著者

Tan Daniela

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.119-131, 2009-03-31

---

Previously, Ōba Minako has not generally been considered a writer of the "introverted generation" (naikō no sedai). Nevertheless, in some more recent publications her work is being re-read in this context, due to the dynamic flow of thoughts linking the inner and the outer world, which enables also a way to express memories. Furuya Kenzō compares the sceneries in her texts to the inner landscapes "every person keeps somewhere in a deeply hidden place of one's mind".At a first glance, the expression of the self in Ōba's works seems to be very exposing. But how does the reader get involved with the inner world of the narrator? What writing strategies does Ōba Minako employ to cross the borderline between the inner and the outer world, and thus, to engender the dream-like atmosphere of her works?The analysis of her writing technique has found three main strategies: (1) the direct transition from the observation of the narrator's environment to the inner flow of thoughts ("stream of consciousness"); (2) the permanent blurring of past and present; (3) the interweaving representation of dream and reality.The reading of Ōba Minako's work, as proposed in the present paper focuses on the second strategy, the blurring of past and present. It argues that her way of narrating the past perfectly corresponds to the nrrrator's inner perspective. Ōba was born in 1930, and therefore belongs to the generation that experienced World War II in their youth. After her rather late debut, in 1968, the trauma that had been buried for a long time broke its way through narration.Applying narratological methods, this paper analyzes the narratives of past and present in Ōba Minako's literature.

著者

Baykara Oğuz

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.185-207, 2004-03-01

---

When Satô Haruo pointed the similarity between Shunkinshô (1933) and Thomas Hardy’s Barbara of the House of Greve, Tanizaki Junichiro had no objections to it and he rationalized the situation in his own way. Looking at it now from our contemporary perspective, it would surely be considered imitation, however to appreciate the originality of a certain work of art we have to consider the conditions that gave birth to it.Tanizaki has read tremendously the fin de siecle psychologists like Krafft-Ebing and the literary works of Poe, Baudlaire, Stringberg or Gorky in an atmosphere when modernism or cosmopolitanism was at its climax.How shall we judge his work? Was it a mere imitation? Or is it an original work of art? The fact is that Tanizaki has produced his work after having read and digested the western civilization thoroughly.The artistic production is only the tip of an iceberg of the author's creative genious. Though the critics or the authors sometimes try to explain the literary works, they often neglect the subconscious which is constitutes the larger part of the iceberg.Investigating the subconscious, will enable us to grasp the multilayeredness of a work of art. We then, will be able to recognize its originality through a series of analytic interpretations, which, even the author himself might be unaware of.I examined Tanizaki’s Shônen (The Children, 1911) critically and tried to analyze the symbolism in it with a fresh insight. Tanizaki, since the early stages of his career has always been at the mercy of the censorship authorities and often resorted to symbolism in his works; but it has reached to its peak in Shônen. In this work he did not imitate the west, but he took it as a model to compare it with his own. He laid down the tools and values in two sets like “Japan” and “The West” and knitted a highly structured symbolism around four children in Shônen. It was also his earliest declaration of his aesthetic programme" and it guided him through the literary path during the whole course of his 60 years’ authorship.

著者

陳 華栄

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第42回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 42nd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.1-14, 2019-03-28

---

"Kajin no Kigu", a famous political novel in the Meiji era of Japan, was translated into Chinese by Liang Qichao in 1898 and had a great influence on China - which had no genre called political novel until then. Hankei, a nobleminded patriot of the "rebelling Qing dynasty and rebuilding Ming dynasty," is an important character in the novel, along with Tokai Sanshi, Youran, and Coren. Tokai Sanshi, the original author and a politician, propagated his political thought through the novel's characters, especially through Hankei. Correspondingly, when politician Liang Qichao translated "Kajin no Kigu," he adapted many parts according to his own political standpoint, and then included many speeches made by Hankei.For instance, in Volume 2 of the original, there is a scene where Hankei and Tokai Sanshi deliberate about "revitalizing Asia strategy". Hankei approves the idea of Tokai Sanshi by stating, "This is a secret plan in my heart, which is exactly the same as what you said." The "revitalize Asia strategy" that Hankei is agreeing to implies a "shift the Qing Dynasty to the East, division of China into three, raising the spirit of competition and prohibiting the poisonous opium, inspiring the vigour of the people of the Qing Dynasty and exhausting the financial resources of English people to rely on military authority to suppressing India – which would begin Asia's revitalization definitely." This is also the idea of Tokai Sanshi. Liang Qichao translated this as "Between Heaven and Earth, China has jurisdiction over more than four hundred continents - it's certainly a great country in the Universe. Just because politics and diplomacy are not well governed, it leads to periodic setbacks, insults, and failure in revitalizing ourselves. If we can ban the poisonous opium, and inspire the national spirit, it would definitely be the fundamental strategy to revitalize Asia."The common point of the "Kajin no Kigu" research is that it was accompanied by a series of consecutive warfare in Japan during the Sino-Japanese War of 1895. The theme and political position of the novel was also changed from Volume 10. However, as shown in the above example, it is also important to consider the socio-political context of Hankei, the speeches made by him, and the fact that Liang Qichao, like Sanshi, exploited Hankei's political thought - through his translation – to further his own beliefs. That being said, I believe that is it imperative to research it. In this research, I would use the speeches made by Hankei and Qichao's translation of those speeches to analyse the deliberate creation of Hankei's character(to further the writer's philosophy), and the way that Qichao then similarly draws upon Hankei's political theory in his translation.

著者

楊 琇媚

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.139-160, 2005-03-01

---

Ootsuyama Kunio pointed out that "From Taisho 3, the internal ethical center of Mushanokouji shifted greatly from that of a "naturalist" who prided himself on strength and freedom, to a "humanist" who sought to align himself with love. One external cause for this was no doubt the occurrence of World War One" (Mushanokouji Saneatsu Ron, June Showa 49). In addition, he writes that Mushanokouji's anti-war position is eloquently stated in seven works beginning with Kare ga Juusan no Toki (Taisho 3), and if on top of these his various opinions were included, he could be said to be the writer most deeply involved with World War One.Clearly, in a time where people were drunk on the new wealth brought into their daily lives due to the economic prosperity from WWI, and when Mushanokouji also entered into the high point of his life, his focused anti-war stance deserves attention. However, the creation of the "new village" with no-war and peace as its foundation and his move away from it, along with his trip to Europe and the United States, that is, following the larger chapters in experience in Mushanokoji's life, he stepped away from the fiercely anti-war attitude held during WWI, and had become a war sympathizer with the self-published work Daitoua Sennsou Shikan and the play Sanshou.This collapse in Mushanokouji's position regarding war has been looked at by critics such as Ootsuyama Kunio and Honda Shuugo.However, the problem this presentation seeks to bring up is that, although Mushanokouji is displaying a break with his position on war, has in fact his conception of war changed all that much?This presentation will therefore look at two works, the play Aru Shounen no Yume, thought to be the most representative work from his anti-war pieces, and Daitoua Sennsou Shikan, seen as being his most sympathetic to war, in order to examine the essence of his thinking on war. Based on this, the presenter will attempt to make clear the reason for Mushanokouji's shift in his attitude towards war.

著者

Clements Rebekah

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.79-87, 2011-03-31

---

Recent years have seen an increase in studies of the way classical Japanese texts were received during the pre-and-early modern periods. However, research of this nature often concentrates on scholarly commentary at the expense of other types of reception materials. In this paper I will consider the significance of vernacular translation of the classics during the Edo period, focusing on translations of Genji monogatari. There were at least twelve such translations of Genji from Edo through into Meiji, not to mention translations of Ise monogatari and Kokinwakashū. The three earliest vernacular Genji’s are: Fūryū Genji monogatari, 1703, by Miyako no Nishiki (1675-?); the translation published as a series by Baiō (dates unknown) between 1707-1710; and Shibun amano saezuri (Murasaki’s Writings in the Gibberish of Fisherfolk, 1723) by Taga Hanshichi (dates unknown). I will consider who the intended readers of these translations might have been, and discuss the terminology used by each translator to describe their work.

著者

王 成

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.77-86, 1996-10-01

---

Autumn Sorrow (aki no nageki) is a short story by Fukunaga Takehiko, first published in the literary magazine "Meiso" in November, 1954.One of many experimental works by Fukunaga, who is regarded primarily as an avant-garde writer, this story is highly complex in both language and design. The reader is drawn into the solitary world of the heroine Sanae, whose brother died by his own hand one autumn night ten years earlier. In his depiction of her lonely existence, Fukunaga resolutely confronts "time"― here portrayed as a phenomenon of evil -and analyses in detail the interaction between time and fiction. In this paper I would like to consider the relation in the story between the structure of time and the development of the narrative. In Autumn Sorrow, the author consciously denies the continuity of time by overlapping and intertwining past and present within the story, thus advocating to the reader a restructuring of time guided by the creation and judgement of reader and author. Fukunaga constantly shifts time from the present to the past in successive sentences, or even within a single sentence. I would like to examine the ways in which Fukunaga deals with these timeshifts.Autumn Sorrow develops the theme of combining the chronological time of the story itself with the psychological time of the heroine, Sanae. I would like to examine the function of time and memory within the structure of the story.Fukunaga sees creative co-operation between reader and author as the ideal component for construction of a story. To draw the reader completely into the world of the story, he has created not just an artificial time structure, but a story in which he measures the distance between the author, the characters, and the reader. In Autumn Sorrow, direct and indirect narratives are skillfully mixed, with dialogue expressed on the same level as the prose, removing the borders between the real world and the inner world of the characters, aiming at a single level for reader, characters, and author.The principal motifs of the story are war, and the heredity of madness. The construction of the story, involving as it does the setting and solving of various puzzles, leaves the story open to numerous, many-sided interpretations.

著者

水野 達朗

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.193-206, 2007-03-30

---

Kunikida Doppo, embedded during the Japanese-Sino war, wrote in Aitei Tsuusin about the "Chosen" he saw while aboard a warship sailing north, saying "But my brothers, the view of the Daidou inlet, the situation of the thatched houses of Chosen, my feelings now. I have no time to write in detail of them now." He goes so far as to express that he will "not write" of anything that he has seen of "Chosen", which is in contrast to others, such as Matsubara Iwagorou, also dispatched from Minyuusha, and in writing for Seijin Yoroku shows his intention to make clear the "situation inside Korea", writing "in detail" of the "reality of the Chosen thatched houses", in passages like "They pile rocks to build an enclosure, bind grass and make it a roof, build something of a wall with earth, and with logs" Doppo's hesitance to write is also revealed in passages like "So, it seems there is not a lack of things to experience. However, this is only a fleeting sense of novelty". Although it is possible to follow his writing towards a "view of Chosen" or "representation of Chosen", the meaning of his hesitancy to write in itself as it appears in this scene requires an internal examination of the relationship between expression of "Chosen" by Doppo and other embedded journalists and the problem of "expression" in Japanese literature at the time. In this example, it is clear that depicting visual scenes creates deep frustration for Doppo. Looking at his feelings as only lasting for a "fleeting" moment indicated that Doppo drew serious questions on himself as to what was worth writing about. At the time , when the boarders of "literature" were being redefined in Japan, there was an orientation towards depicting things as they are "realistically", while the "meaning" of expressions guaranteed through traditional representations were losing their stability. In this presentation, we will examine the mechanisms that surface when "Chosen" becomes the object of realism and the frustrations of writers in "expressing" Chosen, then look at what possibilities and problems were involved in developing "modern" literary expression inside the cultural environment of East Asia.

著者

王 勇

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.1-15, 2001-03-01

---

The very interesting point is how Japanese were described in Chinese material and drawn in pictorial material. Waren (Japanese) in Zhigong Tu is said to be the oldest portrait of Japanese, but I would like to observe both literal and pictorial material focusing on the figure of members of kentôshi.It is well known in Japan that they had to be intellectual and handsome in order to become members of kentôshi. What kind of impression did they give to Chinese?First I would like to examine the member's image that Chinese had referring to description written in material about Awata no Mahito as handsome with dignity, Abe no Nakamaro as breathtaking handsome and Sakaibe no Okita as tall without much of hair. The meaning of "shintokukan (jindeguan)" that Awata no Mahito wore, the origin of the phrase of "breathtaking handsome" and the background of the phrase of "tall without much of hair" are especially considered.Secondary, I would like to take a look at Liben-tu in the tomb of Zhanghuai-Taizi, The Portrait of Jishi Zhangdan in Tokyo National Museum, Minghuang Huiqi-tu and the like. There are two theories; one is that the member on a mission drawn in Liben-tu is a man of Gaojuli. The other one is that he is a Japanese. I will guess which one referring to the literal material and presume the Japanese in The Portrait of Kishi-no Nagani drawn by Tang royal painters. A monk playing a game of go with Emperor Xuanzong in Minghuang Huiqi-tu should be examined with a Japanese monk, Benshô.Based on the literal and pictorial material listed above, I would like to consider the diplomatic significance that the figure of members to Tang gave in the ancient eastern Asia and emphasize the historical facts of the pictorial material.

著者

狩野 啓子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.58-69, 1986-03-01

---

Ishikawa Jun made his debut as a novelist in 1935 with "The Beauty", having already forged his own literary methods from the works of such writers as Valéry, Alain and Gide. Ever since, he has been known for his acute explorations at the frontiers of modern literature. An outline of Ishikawa's literary views and methodologies can be found in his 1942 Notes on Literature. In 1941 he published the study Mori Ogai, another representative work of the prewar years. In fiction, his "Fugen" of 1937 won the fourth Akutagawa Prize, establishing his fame as a novelist.It was around this time that Ishikawa developed a strong interest in Ota Nampo, and devised his own original interpretation to the "Temmei (1781-1789) kyōka Movement."Nampo's name comes up first in "The Song of Mars"of 1938. In this short story, famous for having been banned on account of its warweary tone, Ishikawa has the "I" narrator relate his intense feelings of envy for Neboke Sensei (Nampo), who was able to cloak his public capacities while engaging in elegant pursuits. In his 1943 essay "Styles of Thought of the Edoite," Ishikawa places the Temmei Kyōka Movement in the context of so-called "haikai-ization," to him the most significant literary process of the entire Edo period. He interprets kyōka ("mad waka"), the most typical example of this process, as a "haikai-ization"of the Kokin Wakashū. And on the other hand, if kyōka represents a "haikai-ized" Kokinshū, he writes, kyōshi ("mad" Chinese verse) makes up a "haikai-ized, T'ang Shih-hsuan. In both cases he claims Ota Nampo to be at the center of the "movement."Excellent studies by Noguchi Takehiko, Yoshida Seiichi and others have appeared on the connection between Temmei kyōka and Ishikawa Jun around the time of "The Song of Mars". Here I would suggest that external circumstances alone did not bring Ishikawa to Nampo, but that he possessed within him from the start, as a firm cultural grounding, the literatus (bunjin) consciousness of "madness" (kyō).We can find manifestations of this spirit of "madness" already in his statements from the late Taishō period. In the context of the transition from early-modern to modern literature, Ishikawa's sense of "madness" beCáme melted with the imported movements of Anarchism and Dadaism.How might we consider his strong interest in Temmei kyōka through the second decade of Shōwa ? One finds repeated in the early works, from Fugen, efforts to maintain a lofty perspective from within one's position in the vulgar world, rather acrobatic attempts of the spirit to fly at low levels just above the ground. These experiments in exploration set out to perform the heavenly progress of Fugen, moving freely between the vulgar world and the sublime one, in words. I have suggested elsewhere that Ishikawa aimed at an unemotive, anti-lyrical prose style, erasing the "I" ness within him. I would point out here, however, that the problem of the elimination of "I"-ness is related to his appreciation of the posed anonymity of the Temmei kyōka movement. Beyond this, Ishikawa may have been drawn to Nampo as the creator of a fictional topos joining the lofty and the popular; Ishikawa stood firmly on a tradition of literatus spirit supported by "kyō. " As the writing of gesaku passed from the hands of bushi authors down to townsmen, the "popular" gradually shaded into the vulgar. Temmei kyōka established a fictional world, located in a separate dimension from real life, just one step before this "vulgarness". Certainly it is no surprise that Ishikawa should have befriended Ota Nampo.The most pressing problem for Ishikawa Jun at the end of Taishō, when he had revealed his penchant for absolute freedom, was the "movement of the spirit". Hence he declined to consider Nampo, or specific works of Temmei kyōka, individually, proposing rather a "movement" in toto. Nampo, close in cultural grounding to Ishikawa, was to be discoverd as part of the active process of "realising a yearning for the past." "Kyo",which worked as an opportunity to fix the direction of the self in the late Taishō years, came to surface dynamically in this period, as a movement or literary function.

著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.85-103, 2001-03-01

---

Takao-dayû, the original work of ukiyo-e in Freer Gallery of Art, is a picture of Takao-dayû drawn by Okumura Masanobu with a comment written by Hanaogi, the famous yûjo of Ôgiya in Yoshiwara imitating the Sawada Tôkô-style calligraphy. The content of the comments is a love letter including a hokku "Kimi ha ima komagata atari hototogisu" that is said Manji Takao, or Takao-dayû the Second of Miuraya sent to Date Tsunamune of the Sendai Clan. This letter was probably made up based on the legend of the love affair between them described in the documentary-like novel Sendai Hagi. Whether the story is true or not, the romantic atmosphere of Yoshiwara is promoted by the comments reminding readers Takao and Hanaôgi, and behind the comment of Hanaôgi, you can sense the attempt by Ôgiya Uemon or Bokuga, who was the employer of Hanôgi, to make her more famous together with Takigawa, who was also a famous yûjo, in the Tenmei period.

著者

項 青

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.9-23, 1994-10-01

---

It is said that the question as to whether The Tale of Urashima is Chinese or Japanese arose from its similarity to the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki. Indeed they share a great many elements. However, the greatest basic difference between them is found in the theme of a time-slip in another world. Since no gap between the passage of time in the other world and the world of humans is visible in the Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi found in The Kojiki we can perhaps conclude that this element is Chinese.By comparing The Tale Of Urashima with the Tang dynasty romance, Liu-yi-chuan, which it most closely resembles, I have pointed out all of the elements which they have in common in literary expression and god-like recluse Daoist thought and have also taken a look at all of the differences between the two. The Liu-yi-chuan, which was completed in China during the mid-Tang, is both a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden and a tale of a water-god's home. However, The Tale of Urashima, while having the two above elements, is very different from the mid-Tang Liu-yi-chuan in that it also has a drifting-ashore motif like that of The Tale of Yamasachi-Umisachi in The Kojiki with the driftingashore motif. In addition, in the Liu-yi-chuan expressions concerning the recluse's elixir and immortality are very prominent while in contrast The Tale of Urashima has little to say about the recluse's elixir and brings up only the god-like recluse idea of immortality. I believe that this indicates that there is something of a difference between the understanding and reception of god-liki recluse Daoism in the two countries.Also, the Chinese conception of time often seen in a story of an extended stay in an enchanted garden as in the expression ,"A day in Heaven is like unto a year on earth,"is found in The Tale of Urashima as "three years is like unto three hundred years," or in expressions like "seventh-generation grandchildren," while in Liu-yi- chuan on the contrary such a view of time is not much touched upon. I have investigated the disparity in the use of such expressions.My conclusion is that ancient Japanese adapted the culture which they imported to their concerns, gradually absorbed it by means of their own peculiar method of digestion, and without being conscious of doing so transformed it into a literature written in classical Chinese peculiar to Japan, so that it went through a process of changing into culture or thought which has a thoroughly Japanese flavor.

著者

松尾 剛次

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.55-67, 2001-03-01

---

It is well known that sekkyô-bushi is related to kanjin. Kanjin originally meant they promoted people to join Buddhism and do the good. It is also known that it changed to promote people to donate rice or money to build or restore temples, shrines and statues of Buddha around the end of Heian period.If so, there is a possibility that sekkyô-bushi Oguri Hangan was created relating to some temple's rebuilding. The temple should be Tôtakuzan shôjôkôji, which is given an important role in the story of Oguri Hangan.The story must have changed in many ways before it was printed as the authorized text in the Edo era, with the sekkyô-bushi one of spoken arts and literature performed by the troubadours who drifted through the nation. Therefore the point of this report is to reveal the mystery when and how the original story of Oguri Hangan was created by whom focusing the relationship between Shôjôkôji and kanjin. I refer to the picture scroll Yugyô-engi, Yugyô-keizu and the like as archives which have been hardly used before. The picture scroll Yugyô-engi is an ekotoba-den (picturized biography) created by Yugyôshônin, Sommyô the 13th, Taikû the 14th and Son'e the 15th in the early Muromachi era.In conclusion I think the original story of Oguri Hangan was created relating to a mass kanjin of reconstruction done by the Yugyôshônin, Taikû the 14th after the big fire in Ôei 33 (1426). Sekkyô-bushi were called oral literature and thought to be made by unknown singing poets so far. However, given the relationship between sekkyô-bushi and kanjin of temples, I think most sekkyô-bushi were created when occurred was kanjin of specific temple's reconstruction in terms of the original ones.

著者

Marginean Ruxandra

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.33-52, 1999-10-01

---

It is usual practice in no studies to analyse no scripts as texts, from a literary point of view. In this paper I shall take Izutsu as an example and analyze its interpretations from the point of view of what is usually considered the social background to literature.To put it differently, I intend to reconsider the way interpretation is usually thought to reveal the "universal" meaning of a text―a meaning that would go beyond the interpreters' differences of gender, class and living epoch.First, I would like to have a look at interpretations of Izutsu in contemporary society. As opinion polls show, when Izutsu is performed at Nogakudo, the audience evaluates the leading character's attitude in various ways. This is related, I think, with the diversification of opinion towards the marriage system in nowadays Japan.I would like then to question the existence of multiple interpretations of Izutsu in medieval society. The story of Izutsu is based on Kamakura period commentaries on Ise Monogatari (as the well-known article "Yokyoku to Ise Monogatari no Hiden" by Ito Masayoshi has shown). Researchers do not agree whether the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari and its medieval commentaries are inserted or not in the text of Izutsu. If one takes into account medieval poetry treatises (such as Seiasho) about honkadori, one can say, I think, that the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari is not alluded to in Izutsu.I would like to consider the interpretation of the 24th dan of Ise Monogatari as seen in medieval commentaries, as well as its not being included in Izutsu from the point of view of the medieval marriage system. According to Tabata Yasuko, aristocrats (kuge) and warriors (buke) had rather different marriage systems. Would not this fact have had an influence on the way Izutsu was interpreted in the middle ages?The above analysis touches on the larger problem of the power-relationships that exist behind what is usually considered to be a unique "correct" interpretation of a text/play.

著者

加藤 周一 Keene Donald 小西 甚一 芳賀 徹

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.165-216, 1987-03-01

著者

松平 進

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.171-182, 1996-10-01

---

Kamigata actor print seem to have been produced with a strong connection to hiiki-theatre supporters or fans. Three cities (Osaka, Kyoto and Edo) had many fans and fan clubs, but especially Osaka fans were very active. Among them, Teuchi renchū (clapping clubs) were top groups. Every winter, in kaomise performance (face showing performance), these clubs performed a ceremony of clapping to introduce actors to the public.One can see hiiki together with actor in Osaka theatre prints. For example, Seki Sanjūrō II came to Osaka, Kado theatre in 1826 from Edo. The artist Ashiyuki produced Sanjūrō's greeting from stage surrounded by many Sakura-ren hiiki in Sakura-ren uniforms. The space of the print is dominated not by Sanjūrō but by hiiki. I wonder if this kind of print could sell well as an actor print ?Not only ō-shibai but also chū-shibai had the custom of teuchi. There is a print in the same style of Ichikawa Morinosuke surrounded many hiiki in uniform. From the crest of hiiki-ren one cannot tell the name of the ren. In the print, there are two hiiki facing us. The faces are clearly drawn as portraits, but are not actors. I guess hiiki put their portrait in the actor print. There is a hiiki Rojū's print in the uniform of Sasase-ren. He was well known as the Sasase-ren's best clapper. Rojū must have subsidized this publication. Seeing this print helps us better understand the previous example.Let's examine the san(讃)-kyōka or kyōku (comic poems) found in actor prints. The composers of san can be divided into four types. (1) Actor himself composed the san. This is the most common case. (2) Hiiki composed the poem. Sometimes they are annonymous. but we can see the names such as Akatsuki Kanenari, Harunoya, Baikō, Toran, Shiinomoto-an and famous hiiki. (3) Artist composed the poem. Mainly the artist who drew the actor portrait composed the poem as well. But sometimes another artist offered the poem. (4) Publisher composed the poem. Naturally publisher can be a supporter of theatres or actors. Tenmaya Kihei and Tokuraya Shinbei often composed poems for prints. Let's examine carefully the artist Yoshikuni and his group. Members are mainly Yoshikuni's pupils. The names of them have -kuni at the end such as Kishikuni, Hashikuni. Chikakuni etc. Or Yoshi- at the top such as Yoshiyuki, Yoshinao. Most of members were not productive. Though I have seen about 200 prints by Yoshikuni. I only have seen less than 10 prints each of 16 out of 19 members of this group. This group produced many chū-shibai actor prints, so they must have been supporters of chūshibai. There are three materials published in 1815 other than actor prints concerning hiiki and artists. The single sheet "HIIKI" compares the list of Arashi Kichisaburō hiiki and Nakamura Utaemon hiiki. At the bottom of the sheet you can find name list of 44 Naniwa Nigao Eshi (Osaka actor portrait artists)."Hiiki no Hanamichi" is a hyōbanki (critique) of Utaemon's supporters. Among hiiki you find three artists Ashikuni. Shunkō and Shunyō. According to the critique, none of them were professional actor print artists. I guess they were rich merchants and dilettante theatre goers and amateur artist."Shikan Setsuyō Hyakke Tsū" is a kind of introductory encyclopedia of Utaemon's fan club. There is name list of hiiki in which you can find Shunyō, Shunkō and Utakuni. They were hiiki as well as artists.Kamigata actor prints were produced through a strong connection with hiiki. Publisher and artist were often hiiki. Before Hasegawa Sadanobu and Ryūsai Shigeharu, there were no professional artists. But it does not mean artistic inferiority. Many kamigata prints of this period are excecllent.

著者

今関 敏子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.17-34, 2003-03-01

---

I would like to discuss how travel was viewed and discussed in the Heian and Kamakura periods through examining the themes of the culture and literature of travel.Travel has been a reoccurring theme in literature throughout history and throughout the world. By travel one can mean that for business or errands, enjoyment or sightseeing: all indicating very different purposes. In any event, for us in the modem world, travel means getting away from our daily existence and, for a period of time, entering an environment different from our normal one. For us, travel sets our heart alight with anticipation, and offers an opportunity to renew ourselves.However, how travel is viewed differs greatly from culture to culture and era to era. For example, in Japan's classical and medieval period, travel was seen basically as leaving one's home, and traveler's rest (tabine) could be had staying the night even at a location relatively near to home. Also, a journey to a far off location was not necessarily a cause for joy.It goes without saying that how travel is viewed is reflected in how it is illustrated in words. In the Kamakura period, traffic and trade between the capitol and the East grow beyond what they were previously. In what ways does the depiction of travel change? Most of the authors of travel literature of this period are men. Women left memoirs detailing not individual journeys, but rather a broader scale of their lives including their travels. Women in Japan have from times of old traveled a great deal indeed, but what brought about this difference in expression?Also, H. E. Plutschow wrote “Tabi suru Nihonjin” (1983, Musashino Shoin), while discussing how different Japanese and Western travel logs are, that in Japan, even if one does not leave on an actual journey, if he makes his way down a series of Utamakura, he may write a travel diary from within his own home. I would also like to look at the unique culture of travel within Japan as seen through the use of typified expression.

著者

Bjoerk Tove

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.181-194, 2011-03-31

---

The artistic expression of the formalized kata-acting in Kabuki is a medium transmitting Japanese cultural history to the present day. As any artistic media involuntarily or voluntarily does, it distorts and confiures a past reality. Therefore, we need to understand how and when kata-acting was created in order to understand what it really shows us.In this presentation, I will focus on the diary (destroyed in fire ca 1810, copies exist) of Ichikawa Danjûrô II (1688-1757), a central figure of the Edo Kabuki world and known as the creator of many of the katas still enacted today. From this diary we know that Danjûrô II was - not, in his opinion, at all contradictory to his health and diet interests - a passionate tobacco smoker, and I will show how this habit influenced his acting and how it came to be medialized into kata by looking especially at the displays of tobacco and smoking in the Sukeroku drama.After a brief introduction on the parallel development of a socially accepted smoking culture and acting using pipes as props and smoking as artistic expression, I will analyze Danjûrô II’s diary entries on smoking and compare them to records on his acting. As few written plays remain today, the Actors Reviews (Yakusha hyôban ki) and Ukiyo-es are our prime source for understanding the process of acting and directing of the mid-18th century.By focusing on Sukeroku, probably the most famous smoking character developed by Danjûrô II, it is possible to follow up how the usage of tobacco utensils and the smoking habits of the different characters in the act developed over time and came to be standardized into the format that we know today. From this perspective, I will lastly consider the manyfold reasons for this process and the potential meanings of institutionalizing a substance such as tobacco into a cultural medium.

著者

GERLINI Edoardo

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第43回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 43rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.129-150, 2020-03-26

---

The word “Classics (koten)”, invented in the modern period, is often used to indicate the “culture of the past” in contrast with the concept of “modernity”. This use of the word koten reinforces the wrong idea that “things of the past”, being substantially unrelated with the present, are in practice useless to the understanding of issues affecting modern societies. This misunderstanding is probably the main reason leading to the so-called “crisis of the classics” in the last decades.   On the other hand, social processes like the use, re-creation and valorization of the culture of the past in the present have led to the birth and thriving growth of the new academic field of “heritage studies” (Laurajane Smith 2006). Drawing on this new approach, which considers the “things of the past” as a tool to tie past cultures to present identities, I argue that rethinking “classical literature” as a form of “textual heritage” can offer new insights into the debate about the “crisis of classics” today.   To negotiate present identities through dialogue with the past is not necessarily a modern conception, but it is something that always happened in every age (David Harvey 2001, 2008). In the case of Japanese Classical Literature of the Heian period, authors always produced texts―of which literary works were but a subset―through the reading and quoting of past masterpieces, in both direct and indirect manners. But how was the idea of the past shaped in the writing of Heian poets who inherited and reused style and contents from Man’yōshū or the Wenxuan, and how did this intertextuality lead to the creation of a present identity in contrast or continuity with the past?  In today’s presentation I will draw on the idea of “textual reenactment” (Wiebke Denecke 2004) to identify into the text of kanshi and waka collections’ prefaces of Nara and early Heian a specific discursive construction about the past, similar to processes of “heritagization” theorized by scholars of heritage. This paper is also intended as a mid-term result of the three years’ fellowship I briefly anticipated during the 42nd International Conference on Japanese Literature in 2018.

著者

BUGNE Magali

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第43回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 43rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.33-44, 2020-03-26

---

Noh is often composed of a variety of texts, such as quotations taken from literacy sources, waka insertions or even parts of Buddhist scriptures. While the complex intertextuality in the lyrics of a noh play shows the diversity of the medieval literary world, it may also render the meaning of the lyrics unintelligible.   Zeami was the first medieval actor to discuss the complex structure of a noh play. Some of this teaching was passed down through secret treatises to his son-inlaw, Konparu Zenchiku (1405-1470?), during the Muromachi era. While Zenchiku inherited the fukushiki-nô (noh in two parts) created by Zeami―a style of play that distances itself from the realistic timeline commonly used in dialogue-centric theater in the early 14th century―he didn’t consider the physical theory of Zeami’s art. In addition, diverging from the literary norms established by Zeami, Zenchiku created plays that are often evaluated as ambiguous due to the fact that the texts inserted into them appear to have been quoted out of context. How did Zenchiku receive and adapt Zeami’s teachings? How did the transition from imitation of the master’s thoughts to the process of art creation happen in noh theater during the Muromachi era?   In order to solve this problem, this presentation considers the multiplicity and diversity of medieval playwrights through the concept of “intertextuality”. More specifically, we will analyze the interrelationships (citations, metaphors, waka insertions, rewritings, etc.) between the playwrights Zeami and Zenchiku. By doing this we hope to look through a new lens at Zenchiku’s work.

著者

馬 如慧

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第43回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 43rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.17-32, 2020-03-26

---

When we talk about the word “azayaka” in modern Japan, we always take it as a word describing flowers or clothes which are colorful and brilliant. On the other hand, we also use “azayaka” to describe skills or techniques which are remarkable. Nevertheless, usually, we don’t use this word to describe someone’s personality. In Japanese premodern literatures, we could also find the word “azayaka” being used very limitedly, only to describe clothes or utensils which were extremely gorgeous, until The Tale of Genji came into the world. The usages of “azayaka” changed a lot in the wake of this tale, mainly reflected in being used to describe someone’s nature and the emergence of the verb “azayagu”. In The Tale of Genji, the word “azayaka” is used 37 times (including “azayagu”) , in which we can find it used on 20 occasions to describe various characters, 16 of which refer not only to their appearances but also their personalities. And what’s more, when it comes to describing characters’ personalities in the tale, “azayaka” was always used to describe male characters, especially Tō no Chūjō, Yūgiri, and Higekuro. On the other hand, Tō no Chūjō, Yūgiri, and Higekuro were also described as “wowoshi” (masculine), and in that case, we can find “azayaka” being used very close to “wowoshi” for 4 times. Therefore, maybe we can assume that “azayaka” was used as a word representing masculinity. However, when it comes to the Uji chapters, “azayaka” started to be used to describe female characters, but it was only limited to Yūgiri’s daughter Rokunokimi, and Higekuro’s daughter Ōigimi, from which we can see the similarity of father and daughter in the story. Yet, in monogatari tales after The Tale of Genji, “azayaka” was more likely to be used when describing female characters. The meaning of the word “azayaka” has changed a lot since The Tale of Genji, which apparently had a bearing on the character modeling, but nothing of that has been researched yet. In this presentation, I would like to explore the relationship between the changing meanings of “azayaka” and the character modeling in The Tale of Genji, and the influence of this on the tales after The Tale of Genji.