ægoægo" which simulates sustained crying. Both employ sudden, loud shouts to express crying, but this suddenness and timing is rather different. "Watto" normally expresses grief when a sudden misfortune befalls the speaker or the speaker's family. "ægoægo" expresses grief when the speaker suffers continual misfortune, so to speak, a fatal one.

著者

Arntzen Sonja

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.23, pp.80-93, 2000-03-01

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No matter whether into modem Japanese or into foreign languages, the problem of translating the dinstinctiveness of the narrative voice in Genji Monogatari is a difficult one. In my opinion that difficulty originates with the female character of the narrative style. The female character of the narrative voice is apparent in many facets of the text. In this presentation, taking one passage of the "Wakamurasaki"chapter as a focus, I will do a comparative analysis of how the four main translations into modem Japanese, (Yosano Akiko, Tanizaki Jun'ichiro, Enchi Fumiko and Setouchi Jakucho) have dealt with this problem. On the basis of this, I will further compare the two major translations into English (Arthur Waley and Edward Seidensticker) to show that this kind of female narrative voice has not been sufficiently taken into consideration in the translation process.

著者

洪 晟準

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.65-79, 2014-03-31

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“Raigōajarikaisoden” is a story in which Shimizu no kanja Yoshitaka seeks revenge on Minamoto no Yoritomo by practicing magic using rats based on Raigōajari’s consuming grudge. According to previous studies, this story consists of two stories of vengeance. One is a story about Yoshitaka who seeks revenge on Minamoto no Yoritomo for his father Kiso no Yoshinaka. The other is a story about Nekoma Shintarō Mitsuzane who seeks revenge on Kiso no Yoshinaka and Yoshinaka’s elder son Yoshitaka for his elder brother Nekoma no chūnagon Mitsutaka. Karaito, who is the wife of Yoshinaka’s retainer Tezuka no Tarō Mitsumori and also Yoshitaka’s nanny, is praised as ‘retsujo (an outstanding woman)” in Ichiyōken Gyokuzan’s “Gedaikagami” and Tamenaga Shunsui’s “Zōho Gedaikagami”. Both writers consider “Raigōajarikaisoden” as the story which describes Karaito’s loyalty and mental suffering. The author Takizawa Bakin gives a low valuation to “Raigōajarikaisoden” in “Chosakudō kyūsaku ryakujihyō tekiyō” (owned by Sekisui Museum) which is a collection of his critical essays on his own works. It seems that this low valuation is caused by his regret of not being able to give the faithful woman Karaito’s death any merits. However, both Ichiyōken Gyokuzan and Tamenaga Shunsui mention Karaito’s story. It is clear that Karaito is one of the main characters in “Raigōajarikaisoden” and her revenge on Yoritomo should be regarded as the third story of vengeance which follows the above-mentioned two stories. The otogizōshi “Karaitozōshi” is the story about Karaito’s daughter Manju no hime’s filial piety. Although “Raigōajarikaisoden” is based on “Karaitozōshi”, Bakin let appear Karaito as Mitsumori’s wife. Karaito is Mitsumori’s daughter in “Karaitozōshi”. As Karaito appears as Mitsumori’s wife in “Raigōajarikaisoden”, Yoritomo is changed from her father’s revenge to her husband’s revenge and as such the tale describes Karaito’s ‘tei (chastity)’. Karaito’s ‘kō (filial duty)’ towards her father is one of important virtues in “Karaitozōshi”. Her ‘chū (loyalty)’ to Yoshinaka and Yoshitaka and her ‘tei (chastity)’ to her husband Mitsumori become important virtues in “Raigōajarikaisoden”. In this presentation, I am going to explain that Karaito’s story works as the third story of vengeance besides stories of Yoshitaka and Mitsuzane’s vengeance and I would like to point out how Karaito’s chast ity is especially emphasized in “Raigōajarikaisoden”.

著者

熊 慧蘇

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.23, pp.47-65, 2000-03-01

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Tsûzoku Tô Gensô Gundan (hereafter abbreviated Gundan) is one of the popular military tales, dating from the first half of the early modern period, that are considered to be the forerunners of the genre known as yomihon (books for reading) . According to Tokuda Takeshi, Gundan is based on such histories as Shiji Tsugan (A history of China) but the origins of the work and the various sources on which it draws have not been elucidated at all. [Nihon Koten Bungaku Kenkyûshi Daijiten, Ed. Nishizawa Masafumi, Tokuda Takeshi, Bensei Shuppan, reprinted March, 1999.]However, the present investigation reveals that a principal source for the text is Shiji Tsugan Kômoku, and that other sources include such poems and stories as: Kutôjo, Shintôjo, Chôgonka, Chôgonka-den, Yôtaishin Gaiden, Baihiden, and Kaigen Tenpô Iji. In this study, I clarify which parts of Gundan come from classical Chinese texts and which parts are adaptations on the part of the author. Further, I also point out places in the text where the author has inserted his own interpretations even as he is quoting from classical Chinese sources. In doing so, I try to show how authorial design has shaped the creation of the text--in other words, I try to make clear the methods of translation used in the text.I begin with a discussion of the evidence for the argument that Shiji Tsugan Kômoku is a principal source for the Gundan text. In the first place, there is the fact that Gundan, published in Hôei 2 (1705), appeared after Shiji Tsugan Kômoku (published during the Kanbun era, 1661-1673), and before Shiji Tsugan (published in Kansei 2, 1790). In the second place, of the one hundred forty-eight tales within the complete twenty-volume text of Gundan, there are seventy tales whose titles either exactly mirror, or are made up of partial quotations from, the layout (kô) of Shiji Tsugan Kômoku. In contrast, there are only a few headings in Shiji Tsugan that are similar to those of Gundan, and even those phrases that are similar are usually incorporated into the body of the text. It is thus difficult to imagine that Gundan was extracted from Shiji Tsugan.Next, there is the story of Yô Kihi (Yang Guifei), which appears more often in literary works and unofficial histories than in the official histories of China. Gundan is no exception. In Gundan, the section pertaining to Yô Kihi differs considerably from that found in the historiographical text Shiji Tsugan Kômoku. Rather, it makes use of classical Chinese works such as those listed above, with the further addition of various authorial adaptations. Consequently, the story has been changed from a serious historiographical work to a fictionalized romance.In this way, by skillful arrangement, the author of Gundan has taken classical Chinese histories--which the ordinary person would have found difficult to read--and turned them into entertaining, easy-to-read stories. The prose of doing so, as stated in the preface, is to educate the people in the lessons and “connect benevolence” (seichoku jinjo) of history.

著者

王 暁瑞

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.33, pp.187-199, 2010-03-31

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In the late Edo period, Tachibana No Akemi made a linked poem; Dokurakugin. It had a unique form of expression, starting upper phrase with "tanoshimiha" (The moment I feel pleasure is ... ) and concluding lower phrase with "toki" ( when ... ). This form was followed by Masaoka Shiki, including Matsudaira Shungaku, the lord of the Fukui, giving great influences on many other poets. Dokurakugin consists of linked 52 poems, which is in the third volume, Haruakekusa, of Tachibana No Akemi's anthology Shinobunoyakasyū. He lived in voluntary poverty but that environment inspired some of his most endearing poems, those describing the little pleasures of a poor scholar's life. Concerning the unique form, "tanoshimi ha ... no toki" (The moment I feel pleasure is ... when... ), several studies had been done; some researchers said that "kutsukamuri" form gave the poet the idea to create the unique form and others said that the poem was influenced by Haikai or Kyōka, mad poem. However, all of which are not that convincing.Therefore I would like to look at this subject from a different point of view, considering the influence of "Syubigin" form in Chinese poetry on Dokurakugin. "Syubigin" form is a form found first in the anthology, Isengekijōsyū, by neo-Confucianist, Syōyō (1011-1077) in the Northern Song Dynasty. It consists of linked poems and each upper and lower phrase goes "Gyofu ha kore shi wo ginzuru wo aisuru ni arazu". (I make a poem because I want to enjoy life, not because I love making a poem)Also as to contents, Dokurakugin includes some examples of ideas derived from Syubigin. For example, one phrase meaning 'The moment I feel pleasure is when I am doing meditation sitting on a straw mat, the scent of the grass." seems to be influenced by a poem, which expresses relaxed feelings in serene atmosphere, meaning "I like to make a poem when I am doing meditation in a little drunk." In addition, the conception of naming the title, Dokurakugin, seemed to have originated from Syōyō's "anrakukacyūgin" and Shibakō's "dokurakuenki".In this paper, I would like to consider the development of Tachibana No Akemi's unique form of expression in Dokurakugin, focusing on its receptive connection with Syōyō's Syubigin.

著者

丹羽 みさと

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.157-164, 2012-03-31

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Okamoto Kidō wrote the play 'Oshichi' on the request of the shinpa actor Kawai Takeo. It appeared in the 'Bungeikurabu' in October 1911 and was performed at the Hongō-za theatre the following month. The theatre was located in present day Hongō 3 chō-me, Bunkyō-ku and it was close to the Oshichi's parental 'greengrocer business at Hongō 2 chō-me' where the play itself was set. It was confirmed that Kidō referred to the works on Oshichi by Kino Kaion and Baba Bunkō but the locations of their plays were Komagome or just Hongō and were not set in Hongō 2 chō-me as Kidō specified. Why did Kidō choose that specific place? It would be related to the audience.Many students of Daiichi Kōtō Gakkō (the First High School) and Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku (Tokyo Imperial University) were the audience of the Hongō-za theatre. There is a scene where the servant of Oshichi's parents goes out to take orders at Kaga- yashiki which was the place where Daiichi Kōtō Gakkō and Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku were situated at that time. The reason why Kidō created this scene, which had nothing to do with the main plot, would be to create a sense of unity between the stage and audience by dint of using a familiar place to them. Similarly, considering the closeness between the locations of the greengrocer at Hongō 2 chō-me and the theatre, the setting of the play seems also to have been a device to create a sense of spatial unity.The device of creating a sense of unity in this play was not only its geographical factors. Although the play depicts a love between Oshichi and Kichizaburō, the actor who plays the role of Kichizaburō never appears. Instead of the actor, a doll which looks like the embodiment of Kichizaburō symbolically makes an appearance throughout the play. Considering the fact that the main spectators were the students of Daiichi Kōtō Gakkō and Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku and they were just the same generation as Kichizaburō, the absence of the actor was used as a device so they could concentrate on Oshichi and her story.Kidō's 'Oshichi' crossed the settings of the play and the place where it performed each other and it unified a real and a fictitious world. In that sense, it is unique among the other Oshichi stories. It may safely be said that the originality of Kidō's conception should be valued.

著者

Marguerite Oya

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.38-46, 1990-03-01

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Kanshi ("Chinese poems") writing in the late Edo period, being influenced by "song poesy", was aimed to reproduce the reality as faithfully as possible. But the very characteristic of Japanese kanshi itself contained elements which would be incompatible with realism. This is to say, to depict Japanese daily life, words which were not everyday language and expressions, which were related to China's natural features and Chinese way of life, had to be used.For my study, how poets of the late Edo period surmounted this difficulty I selected in a first step two zekku of Rikunyo Shōnin and Kan Sazan. By comparing these two with several poems of So Shoku, Yô Banri and Han Seidai, I examined, in which form the influence of "song poesy" appeared in Japanese kanshi and what makes the poems of Rikunyo Shōnin and Kan Sazan still so different.Since in the writing of kanshi there were many restrictions imposed on the usage of words, the Japanese poets had to concentrate even more on the relationship between expressions and reality. This peculiar attitude will appear through the forementioned comparison. Beside the consideration of the relation between kanshi and realism itself, this seems to be a very interesting matter.

著者

明 眞淑

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.69-77, 1992-03-01

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Respect for the old has been traditionally made much of as a virtue in Korea. In Sangoku Shiki (History of the Three Countries) there is a record of a king who gave rice and grains to the old to praise them. And also in Sangoku Iji (Annecdotes of the Three Countries) we can see people who showed great devotion to their parents, along with kings, noblemen and saints, thought in no other part of the book appear common people. Three tales of the common people who were devoted to their parents offered a material for the P'ansori Shimchonjeon. Shimchonjeon is one of the P'ansori that appeared in the latter half of the Korean dynasty, whose ideology was based on Confucianism, between late 17th century and early 18th century. Its theme is filial devotion of a daughter who sacrificed herself for her blind father.By the way, what kind of parent-child relationship is seen in Chikamatu'works? In Shinjūmono (stories of lovers' suicide) we can see childrens' love for their parents, which is depicted in the reminiscent monologues before the suicide. The heroes and heroines choose suicide, dreaming only of their own happiness to come. But, almost without fail, they remember their parents and lament right before their suicide.On the other hand, in Onna Goroshi Abura no Jigoku (Murder of a Woman in the Hell of Oil) the hero is an undevoted and dissipated son, Yohei. The parents' anxiety over their son who keeps swearing shows their true love for him. In Meido no Hikyaku also we can see parents' love for their child.It is natural for the mankind that parents love their cihldren ; children, their parents. In order to investigate the parent- child relationships that we find in the worlds of Shimchonjeon and Chikamatsu, I will take a close look at the cases in which parents' love for their children is stronger than children's love for their parents, and vice versa.

著者

梁 青

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.171-184, 2013-03-31

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Waka gradually became popular at the end of the 9th century. Japanese people composed nihon kanshi which were not just an imitation of Chinese poetry and with the development of a national identity, started searching for their own sense of expression. In this presentation, I am going to compare Chinese poems, waka and nihon kanshi and examine the expression of the spider’s thread in “Shinsen manyōshū” (the first volume, koi 108) as well as the ‘Gyōgetsu’ poem by Sugawara no Michizane. The purpose of this presentation is to throw the light to the development of the kanshi before the “Kokinshū” was published.The poem ‘keichū sekibakutoshite chirin midare (I am sleeping by myself. A spider’s thread is entangled)’ (893, the first volume, koi 108) and Michizane’s poem ‘aki no omoi wa kumo no itosujiyorimo nannari kidakida funfun tachitsukushite kaeru (A lonely meditation in autumn is severed into shreds like a spider’s thread)’ (891) were composed under the context of the vogue of spider’s thread as a motif in the latter of the 9th century. There is no distance between the spider’s thread and the composer’s feelings and this kind of expression is rare. This unique expression is based on the six dynasties poetry ‘shinsho midarete ito no gotoshi (My mind is disturbed like entangled thread)’ (Zui, Sonbanju, tōkukōnannimamorite keiyū no shinyū ni yosu) and hakushi ‘ryūshi hiki taete chō hikitayu hishi masani tsunagi eru toki nakaru beshi (My heart is broken like the branch from a willow. My sorrow is never healed)’ (3145, yōryūshishi 8) and created the semantically related word ‘o, dan, ran, nan’. They created this unique expression by dint of skillfully replacing the old conventional expression ‘aoyagi no ito, seni no ito’ with ‘spider’s thread’. When we think about how ouchō kanshi accepted the Chinese poems of spider’s thread, we will be able to understand that it did not contain a moral hidden meaning. If anything, it tends to draw a cobweb beautifully and minutely. The poem koi 108 and the Michizane’s poem especially draw the scholars’ attention as there are few examples in Chinese poems which write about the severed spider’s thread. It seems that this expression reflect Japan’s own aesthetic sense. The motif of the severed spider’s thread can be seen in the Henjō uta but not in the “Kokinshū”. The motif had been fixed as the conventional expression of koi uta (love poems) after the latter 10th century. In that respect, it may safely be said that the poem koi 108 and the Michizane’s poem are pioneering works.

著者

松原 舞

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.39, pp.1-14, 2016-03-17

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The Japanese word "awo" (あを) came to be inscribed using the sinograph "青," and in order to clarify the first points of contact where "青" came to have the meaning of "blue," this presentation theorizes aspects of writing the sinograph for "blue" (青) as it appears in the lexis. The objective is to clarify what options writers had for inscription. The object of research for this presentation will be restricted to the Man'yōshū.First, the presentation will discuss poems in the Man'yōshū that use the sinograph "青" and classify them according to the color that is being expressed. Doing so will show that this period, using 青 to represent plants in general had diffused as a general notion of the color. However, this sinograph was not used for plants because it represents the color "green." "青" incorporates the reverence and authority expressed in the Japanese word "awo," and it contains a nuance of the sacred. Conversely, as seen in the assimilation of the Sinic compound "awomatsu" (青松) in Man'yōshū, in "青" there coexist both this sacred component of "awo" and notions learned from continental thought and the literary Sinitic canon.Inscription of "awo" uses the both the kun reading of "青" and the phonetic transcription "a wo" (安乎), and there are only four words that use both types of inscription: "awo yagi" (青柳), "awo kumo" (青雲), "awo nami (青波), and "awoniyoshi" (あをによし). Interestingly, poems where the sacred component of "awo" is being composed upon all use the sinograph "青," whereas examples using phonetic transcription appear for words that derived from the continental canon.The result of examining the Sinic words for "awo nami," "awo kumo," and "awo yagi" and the examples that use phonetic transcription shows that these words were inscribed with a clear awareness of their nuances. Hence, when phonetic transcription was selected, it is plausible that Man'yōshū poets from the Tenpyō period were consciously selecting and writing the Japanese word itself.In this presentation, these four words were divided up based on how they were inscribed, suggesting that the writers' conscious selection of inscription method was an attempt to return to the original meaning of "awo" by using phonetic transcription.

著者

寺田 澄江

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.69-80, 2004-03-01

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From the Ancient to the Middle age, the fundamental poetical structure progressively shifts from a linear discourse, represented by "pillow word (makura kotoba)" or "introductive word (jo-kotoba)", to a "compositive" one, illustrated by "associated words (engo)". This evolution in the discourse strategy takes form, in terms of waka's versification, the establishment of a very clear double structure―splitten into kami no ku (l7syllables) and shimo no ku (14syllables)―which is related itself with the development of the short linked poetry (tan renga) in the later Heian period. This marginal poetical category, generally treated as a simple transitive form between the waka and the linked poetry, has its part in the important changes in the organization principle of the waka.Minamoto no Toshiyori, to whom the originality in the composition was his great concern, devoted himself to the short linked poetry, considering it as a sole poetical form which one can be proud of among the literary works of his time. According to Kenshô, he difined himself as follows:"I'm not a poem teller (or poem singer: uta yomi) but a poem maker (uta tsukuri). I mean, what I do is, rather than regarding fine effects (fuzei), combining exquisite words and structuring them."I will try to clarify in what way Toshiyori's keen concern to the originality is related with this manifesto-- a very expression of the "compositive" discourse-- and with his interest to the short linked poetry.

著者

金 京欄

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.21-36, 1998-10-01

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The traditional tale "Sayohime" is well known throughout Japan, in two differing versions. One includes the legend in which Sayohime climbs a mountain and waves a cloth, which is also found in the works: "Hizen-no- Kuni Fudoki", "Kokon Chomonju", and "Jukkinsho", which post-date "Manyoshu". The other, relating to a ritual sacrifice, can be found in books of fairy-tales (otogizoshi) and in sekkyo joruri such as "Matsura Choja".In the "Manyoshu" poems, Sayohime is described as a woman who sets out after her husband Sadehiko, who has departed for the war, and waves to him from the top of a mountain. However, in "Kokon Chomonju" and "Jukkinsho", Sayohime is the God of the Matsura Shrine. Moreover, in "Nihon Meijo Monogatari" and the main text of "Soga Monogatari" she appears as a bofuseki. A bofuseki is a woman who, after parting from her husband, pines for him so desperately that she is transformed into a statue.There is a Korean tale which describes a phenomenon very similar to bofuseki. This is the tale of "Jesang" included in "Samkuk-Sagi" (1145) and "Samkuk-Yusa". The wife of Jesang, who was crossed the sea to Japan, climbs a mountain and weeps so intensely that she is turned to stone.Korean historical records show that Jesang sailed to Japan during the reign of King Nulji, the 19th ruler of the province of Shinra, to rescue the King's younger brother who had been taken hostage by the Japanese. A corresponding account can be found in "Nihonshoki."The version of "Jesang" in "Samkuk-Sagi" is historically credible, but in the "Samkuk-Yusa" version, the colorful description of Jesang's wife has been added. In "Samkuk-Yusa", the woman climbs the mountain and looks toward Wanokuni (Japan). As she cries loudly, she dies, and is transformed into a Mother God. References to this tale also appear in "Dongkuk-Munhon-Bigo" and "Dongkuk-Yeoji-Sungram".Rather than merely sharing similar motifs, it would seem that the traditional tales of Korea and Japan are more directly connected.