著者

村嶋 英治

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.49-72, 2023-12-15 (Released:2023-12-21)

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Today, Thai Buddhism is commonly referred to as Theravada (Thai pronunciation: Thērawāt) Buddhism. This is because the Buddhism that is practiced today in Sri Lanka and mainland Southeast Asia, which is based on Pali Buddhist scriptures, originated in Ceylon in the 3rd century BC and was established around the 5th century by Buddhaghosa and others in the Mahavihara Order, which is a Theravada lineage.However, it does not seem to be long ago that Thai Buddhists began calling themselves Theravada Buddhists.It was not until the second half of the 20th century that the term Theravada Buddhism became widely used to refer to Thai Buddhism.Before that, the name Hinayana Buddhism was widely used. At the Cabinet meeting on 13 January1930, King Rama VII (Prajadhipok) described Thailand’s state religion as Hinayana Buddhism. However, “Hinayana Buddhism” is a derogatory name from Mahayana Buddhism. The Thai dictionary published by the Thai Ministry of Education in 1928 also clearly states that Hinayana Buddhism is a derogatory term.So, why and when did Thailand begin to call itself Hinayana Buddhist country?It is believed that the major impetus for this was King Rama V (Chulalongkorn)’s use of “Hinayana Buddhism”, which he borrowed from A Short History of the Twelve Japanese Buddhist Sects published in English by Japanese Mahayana Buddhists in 1886. In June 1900, a large group of Japanese Buddhist delegation in order to receive Buddha relics visited Thailand and donated the above- mentioned book to King Rama V. The king read the book closely with great interest, and in 1904, based on the knowledge he gained from the book and other sources, he gave the treatise of “Comparison of Hinayana Buddhism and Mahayana Buddhism” in letters to the high royalty. Since the king himself adopted the concept of Hinayana Buddhism to Thai Buddhism, it is believed that this was the beginning of the widespread use of the term Hinayana Buddhism by Thai intellectuals.On the other hand, it was around 1930 that the term Theravada Buddhism began to be used in Thailand in parallel with Hinayana Buddhism.Thailand is a multi-ethnic country, with Annamese people (overseas Vietnamese) and overseas Chinese living there, and their temples of Mahayana Buddhism have existed in the Bangkok area since at least the late 18th century. Both King Rama IV (King Mongkut) and Rama V (King Chulalongkorn) incorporated meritorious ceremonies (Kong Teck) performed by Annam monks at the funerals of important royal family members . Furthermore, King Rama V recognized the Annamese Mahayana Nikāya (Anam Nikāi) in 1878 and the Chinese Mahayana Nikāya (Chin Nikāi) in 1880. However, the king’s treatment of monks differed greatly between Mahayana and Theravada Buddhist monks. Annamese and Chinese monks were required to bow to the king. The Theravada monks, on the other hand, were to be worshipped by the king.Around 1930, interest in Mahayana scriptures arose in Thailand.The pioneering translation of Mahayana scriptures into Thai is thought to be the translation of the Amitabha Sutra (Kumarajiva’s version) by the Minister of Public Instruction (Education), Prince Dhani Nivat. Dhani translated the Amitabha Sutra from the English text, which he had obtained during his visit to Kyoto in November 1926, into Thai and published it in 1928. The Royal Thai Academy published a Thai translation of W. Woodville Rockhill’s Life of the Buddha, translated from Tibetan into English, in 1932, and a Thai translation of Dr S.Lefmann’s Sanskrit version of Lalita Vistara in the following year.

著者

小林 英夫

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.99-161, 2017-03-22

著者

倉沢 愛子

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.7-36, 2016-03-22

著者

胡 鳴

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.169-181, 2013-02-28

著者

菅野 敦志

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.227-242, 2013-02-28

著者

鄭 根珠

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.359-371, 2013-02-28

著者

村嶋 英治

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.33-47, 2002-03

著者

松岡 俊二

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.89-110, 2021-03-25 (Released:2022-03-17)

参考文献数

31

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This article focuses on the future of the 1F decommissioning and extraction of fuel debris at Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant (1F). To succeed to 1F accident in and lessons from the nuclear disaster to future generations is important factor to create the future style of the 1F decommissioning. Japan’s government and TEPCO officially decide “the Medium-and-Long term Road Map” which sate to finish the 1F decommissioning in 30–40 years later from achievement of the cold shutdown state of 1F, December 16th, 2011. In addition, the government of Fukushima Prefecture requested the greenfield of 1F onsite by total takeoff and outside the prefecture export of the debris. However, the prefectural plan lacks in objective grounds from 1F accident in the future called greenfield of 1F onsite and the 1F decommissioning in 30–40 years after the accident. This article reexamines a way of thinking assuming “extraction of fuel debris,” and it is necessary to review social value of 1F from a point of view to succeed to Fukushima nuclear plant accident and a lesson of the nuclear disaster to future generations, and to develop. To that end, this paper examines the way of the 1F decommissioning after considering a technical aspect and the social side, and it is demanded to show various choices of the future style of the 1F decommissioning by the talks with local communities.

著者

後藤 乾一

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.1-21, 2017-10

著者

松岡 俊二

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.77-100, 2022-03-24 (Released:2022-03-29)

参考文献数

32

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This article examined 1F decommissioning policy from a viewpoint of the social science and from a history of the governance of TMI-2 Cleanup Program in U.S.A. This article performed comparative analysis with partnership type decommissioning governance of TMI-2 based on the GEND agreement and the central government-led model decommissioning governance of 1F. The author got the following 3 important conclusions. Firstly, the improvement and innovation of the 1F decommissioning governance, based upon scientific examination and the discussion by a variety of people concerned are necessary. The second is importance of the formation of “Ba (place) of Dialogue” with the local communities. By the decision of the expert committee which lacked in “Ba of Dialogue” with the local communities, it cannot breed the social acceptance and social understanding. The third is importance of the recognition of the problem of Trans-Scientific Questions. There are not the measures without the recognition of the question.

著者

村嶋 英治

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.277-344, 2022-02-28 (Released:2022-03-24)

著者

山岡 道男

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.97-108, 2013-02-28

著者

高橋 茂人

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.153-168, 2013-02-28

著者

北村 歳治

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.11-65, 2012-03-31

著者

李 鍾元

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.51-76, 2022-03-24 (Released:2022-03-29)

参考文献数

47

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This article aims to examine the origins of the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula from a historical perspective. For that purpose, the long process of confrontation between North Korea and the United States during the hot and the cold war in the peninsular is reviewed, with a focus on the role of the nuclear weapons both in the military and political context. The juxtaposition of the U.S.-Soviet rivalry and the North-South competition is also given particular attention as a systemic factor that facilitated the nuclear proliferation in the peninsula, first as “atoms for peace” and then for military purpose.North Korean nuclear program was launched with the assistance from the Soviet Union. But soon it became an independent and indigenous project, refusing foreign, even Soviet, interference, causing concerns over its secrecy. Even with its advanced intelligence capabilities, such as spy satellites, the U.S. had difficulties in finding out what was happening in Yongbyon. When North Korea seemed to get closer to the weapons program, the Reagan Administration began to take the “modest initiative” offering diplomatic contact as “carrots” for engagement. On the other hand, the following Bush Administration put more emphasis on “sticks” by demanding IAEA inspection as preconditions for bilateral meetings. American “two-track strategy” was met with North Korea’s own “two-track strategy” of multi-directional diplomacy and accelerated nuclearization. The collision of the two dual strategies, exacerbated by mutual distrust and misunderstanding, led to the outbreak of the crisis in the early 1990s.

著者

西川 潤

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.167-179, 2007-03

著者

Yamamoto Mayumi

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.193-201, 2012-03-31

著者

村嶋 英治

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター出版・編集委員会

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.141-162, 2000-01

著者

村嶋 英治

出版者

早稲田大学アジア太平洋研究センター

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.21-37, 2021-10-30 (Released:2022-03-08)

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Khruba Srivichai (11 June 1878–21 February 1939) was a legendary monk in Lanna Thai. Both Thai and foreign scholars have studied his life. Among them, the works of Katherine A. Bowie are most numerous.In most of her works on Khruba Srivichai, she has relied only on articles from one English-language newspaper, the Bangkok Times, as her main sources. She connects directly such general information in those articles with the particular and individual events of Srivichai. For example, in “Of Buddhism and Militarism in Northern Thailand: Solving the Puzzle of the Saint Khruubaa Srivichai,” Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 73 No. 3, August 2014, she says the enforcement of the Military Conscription Act caused young men to escape into Buddhist temples. However she fails to show any concrete cases of young men who escaped into Srivichai’s temple. It seems that she made her own story without knowledge of the concrete facts and evidence.Moreover, she mistakenly mixed up King Vajiravudh’s royal coronation ceremony (Rachapisek) day and his coronation anniversary (Chatramongkhon) day.Srivichai did not decorate his wat with illuminations and did not beat a gong on the day of the royal coronation ceremony in spite of the order of the district officer. King Vajiravudh had two coronation ceremonies. The first one took place on 11 November 1910; the second one was held on 2 December 1911. After 1912, the coronation anniversary was celebrated on the 11th of November ever year during his reign.Srivichiai’s disobedience of the district officer’s order occurred on Rachapisek day (either in Nov. 1910 or Dec. 1911) as is mentioned in the original Thai statement of Sangha (Thalaengkan Khanasong, Vol. 8 no. 5, 1920). However Bowie understood incorrectly that it occurred on a Chatramongkhon day, that it was on “King Rama Ⅵ’s coronation anniversary” around 1919 (the above mentioned Bowie paper, pp. 716–717). Therefore she says, “Srivichai appears to have first run afoul of officialdom in about 1915; this date corresponds closely with the period in which these two acts [the Ordination Act of 1913 and the enforcement of Militarily Conscription Act in Monthon Phayab in April 1914] were being implemented.” (ibid., p. 714). She completely misunderstood the chronological order of events.Confrontation between Srivichai and local officialdom had occurred by December 1911 at the latest, not as late as around 1915 as she argued.In addition she says that the 1902 Sangha Act “was not enforced in Monthon Phayab—as these northern provinces were then called—until 1924.” (ibid., p. 713). However, plenty of evidence exists to support that the Sangha Act was enforced in northern Siam in the 1910s. The official proclamation of enforcement of the Act in northern Siam on 6 September 1924 was made only after the implementation was completed.In the last part of this paper, I will confirm Khruba Srivichai’s date of death as 21 February 1939 relying on Chinese, Thai and English-language newspaper articles that reported on his demise.

著者

後藤 乾一

雑誌

アジア太平洋討究 (ISSN:1347149X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.135-161, 2005-05