著者
姚 琼 Yao Qiong
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報 非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.11, pp.337-357, 2015-03-20

As local communities have become modernized and urbanized, rituals have undergone significant changes. Traditionally, academics have valued historical traditions and consistency in rituals and criticized changes in line with the modernization of society. However, do organizers and performers of rituals have the same view on such changes ? A great majority of studies on rituals have examined changes and their causes. Researchers claim that many aspects of rituals, from content to organization, have changed, and offer advice on continuing rituals by analyzing the social and local causes of those changes. Surely, they do not consider the perspective of those involved in rituals. Not many studies are conducted from their viewpoint, even though they are the ones who organize and perform local rituals. Such a study would offer significant insight on local folk beliefs in the domain of folklore. The author of this paper participated in and closely observed the Yabuneri Shinto ritual in Shiratsuka Town, Mie Prefecture, to find out the perspective of ritual organizers and performers. Yabuneri is a traditional ritual with a 350-year history. This ceremony to drive away diseases presumably originates from the myth of Susanoo, in which the deity slays a giant serpent with eight heads and eight tails. Tsu City in the prefecture started to move toward modernization and urbanization in the mid-1950s. During this process, the organization and structure of rites and rituals have drastically changed. This paper will reveal how recent changes in Shinto rituals are viewed by those involved based on interviews with shrine parishioners in the Shiratsuka area who organize and carry out the Yabuneri ritual.
著者
根敦阿斯尔 Gendunasier
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報 非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.10, pp.383-407, 2014-03-20

The object of this report is to bring to light the role of the annual events in Lamaism in modern society in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China. The changes and effects of modern society on Lamaism and the transitions within Lamaism will be discussed in detail. The following four investigations will be discussed : 1. Investigation into the current state of Dazhao temple, built by Altan Khan in 1579 and located in Hohot ; and an investigation of the year-round activities conducted at Dazhao temple(these activities are scheduled by the lunar calendar). 2. The meanings of Lamaist language, including their origins and usage in storytelling. 3. Regarding the contents of the annual activities of Lamaism, specifically the use of masks, dancing and a detailed study of ʻBakudakamʼ dance. 4. An analysis of the role of Lamaist temples in modern society from an outsiderʼs perspective. However, the investigations conducted for this report about the Lamaism of Dazhao temple were not able to fully utilize the detailed documentation. Because of this, the analysis also features insight from an outsiderʼs point of view as well as factors remaining from conventional activity at Dazhao temple. Through this, we can conduct a deeper analysis of how Lamaism has adapted to modern society.
著者
前田 孝和 Maeda Takakazu
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報 非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.11, pp.1-36, 2015-03-20

The main objective of this paper is to discuss the history of shrines in Karafuto based on materials from the pre-Russo-Japanese War period before Japan took over southern Karafuto. A comparison of shrines in Karafuto and other areas found three major characteristics of Karafuto. First, religious activities were allowed in the name of religious freedom between the invasion of the Soviet military and the repatriation of Japanese people. Second, Japanese made up a large majority of the population. Third, deities that people worshiped were diverse. From the second half of the Edo period, shrines‒mainly those enshrining Benten or a goddess of water and fortune‒started to be built in Karafuto. Japanese there engaged in religious activities even when Karafuto was inhabited by both Japanese and Russians from the end of the Edo period to the beginning of the Meiji period. It was confirmed that these shrines existed until the middle of the Russian occupation from 1875 to 1902. After southern Karafuto became Japanese territory as a result of the countryʼs victory in the Russo-Japanese War, many Japanese moved there and built new shrines. The vast majority of the population in Karafuto was Japanese, and shrines were built according to religious practices in mainland Japan. Therefore, shrines in the region have a historical background different from that of other overseas shrines in a narrow definition. It is unique that Japanese people in Karafuto were allowed to be involved in religious activities during the one and a half years between the Soviet invasion in August 1945 and the second repatriation of Japanese in January 1947. 279 shrines including those under the supervision of the colonial government of Karafuto and others managed by local communities were places of worship for Japanese in the area, despite differences in size and rank. Karafuto Shrine-a Japanese government-sponsored great shrine established in 1910 with construction completed on August 22, 1911‒was run by the national government but had strong commonalities with those established by local people. When comparing shrines and temples in terms of numbers of structures and monks, we realize that temples were far more powerful and influential. After Japanʼs defeat in World War II, shrines disappeared from Karafuto. They were founded for Japanese and thus perished when they left the region. In this paper, the history of shrines in the Northern Territories will be introduced based on materials from the Edo period. These materials indicate that no shrine in the territories was recognized by the Japanese government, and that local Japanese strived to have their shrines recognized.
著者
サマリン イーゴリ アナトーリエビッチ Samarin Igor Anatolievich 遠坂 創三 前田 孝和 Maeda Takakazu
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報 非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.11, pp.125-138, 2015-03-20

This study focuses on the historical background, current conditions, and future directions of preserving and utilizing Japanese cultural and historical heritage in Sakhalin, formerly Karafuto, during the Japanese occupation (1905-1945). It also provides the first detailed descriptions of the remains of shrines. A project to preserve Japanʼs historical and cultural heritage in Sakhalin met with negative reactions at first. But since Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev introduced perestroika reforms in 1985, Japanese rule has been recognized as part of Sakhalinʼs history and various exchange programs have been organized, such as cultural exchanges between the Sakhalin Regional Museum and the Historical Museum of Hokkaido (now Hokkaido Museum) and economic exchanges between Sakhalin and Hokkaido. Moreover, the governor of Sakhalin issued the law to protect historical and cultural assets in 1999, and an academic conference titled "Sakhalinʼs Culture : Past Experiences and Future Perspective" was held the following year. Since then, international symposiums on the protection of historical and cultural heritage during the Karafuto era have taken place regularly to promote various projects to compile a list of Japanese heritage properties ( existing buildings and remains) in Sakhalin, evaluate them for preservation, and publish historical documents. These projects include, for example, transferring guardian lions in Karafuto Gokoku Shinto Shrine to the Sakhalin Regional Museum, restoring a victory monument in Tomarioru Shrine, and preserving the building of the former Hokkaido Takushoku Bank Odomari branch. A list of the remains of shrines suggested for restoration, maintenance, and installation of information boards includes Karafuto Gokoku Shinto Shrine in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk (formerly Toyohara City); a monument for the landing of the Japanese Sakhalin Expeditionary Army in the Merei area and a monument for loyal souls in Nagahama Shrine in Korsakov (formerly Odomari); Higashi Shiraura Shrine in Dolinsk (formerly Ochiai); a monument for the opening of Sakhalin Island in the Shiranushi area and Honto Shrine in Nevelsk (formerly Honto); Chiritoru Shrine in Makarov (formerly Chiritoru); Esutoru Shrine in Uglegorsk (formerly Esutoru); and Maoka Shrine in Kholmsk (formerly Maoka). The information boards will explain the names of shrines and deities, founding years and building exteriors. These projects will help Sakhalin play a more important role as a crossroad connecting islands in Asia-Pacific countries and the European continent, promote exchanges among peoples and nations, and develop new approaches to preserving Japanese heritage in Sakhalin.
著者
山口 建治 Yamaguchi Kenji
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.9, pp.1-18, 2013-03

The Chinese character 鬼 came to be read "oni" in Japan when worship of the five chief demons of pestilence, 五瘟神, symbolizing the spirits of five people who died tragic deaths that came to be venerated as a guardian spirit to protect people from misfortune and harm like plagues, was introduced to Japan from China around the 8th century. The Chinese 瘟, "uən" changed to "oni" in Japan. Based on this theory, this paper will look at the relationship between Japanese ogres and two mythological spirits ― onryo(grudgebearing spirits) and goryo(evil spirits) ―both of which became known between the 8th and 9th centuries with reference to materials from the Heian Period. First, how the concept of the five chief demons of pestilence was formed amid the development of a folk ritual to drive away devils and diseases will be introduced. Second, the following five pieces of evidence that suggest that the demons were brought from China to Japan will be discussed in detail. (1) According to the dictionary compiled in the Heian Period titled Wamyosho, 瘧鬼 (gyakuki) was defined as "the spirit or ogre of pestilence," whereas it was 瘟鬼 in the original. (2) In Manyoshu, or The Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves, the 鬼 that appears in a foreword written in Chinese seems to refer to the spirit of pestilence. (3) Ogres mentioned in Nihon Ryoiki, or The Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, are either 疫神 or 疫鬼, meaning the spirit or ogre of pestilence, which are other names for 瘟神 or 瘟鬼 respectively. (4) A ritual to drive away the spirit of pestilence that often took place in the 8th and 9th centuries was actually meant for 怨霊( grudge-bearing spirits). These characters were read "oni ryau," and the word was a synonym of "oni." (5) 御霊社 was originally written 五霊社, which meant "a shrine to worship the five chief demons of pestilence from China." From these proofs, it has been concluded that the ritual for onryo and goryo in the Heian Period was to worship oni and that it was a variation of the original Chinese version.論文
著者
譚 静 Tan Jing
出版者
神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所 非文字資料研究センター
雑誌
年報非文字資料研究 (ISSN:18839169)
巻号頁・発行日
no.10, pp.439-458,図巻頭8-12, 2014-03

Yao is one of the 55 ethnic groups in China. It is widely distributed in the south part of China, for example, the Hunan province, Yunnan province, the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Guangdong province and the Southeast Asia (Thailand, Laos, Vietnam etc.)This article is emphasized on the Yao in Huangnigang Village, Lianhua Town, Gongcheng Yao Autonomous County, which is located in the northwest part of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region neighboring the Hunan province. So far the Yao people in this region still inherit an ancient sacrificial offering the Youmian liturgies (還家願儀礼). The Clergy will put the scrolls which are painted with Gods in front of the Way-place in order to make an altar during the ceremony. He also requests the visit to the altar of the gods, and blesses the ceremony going smoothly. After the ceremony is completely finished, the Gods will be sent off, the scrolls will be taken off and the altar will be cleaned. In the introduction of Zhang Jingjing (Department of Social Anthropology, Tokyo Metropolitan University),the author participated in the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) activities in Huangnigang Village during 25th-27th November, 2012. For Huangnigang Village, this was the first time to hold the KingPan Festival (盤王祭), but in Gongcheng Yao Autonomous County, it was not the first time. According to the Mao Hanling (毛漢領) and LuYe (陸葉)ʼs research (毛漢領/陸葉, pp 104-108, 2011), after the Sanjiang Town organized the first KingPan Festival (盤王祭) in October 1985, Lianhua Town held the second one in October 1986. Moreover, in 1988 Shuibin Village, Guanyin Yao Autonomous Town held for the third time and after that, the village organized the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) every three years and consecutively held it for 4 years. The KingPan Festival (盤王祭) is a ritual which Yao people worship their ancestors "Pan hu" (盤瓠). According to the《Dissatisfied Gods · Origin of barbarians》(Gan Bao / Akira Takeda, pp 260, 1964), the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) is documented as "mixed the rice and fish soup and meat together, knocking bamboo tray worship the king.". However, the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) nowadays is quite different from the ancient literatures. In addition, another important purpose is to protect the ethnic culture and promote the economic development of the Yaoʼs region. Under these context, this article will use the KingPan Festival (盤王祭) of Huangnigang Village, Lianhua Town in Gongcheng Yao Autonomous County as an example to clarify the owner of the scrolls which have been used during the ceremony, the times of their creation, the making-process and the content of these paintings etc. With the help of this information, this article will discuss the profound meaning of using these ceremonial paintings.論文