著者
山本 英貴
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.117, no.4, pp.539-560, 2008-04-20

This article attempts to clarify the process of writing and copying the diary of the Tokugawa Shogunate through an analysis of the Keeper of the Diary (Nikki-gakari 日記掛) and comes to the following conclusions. To begin with, the office of Diary Keeper was created sometime between 1737 and 1746, consisting of one supervisor and two assistants. The Keeper was to direct the various Bakufu offices to submit to him reports of their activities and then hand them to the Diary Secretariat (Nikki-Kata Omote-Yuhitsu 日記方表右筆) for entry into the Bakufu diary. This secretariat was looked after by one supervisor and one assistant rotating on a monthly basis, and the system which lasted until at least 1822. Secondly, since no copies of the Bakufu dairy existed at the time the Keeper was set up, the office issued a report in 1791 describing the reproduction of the diary and how much of it had been preserved or lost. Consequently a project was launched to copy the extant parts of the diary, with talented scribes from outside the office specially assigned to copy the content recorded between 1631 and 1790. From that time on, the Keeper and Diary Secretariat cooperated in making the copies, thus marking a significant change in how the Bakufu dairy was recorded. Another copying project was conducted during the Koka 弘化 Era (1844-47) when the Ohikaecho 御扣帳 copy of the dairy was completed.
著者
弘末 雅士
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.1, pp.37-76, 153-154, 1990-01-20

This article attempts to investigate the role of the prophet in the Batak millenarian movement against the European colonial order. During the latter part of the 19th century, the Toba Batak area in north Sumatra was exposed to European influence, and both Christianization by German missionaries and colonization by the Dutch began to undermine the Toba Batak, social order. The traditional symbol of power, Si Singa Mangaraja, was defeated by the Dutch colonial army. Millenarian expectations began after the Batak people were forced to recognize the superiority of European power, yet were in many cases not satisfied with the new colonial order. The dilemma was solved when Guru Somalaing, a datu (magician), had a revelation from Jehovah to preach traditional Batak codes in order to become malim (pure). He established the Parmalim (One Who Endeavours To Be Pure) movement in 1890, claiming to be able to gain access to the source of European power while retaining the essence of Toba Batak values. Just after his revelation, Somalaing encountered an Italian traveler. The people who were impressed by European colonial power were longing for a different type of European who would share that power with them. The Italian during his stay in Toba was often regarded as a delegate of Raja Rum, who the Batak believed was a holy king in the outside world. Somalaing, convinced that he shared the power of Jehovah, now developed his expectations into a belief that Raja Rum would assist him in dealing with the Dutch. Somalaing's idea was accepted among the people of the north-eastern part of Toba, who were newly under European influence, but still maintained their traditional value system. The Parmalim movement was an endeavour to maintain their traditional social order under the new source of power. In their Parmalim ceremonies they prayed to Jehovah, Maria, Jesus and Raja Rum in the same manner as had been done in traditional religious ceremonies, when people had wanted to ask Si Singa Mangaraja or Batak deities for help. As the Dutch intensified colonial influence over the area, Parmalim followers began to believe that German missionaries working in the ara were really Batak divine kings and that someday these kings and Raja Rum would drive the Dutch away. The evidence of the Batak millenarian movement suggests that the main task of the millenarian leader is to show what the real source of power was and how to gain access to it. Previous explanations which have emphasized prophets' magical abilites, such as communication with supernatural powers, healing or divination, are only partial explanations.
著者
朴澤 直秀
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.106, no.8, pp.1454-1482, 1997-08-20

In recent years the opinion has been raised that scholars scholars should focus more upon the religious aspects of the Tokugawa period. However, we should be paying attention not only to ceremonies, festivals and such religious practices as donation, but also to the structure of the relationship between the clergy and the people. In this article the author introduces one way to discuss Buddhist priests and temples separately, in contrast to the fact that temples have come to be inherited through blood ties since Meiji era. There-fore, he takes notice not of "fields", but rather temples which existed within relationships between Buddhist priests and villages, patron organizations, households, or individuals. His aim is to lend a more vivid image of the relationship between Buddhist priests and local groups or individuals by analyzing the administration of local temples and how their chief priests were replaced. For this purpose he presents the case of the Shingi-Shingon 新義 真言 sect's temples in the Kanto 関東 area (mainly present Saitama 埼玉 prefecture). He restrictes the time of the study to the middle and late Tokugawa period, when the temple patron system and the inter-temple hierarchies under the Tokugawa regime were firmly in effect. His conclusions are as follows. 1) The structure in which at the temples organized into the temple hierarchy was clear: the clergy of Buddhism sects were interrelated with the patron organization or villages mainly through the temples. 2) In that structure the maintenance and administration of a temple's real estate and movable property was an important matter for the chief priest of the temple, the patron organization and the village. The state of such matters affected the relationship between priests (or their clergies) and patron organizations or villages. 3) As long as we study various Buddhist sects besides the Shin 真 sects, it was not only the temple-patron relationship that supported the chief priests of temples (and their membership in the clergy) economically, and but also probably maintained the upper class temples in the temple hierarchies.
著者
伊藤 航多
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.118, no.10, pp.1776-1799, 2009-10-20

The study of local history and culture became an integral part of the intellectual life of Victorian urban communities. Civicminded intellectuals organized a host of historical and antiquarian societies at both the local and county levels, and investigated their history and popular traditions in an urban context. For example, there was a preoccupation with collecting local historical documents, campaigning for the preservation of ancient monuments, and discovering native folk arts and customs. Such cultural concerns were markedly demonstrated in such public institutions as civic reference libraries and historicist displays of municipal buildings. Although undoubtedly a result of nostalgia to some extent, such enthusiasm for the past should by no means be regarded simply as a retreat into antiquated memories, for such studies significantly entailed vigorous expression of local patriotism and a high-minded feeling of community-based citizenship. A radical strand of Victorian liberalism regarded such activity as a vital mission, considering that a moralized sense of community life was imperative in an age of rapid urbanization and mass democracy. Thus, the exploration of all-embracing, communal memories of the native locality became for bourgeois intellectuals active in provincial urban centres a way to kindle the notion of civic unity and achieve consensus among the ever-growing masses closing in on them. Moreover, local historians and antiquaries eagerly defined historical events and native customs of their localities as vital components of a common, national history of the English people. In this sense, it is difficult to conclude that a pronounced focus on national history necessary leads to a decline in local historical interest. Indeed, the provincial intellectual's notion of local patriotism was a far cry from narrow-minded provincialistic attitudes, as exemplified by such civic leaders as Joseph Cowen, who envisaged the love of locality as comparable to national identity. By embracing such a multi-faceted idea of patriotism, the provincial bourgeois intelligentsia sought to retrieve a local past that would not only sustain a unique awareness of one's hometown, but also enact a broader empathy with the nation as a whole.
著者
澤田 典子
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.114, no.2, pp.一八四-二〇六, 2005-02-20

The Harpalus affair was a crisis which involved many prominent Athenians and caused the exile of Demosthenes, in connection with money embezzled by Harpalus, Alexander's imperial treasurer, who sought refuge in Athens in 324 B. C. In previous studies, it has been generally assumed that the confrontation of political groups over policy toward Macedon was a fundamental element of Athenian politics during the reign of Alexander. Regarding the Harpalus affair, the arguments have centered upon a political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians. This paper attempts to analyze the Harpalus affair, focusing on an examination of the alleged political confrontation among the anti-Macedonians, in order to shed some light on Athenian politics during this period. It examines (1) the Athenian political situation surrounding the Harpalus affair, (2) the alleged political confrontation between Hypereides and Demosthenes, and (3) other prosecutors and defendants in the trials arising out of the affair. In conclusion, the author refutes the picture of political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians in the affair. The Harpalus affair, which involved various personal confrontations, is a good example to show unsoundness in grasping Athenian politics during this period within a simple scheme of political confrontation dominated by Macedonian issues. It would be possible to assume that within the context of the good state of relations between Macedon and Athens under the Pax Macedonica, personal confrontation among politicians often played a more important role than political confrontation over the Macedonian question and was a dominant factor in Athenian politics of this period.