著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.12, pp.2059-2093, 2001

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Article 7 of the "Amnesty Bill of 1816" decreed "regicides" (deputies of the National Convention who had voted for the death of Louis XVI) to be exempted from amnesty, and it condemned the regicides who had joined Napoleon's hundred days to go into exile forever out of the French kingdom. However, several regicides continued to live in France (those who had not joined Napoleon, who had been granted a stay of execution, and who had gone underground). The central and local police agencies were very cautious of these regicides living in France, because it was possible that the memories of the Revolution connected with the regicide survivors would be menacing to the Restoration monarchy. The authorities were so cautious of this dangerous movement that there are many documents about it in the dossiers of the Ministery of Police. This paper aims to shed light on some aspects of the memories of the Revolution under the Restoration by investigating these police documents (F7 in the National Archives). The results of the research are as follows. First, the most positive and favourable memories of the Revolution were held, grosso modo, among the peasantry and popular classes, while the most negative and disfavourable ones were held among local rich notables. Secondly, this social distinction of memories having been complicated according to local situations, frictions between positive and negative memories took place in various forms. Thirdly, among the peasantry and popular classes, positive memories of the Revolution were maintained in the same formula (the Revolution which had abolished feudal dues) throughout the Restoration, while among local notables and bourgeois, memories of the Revolution tended to fade away or be forgotten in the early days of the Restoration. Finally, if we look ahead into the second half of the19th century, the succession of memories of the Revolution would not be so straightforward. That is to say, memories of the Revolution would be transformed, resurrected and, at the same time, forged or invented, up to the Third Republic.

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.12, pp.2059-2093, 2001-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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Article 7 of the "Amnesty Bill of 1816" decreed "regicides" (deputies of the National Convention who had voted for the death of Louis XVI) to be exempted from amnesty, and it condemned the regicides who had joined Napoleon's hundred days to go into exile forever out of the French kingdom. However, several regicides continued to live in France (those who had not joined Napoleon, who had been granted a stay of execution, and who had gone underground). The central and local police agencies were very cautious of these regicides living in France, because it was possible that the memories of the Revolution connected with the regicide survivors would be menacing to the Restoration monarchy. The authorities were so cautious of this dangerous movement that there are many documents about it in the dossiers of the Ministery of Police. This paper aims to shed light on some aspects of the memories of the Revolution under the Restoration by investigating these police documents (F7 in the National Archives). The results of the research are as follows. First, the most positive and favourable memories of the Revolution were held, grosso modo, among the peasantry and popular classes, while the most negative and disfavourable ones were held among local rich notables. Secondly, this social distinction of memories having been complicated according to local situations, frictions between positive and negative memories took place in various forms. Thirdly, among the peasantry and popular classes, positive memories of the Revolution were maintained in the same formula (the Revolution which had abolished feudal dues) throughout the Restoration, while among local notables and bourgeois, memories of the Revolution tended to fade away or be forgotten in the early days of the Restoration. Finally, if we look ahead into the second half of the19th century, the succession of memories of the Revolution would not be so straightforward. That is to say, memories of the Revolution would be transformed, resurrected and, at the same time, forged or invented, up to the Third Republic.

著者

ヴォヴェル ミシェル 遅塚 忠躬

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.58-68, 1987

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

現代史研究会

雑誌

現代史研究 (ISSN:03868869)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.39-52, 1996

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

岩波書店

雑誌

思想 (ISSN:03862755)

巻号頁・発行日

no.842, pp.p1-3, 1994-08

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

法政大学史学会

雑誌

法政史学 (ISSN:03868893)

巻号頁・発行日

no.41, pp.p1-18, 1989-03

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

青木書店

雑誌

歴史学研究 (ISSN:03869237)

巻号頁・発行日

no.401, pp.57-62, 1973-10

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.5, pp.612-616, 1990-05-20

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

東京外国語大学

雑誌

Quadrante : クヴァドランテ : 四分儀 : 地域・文化・位置のための総合雑誌 (ISSN:13445987)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.87-111, 2008-03

著者

ヴォヴェル ミシェル 遅塚 忠躬

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.58-68, 1987-10-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

東京大学

雑誌

社會科學研究 (ISSN:03873307)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.1-68, 1963-11-29

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.6, pp.963-1008,1098-, 1982-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Dans son article sur "La place de la Revolution francaise dans l'histoire du monde", G.Lefebvre a bien affirme qu'elle avait ete, pour la premiere fois dans le monde, la revolution de l'egalite et, comme telle, avait marque le point de depart du mouvement democratique. Il avait raison quand il a constate que c'etait grace a la participation des classes populaires que la Revolution francaise avait pu etre la revolution de l'egalite. Sans aucun doute, l'originalite de la Revolution francaise, en comparaison avec les autres revolutions bourgeoises, consiste en ce fait qu'elle a ete accompagnee des revoltes des masses populaires, surtout de la "revolution paysanne". Mais, cette originalite de la Revolution francaise, d'ou vient-elle? Pourquoi devait-elle etre une revolution bourgeoise accompagnee de la revolution paysanne? Je voudrais proposer une solution a ce probleme en considerant la position internationale de la France au XVIII^e siecle et, en fin de compte, ajouter un autre point de vue a la place de la Revolution francaise dans l'histoire. On sait bien que, par sa grave crise economique du XVII^e siecle, la France avait pris un net retard sur l'Angleterre et, malgre sa croissance economique du XVIII^e siecle, elle n'a pas pu le rattraper. Ainsi, a la veille de la Revolution, elle a ete un pays relativement en retard dans le systeme mondial du capitalisme en cours de formation. A cause de cette position internationale, la societe francaise d'Ancien Reginie a ete marquee de trois traits caracteristiques : 1)une puissante bureaucratie ou "etatisme", indispensable, dans la rivalite commerciale du monde, pour diriger une economie nationale en retard ; 2)faiblesse de la bourgeoisie qui a ete, non seulement tardive dans sa croissance, mais aussi etroitement liee au regime existant par l'etatisme ou le dirigisme du gouvernement et par la voie d'anoblissement ; 3)survivance persistante d'une grande masse de petite paysannerie que la faible croissance industrielle de la France, en contraste avec le cas de l'Angleterre, n'a pas pu faire disparaitre au cours de l'industrialisation. Ainsi, la Revolution francaise devait etre accomplie, a cause de la faiblesse de la classe bourgeoise, par la participation de la masse paysanne. On peut dire que la Revolution francaise devait etre une revolution bourgeoise accompagnee de la revolution paysanne puisque la France avait ete situee au rang des pays relativement en retard dans le systeme mondial de cette epoque. Or, il existe une autre revolution accompagnee de la revolution paysanne. C'est la revolution russe. Certes, elle a bien depasse le cadre de la revolution bourgeoise. Mais, il y a une condition commune entre ces deux revolutions ; c'est que la France de la fin du XVIII^e siecle et la Russie du debut du XX^e, toutes les deux, ont ete situees au rang des pays relativement en fetard dans le systeme mondial de chaque epoque. A cause de cette position internationale, deux revolutions devaient etre accompagnees de la revolution paysanne. La difference entre ces deux revolutions, l'une a ete bourgeoise et l'autre proletarienne, pourrait etre expliquee par la difference des epoques : apres la Revolution francaise, la bourgeoisie a refuse le concours de la paysannerie (donc il n'y avait que des "reformes d'en haut" au XIX^e siecle), et, a partir du XX^e siecle, la revolte paysanne pouvait se reunir avec la revolte proletarienne pour donner le jour a la revolution socialiste. Ainsi, la Revolution francaise a ete la derniere des revolutions bourgeoises et la premiere des revolutions en pays relativement sous-developpes. En d'autres termes, elle se situe entre la revolution anglaise et la revolution russe.

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

青木書店

雑誌

歴史学研究 (ISSN:03869237)

巻号頁・発行日

no.683, pp.53-55, 1996-04

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

尼崎市立地域研究史料館

雑誌

地域史研究 : 尼崎市史研究紀要 (ISSN:09108661)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.1, pp.1-15, 1977-06-01

著者

Edelstein Melvin 早川 理穂 遅塚 忠躬

出版者

青木書店

雑誌

歴史学研究 (ISSN:03869237)

巻号頁・発行日

no.791, pp.34-43,61, 2004-08