著者
山本 直輝
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, pp.362-368, 2014-03-14

This paper examines previous studies about ʻAbd al-Ghanī ibn Ismā‘īl al-Nābulusī (d. 1143/1731) and clarifies how research on him has progressed so far. Al-Nābulusī was one of the most distinguished mystical scholars in 18th century Ottoman Syria. He belonged to the School of Ibn al-‘Arabī and was known worldwide for his writings on waḥdat al-wujūd (the Unity of Existence). Nābulusī was a traveler, and his works on his travels give us a rounded understanding of the history and cultural conditions of the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century. From the mystical aspect, Nābulusī is remembered as the scholar who untangled the complicated thoughts of Ibn al-‘Arabī into a simpler form. Despite his caliber in the world of Islamic philosophy, studies on the characteristics of his mystical thought remain limited. Recent studies have revealed that Nābulusī may not have been merely an annotator of Ibn al-‘Arabī for the following reasons; first, He emphasized the human's sin (dhanb) against Allah in the doctrine of his waḥdat al-wujūd. This may be a new approach in the history of the School of Ibn al-‘Arabi. Second, he focused on using the word denoting Allah's command (amr) in his Sharḥ on Ibn al-Fāriḍ's poems, even though Ibn al-Fāriḍ himself didn't use this term himself. By focusing on these specific terms, it is believed that studying Nābulusī's waḥdat al-wujūd can present us with a new perspective towards the understanding of both inherited and developed thoughts in the School of Ibn al-‘Arabī in the Ottoman Empire.
著者
渡邉 駿
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.256-303, 2018-03-23

This study attempts to create a methodological reflection on the political analysis of contemporary Arab monarchical states. In particular, this study pursues a theoretical framework of comparative political analysis, which attempts to clarify the ideal structure and genealogical legitimacy of eight Arab monarchical states. Recent political studies of monarchies have a tendency to presuppose the disappearance of monarchies in the modern era. However, this assumption often seems inaccurate. When we cast our eyes on the history of political regimes, most of them have been monarchies. In addition, a group of eight monarchies still exist in the Arab world in the contemporary era. Considering these circumstances, this article does not assume that monarchies should fall in the contemporary era. It begins by accepting the fact that a group of monarchies still exist in the world and aims at exploring their actuality and the way the monarchs' powers have been recognized by the ruled. To accomplish this, the article is composed of three sections. Section I compares monarchies around the world, and attempts to establish the features of Arab monarchies compared to European and Asian monarchies. Section II analyzes Arab monarchies from historical and contemporary perspectives. Section III contains case analyses of the genealogies and lineages of Arab monarchies and tries to determine how these elements are utilized to legitimize their rule.
著者
岡本 正明
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.231-251, 2016-03-16

The transgender group called waria in the Indonesian language was politically active nationally during the direct presidential campaign in 2014. It was the first national political movement for waria. Waria in major cities enthusiastically supported the presidential candidate, Joko Widodo (Jokowi) partly because some waria leaders thought Jokowi was a pro-poor and communicative candidate and his pluralist standpoint could benefit the waria, one of the most marginalized groups in Indonesia. The widely opened political space under the democratic regime enabled the rise of warias’ political activism. The waria was the most politically active group among the LGBT, partly because their grouping and organizing pattern is hierarchical under one leader called mami. Mami could rather easily mobilize the members of her own group or organization for political purposes. This undemocratic character of waria groups and organizations (and the national networks among them) paradoxically enabled the nationwide political support for Jokowi in a democratic election.
著者
金子 寿太郎
出版者
京都大学イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, no.1-2, pp.121-146, 2012-02

This article explores a desirable financial and monetary statistical system for the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) area that ensures smooth realization of the monetary union for which they have been preparing since the early stages of their community history. I will clarify the problems with the present statistical system and suggest a possible solution for improvement by comparison with the EU (European Union) which realized monetary union prior to the GCC. A well-harmonized regional statistical system which enables reliable comparison among the same economic indicators of member states is a most important prerequisite for effectively integrated monetary policy implementation by the regional central bank to be established along with the introduction of a common currency in the GCC. Nevertheless, there is actually great diversity in the current statistical data gathering, compilation and dissemination methods across member states, arising from their different social and economic backgrounds. Although member states are trying to standardize their statistical systems by adopting international statistical guidelines set by international organizations individually, little progress has been made so far. There should be, therefore, a strong initiative yielded by neutral regional institutions as seen in the EU where Eurostat, the statistics department of the European Commission and European Central Bank enact common statistical rules to be applied in member states. The point is that just introducing EU-type institutions would not work in the GCC area at this time, taking into account the fundamental differences between the EU and the GCC in such factors as member configuration, uniformity and readiness for unification. To devise the most suitable system for the GCC area is a pressing challenge.
著者
松田 和憲
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, pp.246-258, 2015-03-16

The purpose of this paper is to examine previous studies about the Mujahidin movement. The Mujahidin movement was founded by Saiyid Aḥmad Barelvī and Shāh Muḥammad Ismā‘īl. The Mujahidin were mainly active in north India. In 1826, they started a Jihad against the Sikhs. British officers thought that the Mujahidin movement was affected by Arab Wahhābīs, and so they were labeled as ‘Indian Wahhābīs'. Western scholars tend to connect the Arab Wahhabis and the Indian Mujahidin, but their connection with the Arab Wahhabis has been denied by South Asian and Japanese scholars because of the difference of their attitudes toward Sufism and saint cults. They insist that Indian Mujahidin had a deep relationship with the family of Shāh Walī Allāh. Recently, a new paper revealed that this movement was influenced by a Yemeni scholar.The movement pursued many reforms such as the usage of lithography and the remarriage of widows. This had a big impact on South Asian societies in those days. Their reforms exerted influence on South Asian Islamic revivalist movements like the Deobandī, and today, this Jihad affects Islamic militants in Kashmir.