著者

三上 喜孝

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.7, pp.1363-1364, 1998-07-20

著者

貝塚 和実

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.7, pp.1199-1200, 1982-07-20

著者

熊澤 徹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.4, pp.482-511, 562-560, 1985-04-20

---

Amidst the wave of research that is furthering our understanding of blocs of consolidated villages (kumiai mura 組合村), which have been seen as middle level control mechanism within all the territories ruled by the Tokugawa Bakufu, this paper takes up widespread legal petitioning movements carried out by agricultural villages throughout the environs of Edo. In the eleveth month of 1789 (Kansei 寛政 1), a confederation of villages around Edo lodged a complaint with the Bakufu's Taxation and Judicature Functionary (Kanjo Bugyo 勘定奉行) in a legal attempt to bring about reductions in the price of fertilizer-use night soil. At its height, this legal battle brought together a total of 1016 villages, thus rivaling in scale provincial level legal struggles (kokuso 国訴) carried on in the Kinai region of western Japan. The night soil which had accumulated in the townships (machikata 町方) and samurai residential areas (yashiki-kata 屋敷方) of Edo proper was under contract (shimo-soji keiyaku 下掃除契約) collected by surrouding peasants as a valuable source of crop fertilizer. However, during the latter half of the eighteenth century, there appeared certain persons who attempted to capture night soil collection rights from peasants through contract price competition, which resulted in substantial increases in the contract prices offered to the residents of Edo proper. In response to this inflationary situation, the surrounding villages petitioned the Bakufu, based on such intervillage resolutions as bans on such competitive practices and the return of collection rights which had been taken away through such practices. The demands made to the Taxation and Judicature Functionary aimed at an autonomous system of night soil collection and included 1)official recognition of inter-village resolutions, 2)the prohibition of night soil collection by townsfolk not under the control of village administrators, and 3)recognition of contract price reduction negotiations and their dissemination throughout Edo proper. Four years later in the sixth month of 1792 (Kansei 4), a decision was handed down, which refused to recognize inter-village resolutions, but which prohibited townsfolk involvement in collecting and contracting activities, and recognized full agricultural villager control of night soil. Also during this four years period, organized groups of villages were successful in reducing through negotiation the contract price of night soil. After offering a general outline of the litigation movement as a whole, the author turns to the question of how this movement was organized. The most outstanding characteristic of this organization is the fact that it was a total consolidation of villages according to regional units called "ryo" 領 (territories) and irregardless of differences between various feudal lords which ruled over the regions. Ryos were middle level administrative units within the Edo environs and had been organized for the exaction of the various dues to be performed in relation to samurai falconing grounds. Various directives (furetsugi 触次) had been issued to these ryos concerning the control of their villages ; however, execution of these directives was left to a council of village adminitrators within the ryo (ryochu hyogi 領中評議). In the case of the night soil collection rights legal struggle of 1788, a total of 37 ryos took part and a group of 21 petitioning representatives were set up. These representatives, from their bositions on a representative council (ryoryo hyogi 領々評議), both looked into the policies taken by the movement and gave guidance to the villages in drawing up their resolution documents. Therefore, it was through the three levels of village assembly (mura yoriai 村寄合) --- ryo council (ryochu hyogi) --- ryo confederation council (ryoryo hyogi) that the demand of the peasants was taken up and a consensus was reached concerning an autonomous system of night soil collection. This consensus was reaffirmed th

著者

東條 哲郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.4, pp.481-514, 2008-04-20

---

The purpose of this article is to examine the influence of the developing tin mining industry in Perak, Malaysia on the industrial structure and community formed by Chinese immigrants during the second half of the 19th century. Due to a significant increase in the demand for tin from mid-century on, in Larut, where from the 1840s the Malay peninsula's "Straits tin" are had been mined and exported to markets in the West, increased production from the 1870s on, after being made into a British protectorate. Mining operations there were managed by the heads of influential Chinese families hiring Chinese immigrant labor. A comparison of labor and tariff expenses with the price of tin at the time suggests that the are deposit mining business was not always profitable. However, the mine operators were able to reap large profits through wages paid by issuing credit to poor immigrant workers for expenses and necessities and such side businesses as selling opium. Consequently, mine workers became personally dependent on the mining enterprises for their livelihoods. These conditions began to change after the "tin rush" that broke out from the 1870s on, which was fueled by a rapid jump in international prices and led to the opening of mining operations farther inland, in Kinta, which had been considered unprofitable up to that time. Kinta became the region for small scale, short term extraction by Chinese prospectors, and with the rising demand for labor there, these operators lured workers by offering such incentives as profit-sharing deals. Attractive by such offers, mine workers in Larut began absconding their employers and heading for Kinta. Those Larut operators who could not match or better the incentives offered by their counterparts in Kinta tried and failed to persuade the British authorities to prevent their workers from leaving the region. It was such changes in management style and hiring practices that hindered the exploitative patronage exercised by influential Chinese families over immigrant Chinese labor. As a result, a more modernized labor market situation arose, in which immigrant workers ended their personal dependence on the mining companies and were free to shop around for the best employment opportunities available, while operators could obtain sufficient supplies of labor by offering workers attractive employment packages.

著者

神田 千里

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.9, pp.1445-1468, 1557-1558, 1987-09-20

---

This paper concerns the Kawashima 革島 family which has been regarded in previous research as a Shoryoshu 小領主 (under-developed land proprietor), described as one of the organizers of Sengoku period ikki 一揆 (alliances for joint protest) which included jizamurai 地侍 (local magnates) and hyakusho 百姓 (free commoners). Shoryoshu are considered to have belonged neither perfectly to the bushi 武士 (warrior) classes nor completely to the common people, and therefore have been thought to have stood the "bushi" classes and the common people. In this article, the author tries to throw some light upon the conditions of the Kawashima family's attempt to accumulate, through purchase, various forms and scales of ownership over the lands scattered throughout the districts around its home region. This characteristic has been regarded as the main feature of shoryoshu in previous research. Here the author explains how the Kawashima family was able to protect its land ownership against tokusei ikki 徳政一揆 (an uprising by the people demanding return of land sold and dissolution of debts) and tokuseirei 徳政令 (an act by the Muromachi Bakufu 室町幕府 ordering the return of land sold and the dissolution of debts). To begin with, the author points out, through an analysis of Kawashima family held tochi baiken 土地売券 (land sale certificates), the fact that the land ownership of the family was protected by the Muromachi Bakufu, even during the promulgation of tokuseirei. Secondly, the soryo 惣領 (chief) of the family was a vassal of the Ise 伊勢 family, who occupied an important position in the Muromachi Bakufu government. One can easily see that this vassalage would be fairly convenient to the Kawashima family for assuring the protection of its land ownership by the Muromachi Bakufu. The author concludes, contrary to statements appearing in previous research, that the Kawashima family was not an under-developed land proprietor, but rather fully belonged to the "bushi" classes.

著者

阿部 浩一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.6, pp.1096-1120, 1221-1222, 1994-06-20

---

In this article, the author examines the relationship between feudal powers during Japan's Sengoku period (sengoku daimyo) and local society under their rule from the aspect of taxation, focussing on the function and actual operation of "kura" 蔵 (storehouses), which were the centers for the collection, inventory control and fiscal allocation of taxes. In the first chapter, the author offers the case of kura in the territory of the Gohojo 後北条 family in order to examine their fundamental role during the period. The Gohojo established kura at all of the castles in its territories, including the family's main residence, for covering its fiscal expenditures, particularly okuradashi 御蔵出, the salaries paid to its vassals. The management of kura was relegated to either an administrator/vassal (kura-bugyo 蔵奉行) or local deputies (daikan 代官). Next, the author focuses on how kura dealt with taxes in arrears. The most important function of local deputies was the collection of taxes and duties, to the extent that they were made responsible for the payment of all taxes, whether actually collected or not. In consideration of such a heavy burden, local deputies were allowed to take security in place of unpaid taxes or deal with arrears as unpaid loans and charge interest on them until they were remitted in full. Moreover, the Gohojo carried out normal lending activities on the local level using the rice and currency stored in their kura. In the second chapter, the author pursues the function of usury centering around kura, and discovers various forms, such as kuramoto 蔵本, kurakata 蔵方, senshu 銭主 and doso 土蔵. For example, kuramoto were borrowers protected by the Gohojo itself, the daimyo assuming responsibility for "loans" in the case of tax arrears. This indicates a position of privilege within the daimyo's sociopolitical structure. In chapter three, the author presents similar examples in the management of kura within the territories of the Kai-Takeda, Imagawa, Tokugawa, and Asai families. He also shows cases in which usurers were appointed to the position of daikan under exemptions from provisions in edicts cancelling debts (tokuseirei 徳政令). On the other hand, daikan were able to use security and interest accumulated in the collection of unpaid taxes for their own personal lending activities. It was in this way that kura under the Sengoku daimyo functioned as tax storehouses, fiscal organs and usurious lending institutions. In conclusion, the author reviews the role and significance of kura in premodern Japan, tracing the history of its lending functions back to ancient times, when it was a clearing house for agricultural promotion and reclamation (kanno 勧農) loans.

著者

山口 美代子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.7, pp.1198-1199, 1987-07-20

著者

池上 俊一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.7, pp.1373-1374, 1998-07-20

著者

義江 彰夫

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.8, pp.1324-1330, 1982-08-20

著者

森田 悌

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.4, pp.511-516, 1980-04-20