著者
池尾 愛子
出版者
早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, pp.129-145, 2019-01-31 (Released:2022-09-16)
参考文献数
69

After studying at Tokyo Senmon Gakkō, Ōdō Tanaka (1867–1932) stayed in the US for more than eight years from 1889, and taught philosophy at Waseda University for more than 30 years. At the University of Chicago, Tanaka was supervised by John Dewey (1859–1952) and trained also by William James (1842–1910, the author of Pragmatism) and George Santayana (1863–1952). Tanaka naturally became a pragmatist. Tanaka, like James and Dewey, praised utilitarianism highly, and therefore he paid attention to the development of utilitarianism, political economy, and economics.In the early twentieth century, several scholars became interested in Sontoku Ninomiya (1787–1856, economic reformer and thinker). Tameyuki Amano (1861–1938, economist at Waseda University) introduced the teachings of Ninomiya into his Discourse on Thrift and Savings (1901) and his edited textbook New Commercial Reader (1911, 1913). In contrast, Tanaka regarded Ninomiya as a philosopher and authored A New Study of Sontoku Ninomiya (1912) by bringing focus into pragmatist, utilitarian, and individualist arguments in Ninomiya’s writings. Tanaka carefully examined Ninomiya’s concept of “chūyō (golden mean, constant mean),” which could serve as the criterion when a spectator questioned if something contributed to the happiness of a person or mankind in the world. Later Tanaka came to realize that Ninomiya’s concept of “suijō (concession)” should have something to do with Adam Smith’s concept of “parsimony.”It is noteworthy that Dewey visited Japan in March and April 1919 and his lectures given at the University of Tokyo became the book Reconstruction in Philosophy in 1920. It is also important to remember that Dewey accepted the warm invitation sent by Hu Shih (1891–1962), his former student at Columbia University and a philosopher at Peking University, to visit China and then he spent more than two years on giving lecturers at Peking, etc.With reference of Tanaka’s pragmatism, Dewey’s 1920 book, and Amano’s economics, this paper relates Adam Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and The Wealth of Nations (1776) with the use of the idea of “contributing to the happiness of mankind.” It also argues that Western economic thought has developed from some part of Western philosophy and that Western philosophy and economic thought have deeply connected with Christianity.
著者
島田 顕
出版者
早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, pp.91-107, 2018-03-20 (Released:2022-10-27)
参考文献数
35

Ishizaka Sachiko was the first female announcer of Moscow Radio Khabarovsk Station Japanese Section (VRK Khabarovsk Group). She worked as an announcer of Nippon Hoso Kyokai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation) Karahuto (Sakhalin) Toyohara (Yuzhno Sakhalinsk) Broadcasting Station in the period of World War II. After the War, Toyohara Broadcasting Station was dissolved and she was transferred to Khabarovsk and worked as an announcer of Moscow Radio Japanese section. Then she resigned from Khabarovsk Station, returned to Japan via Kharahuto Toyohara in 1949. Her personal documents and materials were discovered in the NARA (National Archives and Records Administration) in America.Purpose of this paper is to clarify activities of Ishizaka Sachiko from her birth to return to Japan and consider her contribution to japanese programs from Khabarovsk in the early days based on the historical docments and materials.This paper consists of four sections: first, Summary of studies for History of japanese POW, Radio Moscow and personal documents of Ishizaka Sachiko in NARA; second, Her personal history from birth, character, graduation of Nippon Joshi Daigaku (Japan Women’s University) in Tokyo and the training and works in the NHK in Tokyo and Karafuto Toyohara in the period of War; third, Lives in Karafuto Toyohara from the end of war to Khabarovsk, Works of Moscow Radio Japanese Section in the City of Khabarovsk, Works and lives in Karafuto Toyohara after Khabarovsk, return to Japan and activities after return to Japan; fourth, Generalization of study of Radio broadcasting of Japanese program to Japan and Ishizaka Sachiko.
著者
村嶋 英治
出版者
早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, pp.1-50, 2022-03-24 (Released:2022-03-29)

Shaku Sōen (1860–1919), who is famous for introducing Zen to the West along with his disciple D.T. Suzuki, arrived in Galle, Ceylon, in April 1887, where he was ordained as Samanera and learned the Pali language from Kodagoda Pannasekhara under the patronage of Edmund Rowland J. Gooneratne (1845–1914).Disenchanted with Buddhism in the Western colonies, Sōen turned to the “genuine Buddhism” of independent Siam, where the king was a patron of Buddhism, especially the Dhammayut Order.In July 1889, he came to Bangkok from Ceylon, almost penniless, to be ordained fully as Bhikkhu in the Dhammayut Order. However Prince Vajirananavarorasa (Wachirayana Warorot, 1860–1921), the Vice President of the Dhammayut Order dismissed Sōen coldly. He did not give Sōen the opportunity to be ordained in the Dhammayut Order.Why did Sōen want to choose the Dhammayut Order in Siam? Where did he get the knowledge of the Dhammayut? Sōen himself did not say anything about these points.In fact, his aspiration to the Dhammayut Order was based on his teachers, Kodagoda Pannasekhara (พระปัญญาเสขร) and Bulatgama Sumana (Bulatgama Sumanatissa, พระศิริสุมนะติสสะ).Bulatgama Sumana, a close friend of King Mongkut (Founder of Dhammayut Order) was the central leader of the Buddhist revival movement in Ceylon in the mid-19th century. Bulatgama Sumana and Kodagoda Pannasekhara visited Siam in May–June 1886 with the far-reaching intention of reforming and reviving Buddhism in order to unify the divided Ceylonese Buddhist community by introducing the Dhammayut Order under the patronage of the King of Siam.Bulatgama Sumana was ordained as a monk of the Dhammayut Order in a boat on the Chao Phraya River on the night of June 5, 1886.They received a promise of support from the King Chulalongkorn, and was also authorized to be the sole contact persons for the introduction of the Dhammayut Order in Ceylon. Vajirananavarorasa, the Vice President of the the Dhammayut Order agreed that all those who wished to enter the Siamese Dhammayut Order from Ceylon must have a letter of introduction from Bulatgama Sumana or Kodagoda Pannasekhara.In accordance with the agreement, Sōen came to Thailand with a letter of introduction of Kodagoda Pannasekhara. Therefore His visit to Siam should have been welcomed and not expected to be treated unkindly.This paper is the first to make the agreement in 1886 between Bulatgama Sumana, Kodagoda Pannasekhara as one party and King Chulalongkorn, Vajirananavarorasa as other party reveal on the basis of Thai materials; The Journal of the Fifth King’s Royal Events, Part 21 published in 1946 and the unpublished diary of Prince Sommot.In Anne M. Blackburn’s Locations of Buddhism: colonialism and modernity in Sri Lanka(University of Chicago Press, 2010), she examines the modern interactions between Ceylon and the Theravada Buddhist countries of Southeast Asia with the cooperation of Craig Reynolds, an expert in the history of modern Thai Buddhism, but she has completely overlooked these facts.Bulatgama Sumana is generally believed to have been born in 1795, but according to Thai sources he was 74 years old and the period of ordination was 53 years (Buddhist Lent) in June 1886.
著者
鄭 成
出版者
早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, pp.103-121, 2022-02-28 (Released:2022-03-24)
参考文献数
20

In the early years of the People’s Republic of China (RPC), to strengthen the thought reform of the entire population, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) pursued a literary and artistic policy that emphasized politics but ignored the objective law of artistic creation, leading to an unprecedented decline in literary and artistic creation. Nevertheless, this policy was strongly supported by many literary and artistic cadres back then, including Cai Chusheng, the subject examined in this article.Before 1949, Cai Chusheng had already been a well-known director who produced many excellent films and owned unique insights and high attainments in artistic creation. As a matter of common sense, an artist like him should not easily recognized the then literary and artistic policy, but the reality is opposite.Cai Chusheng’s recognition of the literary and artistic policy can also be regarded as his recognition of and adaption to the thought reform as an artist. What factors, then, affected Cai Chusheng’s thought and motivated him to recognize and support the literary and artistic policy? Answering this question is significant for understanding and exploring the transformation of intellectual thinking during the early years of the PRC from multiple perspectives. This article examines each of the five aspects of values, work experience, information environment, living condition, and family relations to analyze how they affected the formation and solidification of Tai Chusheng’s thought.Regarding the thought reform in the early years of the PRC, many studies focus on the persecution of and crackdown on intellectuals. They regard that the reason why intellectuals lost the ability of independent and critical thinking was mainly due to political oppression and the enclosed social environment brought about by the thought reform. Therefore, many intellectuals’ recognition and acceptance of socialist thought is a passive result. While recognizing this view, the author argues that there were many types of intellectuals back then, and due to their divergent values, work environments, and life situations, except for political repression mentioned above, many other factors play a role in the process of their thought transformation.
著者
村嶋 英治
出版者
早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, pp.39-106, 2021-10-30 (Released:2022-03-08)

Both Higashi Honganji (Otani) sect and Nishi Honganji sect of Shin Buddhism in Japan started to send their preachers to the interior of south China in the late 1890s. By getting the announcement of permission by local authorities in Fujian province, both sects of preachers hired the local Chinese as directors (董事) to persuade Chinese inhabitants to participate in their sects. Accordingly they succeed in increasing the number of Chinese participants rapidly. However the main purpose of Chinese particpants who were living in unstable and disorder areas, was not faith in Japanese Buddhism, but the expectation of protection by Japanse preachers and Japanese government. They paid large sums of money to Japanese preachers and Chinese directors in order to become members.In the late year of 1904, Chinese central government started to suppress Japanese Budhhist preachers in the inner south China in the midist of burgeoning Chinese nationalism. Japanese preachers faced difficulties.Some of them, such as Takeda Ekyo of Otani sect in Amoy (Xiamen), Miyamoto Eiryu of Nishi Honganji sect in Swatow (Shantou) moved to Siam in 1907 in search of overseas Chinese who were immigrants from south China. Siamese Minister of Interior, Prince Damrong declined to write a letter of introduction to local authorities, but allowed Japanese Buddhist propagation by citing the freedom of religion in Siam. Japanese preachers used the same method employed in south China to propagate Japanese Buddhism. They hired the local Chinese dirctors and advertised Japanese protection as saling point to persuade overseas Chinese, who have no one to rely on in Siam. They succeeded to gain a large number of participants and to collect a good amount of cash.These Japanese activities were known to King Chulalongkorn (Rama Ⅴ) in February 1908. He ordered to extinguish Japanese Buddhist propagation as he was suspicious that the Japanese would gain the support of oversea Chinese contray to Siamese interest. Within one year and half Japanese Buddhist propagation in Siam was exterminated.