著者

成川 岳大

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.2081, 2004-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

小澤 実

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.12, pp.2081, 2005-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

橘 誠

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.10, pp.1689-1720, 2004-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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In Outer Mongolia, two governments, the Autonomous Government of Outer Mongolia under Bogd khaan and the Provisional people's Government under Mongolian People's Party, existed side by side in 1921. However, in the research on the "History of the Revolution", the former has been defined as "Ungern's Puppet" or completely ignored, leading to the latter dominating the reseach. This article intends to relativize the two governments, focusing on the former and demonstrating its political situation in Mongolia at that time. After the abolition of autonomy in 1919, movements to revive it rose in Outer Mongolia. When Ungern Sternberg attacked Urga, the Mongols supported him and the Autonomous Government was revived. The reason why the Provisional People's Government was formed immediately after the Autonomous Government's revival was because of the influence exerted by Soviet Russia. The People's Party denounced the Autonomous Government for being ruled by Ungern in an attempt,to justify the establishment of its own new government. However, the Autonomous Government continued its activities and did not lose its faculties as a "government" after Ungern's rout. In addition, the Mongolian People's Party, which had defeated Ungern and entered Urga, demanded that the seals of the ministries of Autonomous Government be handed over. However, this contradition reflected the position of both governments in Mongolia, namely, the Autonomous Government was regarded as the legitimate one at that time, while the Provisional People's Government was not generally recognized. The transfer of seals aimed to refute the legitimacy of the Autonomous Government. This article points out that the Autonomous Government was regarded as the legitimate one, and held the key position in Mongolia from it's abolishment to the establishment of the people's Government. The reason why the conventional research on "the Mongolian Revolution" does not deal sufficiently with Autonomous Government is to conceal the contradictions surrounding the establishment of the People's Government. In recent years "re-examination" is prevailing and this article is part of creating a new view of "the Mongolian Revolution".

著者

四日市 康博

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.2078, 2004-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

四日市 康博

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.4, pp.443-472, 2005-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Jarruci is generally regarded as a judge; however, the post included not only judicial duties but also management of census registers and fiscal administration. Although the relation of census registers to jarruci has not attract researchers' attention to date, it is a matter of no small importance in the structural fabric of the Mongol Empire. In the Secret History of the Mongols, there is a description of the origin of jarruci. It seems that Cinggis Qan decreed to share out people to his clan and establish jarruci at a time. It shows that the jarruci's two duties were interrelation, that is to apportion qubi (assigned territories, people and possessions) shared out among the imperial princes and to try transgressors by jarru. The nomadic groups multilayeredly formed by sharing among the Cinggised lines and dominant noyans were called ulus. One ulus corresponded to each jarruci's jurisdictional limits. Jarruci's administrative role was closely connected to the structure of the Mongol Empire composed of multilayered uluses. From superordinate ulus to subordinate ulus, sharing olja (spoils) were shared as qubi. At the connecting points of such a multilayered social structure, jarruci apportioned qubi justly, and kept order among the ulus. Jarruci investigated olja and reported the results to the qan of his ulus, then carried out the apportionment of qubi as ordered by the qan. At the same time, jarruci were dispatched from subordinate ulus to superordinate ulus to ensure qubi of his ulus. Jarruci, in other words, redistributed qubi inside their own ulus and as a dispatched offical ensured qubi outside their own ulus. Ulus and ulus, sedentary territories and nomadic territories were connected by jarruci, and thereby the Mongol Empire was able to maintain a certain degree of uniformity as a single state.

著者

山本 佐門

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.4, pp.523-530, 2004-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.11, pp.1924, 2004-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

小澤 実

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.9, pp.1615-1616, 2004-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

小沼 明生

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.2081, 2004-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐々木 紳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.7, pp.118-119, 2002-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

渡部 良子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.2, pp.256-257, 2003-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

吉田 豊子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.10, pp.1621-1645,1731-, 2002-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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It has been maintained that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continued to adopt a policy of granting "national-territorial autonomy" to the nationalists in the Inner Mongolia and that the establishment of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government was a landmark of this policy. This essay aims at shedding light on this problem by analyzing the changes of the CCP's Mongolia policy in terms of changing domestic and international circumstances, especially its relationship to the kuomintang (KMT). Immediately after World War II, the nationalist movement began to gather momentum in the East Mongolia, West Mongolia and Kholon Buir, resulting in the establishment of a government in each area, supported by the Soviet-Outer Mongolia army. These governments claimed to be annexed to Outer Mongolia; however, that claim was rejected. The nationalists in East Mongolia, the strongest group in power in the three areas, established a government that was meant to be a "autonomous to a high degree" and attempted to negotiate with the CCP and KMT to attain that purpose. Opposing this, the CCP organized the Federation of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Movement in west Mongolia where it wielded strong influence. The CCP's policy at that juncture was first to establish a self government at the aimag (盟) -banner (旗) -level under the provincial governments and then establish an autonomous government at a higher level in order to unite the entire area of Inner Mongolia. After the Political Consultative Conference, however, the CCP changed its policy towards the Mongolia in line with the purport of the Resolution of the Conference, by which the CCP made concessions to the KMT in terms of local self-government under provincial governments. This change in policy put the CCP in an advantageous political position against the KMT, but it worked to its disadvantage in terms of its East Mongolia policy. Subsequently, the CCP succeeded in reorganizing East Mongolia, which was being hard pressed by the withdrawal of the Soviet-Outer Mongolia army and deployment of the KMT army, into the 'legitimate' Khinggan Provincial Government through the Chengde Conference. The CCP was, however, caught in a dilemma, being faced with dissatisfaction among the Mongolian people over its policy and the strained military circumstances. It is rather ironical that the CCP was freed from this by the KMT's revocation of the Resolution of the Political Consultative Conference in its National Assembly,which caused dismay among the Mongolian people. On this, the CCP agreed to give a"high degree autonomy" to East Mongolia, purposing to mobilize the East Mongolian people against the KMT. The Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government was thus established, meaning that this government would not lead directly to"national-territorial autonomy".

著者

杉浦 幹太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.10, pp.1702-1703, 2002-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

塩谷 哲史

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.6, pp.1116-1117, 2003-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐藤 専次

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.8, pp.108, 2002-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

鍋谷 郁太郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.12, pp.2164-2165, 2001-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

鈴木 楠緒子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.1, pp.75-98, 2003-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The Prussian government sent a mission to East Asia between 1860 and 1862 headed by Prussian Count Eulenburg, for the purpose of establishing diplomatic relations with Japan, CHina (Qing Dynasty) and Siam (Thaialnd).This Eulenburg Mission (the Prussian Expedition to East Asia) is known as the originator of the German view of East Asia, and was the first diplomatic move that Prussia made on behalf of "Germany",expect for Austria.The present article reconsiders the historical meaning of the Mission in the context of history of German unification, since it has been interpreted merely within the framework of the history of the two parties : Germany, on one hand and each of the East Asian states, on the other.The author attempts to clarify the hopes and the responses to this event among Prussian liberals who took the lead in discussing german Unification at that time, based on Koelnische Zeitung and the official records of Prussian parliamentary proceedings.She makes clear that the experiences of the Mission contributed very much to deepeng the discussion about the future of "Germany" among them.They highly estimated the meaning that this event could have in "German" national politics as the first foreign policy based on the Lesser German prnciple.However, by establishing diplomatic relations with the three East Asian states, they recognized that as long as they maintained existing "German"institutions, the human rights of "Germans" might be violated in such area as East Asia, where the principle of personalism was being applied to Europeans and Americans.Thereafter, the German Question came to be discussed in consideration of overseas "Germans" and related laws began to be passed.Although it was eventually the militry conquest of "Germany" by Bismarck that quickly solved such problems, the encounter between the Mission and East Asia also played an important role in the development of the German unification problem, this way.

著者

小笠原 弘幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.8, pp.1605-1606, 2001-08-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

阪口 修平

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.6, pp.1232-1251, 2001-06-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

加藤 陽子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.7, pp.1445-1446, 2001-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)