著者

藤田 明良

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.8, pp.1507-1508, 1999-08-20

著者

谷口 やすよ

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.11, pp.1578-1596, 1675-1674, 1978-11

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The aim of this paper is to elucidate the character and function of the Empress in the Han Empire with regard to Imperial succession. The Empress's political character and function was derived from her being the legitimate wife of the Emperor who was at the apex of the ruling structure. It was a Chinese ideal that succession to the throne should be from among those who held the Mandate of Heaven (徳), but were of a different family lineage. In reality, however, a great deal of effort was made to keep succession within the same family line. The descendants of the founder of the dynasty succeeded to the throne by carrying out a number of procedures which transferred the Mandate of Heaven to them. The Empress, though not of the same family line as the Emperor, had the function of transferring the Mandate of Heaven to the Imperial successor in lieu of the Emperor, if the latter died without appointing a successor. There were three instances of this in the Former Han Dynasty and eight in the Latter Han Dynasty. This type of succession arose because the Imperial couple were both regarded as serving the Emperor's Ancestral Shrine (宗廟) and ruling over his Dominions together. Since the Empress worshipped at the Emperor's Ancestral Shrine as his legitimate wife, she also had the role of appointing a successor from the Imperial lineage on behalf of the deceased Emperor. This role of the Emperor's legitimate wife was utilized in the Hsin Revolution (新革命) of the Former Han dynasty. Despite being a name change revolution (易姓革命), the Hsin Revolution was made to appear as if it were a succession within the same family line.

著者

神谷 正昌

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.11, pp.40-57, 151-150, 2002-11-20

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The jowa Era Accession Dispute (Jowa-no-Hen承和の変) of AD 842 and the Oten palace Gate Arson Incident (Otenmon-no-Hen応天門の変) of 886 have benn dealt with in the research literature to date as events within the process by which the Fujiwara family concentrated its power during the early Heian period.In this paper, the author considers these two events from a new viewpoint, the idea of kingship.After the Kanm 桓武 imperial line obtained the right of accession to the throne, there was no fixed principle about the line of succession ; rather, the throne was left open to whomever was the most pwerful prince.Also, after Fujiwara Kusuko's unsuccessful coup d'etat attempt in 809, the retired emperors (Daijo-Tenno太上天皇) lost their imperial authority, but continued to influence thier emperor son as their guardians.This state of affairs brought about opposition and factionalism among the Heian aristocracy over the problem of unifying the Saga 嵯峨 -Minmei 仁明 and Junna 淳名 -Tsunesada 恒貞 imperial lines.It was the Jowa Incident that brought the problems and contradictions about kingship during the period to a head.In the aftermath of the incident, the Saga-Ninmei line was legitimized and a principle of direct father to son accession was establishied, bringing about the existence of child emperors.In addition, the influence of the retired emperors was further weakened, as the positon of Daijo-Tenno was left vacant and newly appointed Head Minister of State Fujiwara-no-Yoshifusa 良房 assumed the role of imoerial guardian.In contrast, the Otenmon Incident has been seen as unrelated to the problem of imperial succession.But, in those days, it was considered as a combination of strange happenings, catastrophe and military clashes, as well as a crisis caused by in-fighting among the court aristocrasy.This incident brought to the forefront problems about kingship that had existed since the Jowa Incident : namely, the existence of child emperors and the absence of Daiojo-Tenno.Fujiwara-no-Yoshifusa was still Head Minister of State during the Otenmon Incident, but he was merely a guardian of the emperor and held no actural political power as such.It was by making himself the pffical imoerial regent(Sessho摂政) thar Yoshifusa was able to concentrate power and overcome the crisis.While such a maneuver was supposed to be only a temporary measure, as the first Regent, who was also the maternal grandfather of the emperor, Yoshifusa became the model for the later Fujiwara Regency.

著者

岸本 美緒

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.1, pp.112-114, 2003-01-20

著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.11, 2004-11-20

著者

長井 純市

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.453-484, 604-603, 1991-04-20

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This article attempts to portray Yamagata Aritomo as a political leader by looking at his efforts to establish the legal framework for a system of local government for modern Japan. At present, there are no studies which probe the significance in Yamagata's long political career in establishing such a system. The author attempts to analyze its significance by illustrating Yamagata's enthusiasm for the project against a background of the contemporary political situation and his views on local government. The local government legal system in which Yamagata played a decisive role (laws pertaining to the organization of cities, town and villages, counties, and prefectures) is generally characterized as very centralized. But, as Kikegawa Hiroshi has poined out, bills drafted under the direction of Yamagata differ substantially from the actual laws promulgated. The author attempts to clarify the strength of Yamagata's political leadership by analyzing the source of these differences. Moreover, he evaluates Yamagata's views of local government as they are manifest through his proposals. The thesis begins with a consideration of the significance of Yamagata's sojourn to Europe from December, 1888 to October, 1889. In his absence from Tokyo, Yamagata missed such major events as the enforcement of laws for the organization of cities, and town and villages (April, 1889); deliberations in the genro council over the organization of counties and prefectures, and the promulgation of the constitution (February, 1889). The main purpose of Yamagata's travels was the inspection of European systems of local government. He was vety conscious of distinguishing himself from the genro, Ito Hirobumi and Inoue Kaoru, and confidently considered the bills under deliberation for the organization of counties and prefectures as his exclusive domain. In analyzing the diffefences between Yamagata's proposals and the final drafts of these laws, the author has discovered that Yamagata's absence from Tokyo paved the way for revisions by Ito, Inoue, Inoue Kowashi, Ito Miyoji, and Suematsu Kencho. Yamagata's overwhelming self-confidence led to a temporary lapse in his famed caution. The author then evaluates Yamagata's views on local government by looking at his opinions while abroad of reports on the situation in Japan. Yamagata considered an attitude of "lenience" and "benevolence to all" as crucial for statesmen and urged the necessity of political consciousness among the people. This made for an idealized image of local government, at the base of which lay a firm conviction in national growth, modernization and Westernization for Japan. The author concludes first that the establishment of a system of local government was the first project taken on by Yamagata which, coming at the outset of constitutional government, aimed at a personal transition from military to civilian leadership. As such, Yamagata viewed the project as on a par with Ito's drafting of the constitution. Second, compared to the laws actually passed, Yamagata's idealistic proposals, as Roesler points out, were too liberal and self-autonomous in nature. While in Europe, his proposals were revised along more practical, centralized lines. Third, although Yamagata's policies as seen in the effort to establish a system of local government were not adequately reflected in the organization of counties and prefectures, they are connected with his success in keeping the first Diet from dissolving. Moreover, a feeling of inferiority toward Ito et. al. in administrative matters prompted Yamagata to keep an eye out for possible advisers from among men of talent such as Tsuzuki Keiroku and to work on improving his own administrative skills.

著者

平井 誠二

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.6, pp.1172-1173, 1994-06-20

著者

伊東 剛史

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.2, pp.213-245, 2009-02-20

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The British Museum Act of 1753 appointed a Board of Trustees as the governing body of the museum. The board was formed by major donors to the institution and their heirs, prominent men of letters and science, aristocratic patrons, and senior government officials. The idea that such a mixed public body could be trusted to superintend a national collection of cultural properties came to be publicly debated during the 1830-70s, when the unceasing expansion of the museum called for the removal of its natural history department and eventually led to the foundation of the Natural History Museum in South Kensington. By examining the roles played by both the government and parliament in facilitating the transformation of the British Museum, this essay challenges the view that the British state was far less eager to promote art and science than its counterparts on the Continent. As parliamentary intervention increased during the 1830-40s, the Board of Trustees agreed to expand public access to the British Museum and to facilitate research being conducted by professional scholars and scientists. During the following decade, however, serious disagreements arose among the trustees concerning the proposed severance of the natural history collection from the museum, making it impossible for the Board of Trustees to act as an autonomous corporate body. It was Gladstone and his allies at the museum who finally rescued the lame-duck trustees and enabled the severance of the natural history collection. Although Gladstone's zealous political support of the severance excited criticism of excessive intervention by the government, it demonstrated that the Board of Trustees was an appropriate agent for monitoring the use of the national collection. On the whole, the British state was far from being a reluctant patron of the arts and sciences, taking a nuanced and open-to-negotiation approach to the development of public cultural institutions.

著者

和歌森 太郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.1, pp.57-64, 1976-01-20

著者

佐治 奈通子 山内 直人 園田 眞理子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.1, pp.105-106, 2013-01-20

著者

樋口 真魚

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.6, pp.1097-1132, 2014-06-20

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This article investigates Japanese attempts to reset its political relations with the League of Nations (hereafter, the LN) after the former's withdrawal from the League, focusing on the Japanese stance at the Montreux Conference of 1936, which was held three years after Japan's withdrawal for the purpose of revising articles concerning the demilitarization of the Dardanelles and Bosporus Straits, first declared in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Close examination of Japanese diplomacy during the Montreux Conference indicates that its decision makers were seeking some ideal means by which to reset the country's political relations with the League throughout the mid-1930s. They were particularly sensitive towards the LN Covenant, which in their opinion appeared to offer a legal basis for imposing sanctions on any country of the world, including Japan. Such sensitivity sharped from 1934 on after the Soviet Union joined the LN, due to the perception that the outbreak of Soviet-Japanese hostilities was highly imminent, leading to fears that the Soviets might call for the LN to impose sanctions on Japan if war did break out. These concerns are the reason why the Japanese government was very active during the Montreux Conference, in addition to regarding the Conference, which was marked by a fierce debate regarding the legal relationship between the revised treaty and the LN Covenant, as the touchstone leading to the future of Japan's diplomatic policy toward the LN. There were two constrasting opinions within the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Gaimusho 外務省) over the stance to be taken towards the revised treaty. One line, advocated by Foreign Minister Arita Hachiro, was to attempt to block LN intervention altogether. The other, advocated by Sato Naotake, the Japanese delegate to the Montreux Conference, argued that Japan should seek means of coexisting with the LN. In more concrete terms, Arita intended to block intervention by calling for a treaty signing congress (teiyaku kokukaigi 締約国会議) as a diplomatic platform opposing the LN and asserting that the text of the revised treaty should seek to avoid LN interference by separating the new convention from the LN Covenant. In opposition to Arita's assertions, Sato was prepared to partially accept "a treaty supplementary to the LN Covenant", which European members, such as the Soviet Union and France, aspired to conclude. By doing so, Sato intended to create a legal setting which would enable LN member countries and "contracting parties" (the latter including Japan) to enjoy equal standing vis-a-vis each other. Although Sato succeeded in persuading Arita that it was necessary to reset Japan as "a state withdrawing from the LN that could coexist with the LN", the outbreak of the 2nd Sino-Japanese war about a year after the Conference resulted in sanctions being imposed on Japan by the LN, which left Japanese decision-makers with no other option but to abandon any hope of coexistence.

著者

青木 然

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.11, pp.1929-1968, 2014-11-20

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This article studies the perceptions of Korea and China among the people in Japan during the latter part of the 19th century. The antecedent research has explained that the people had become to transfer their own sense of inferiority to their East Asian neighbors, whose Westernization had been stagnant, and disdained them because the people's opposition to Westernization had been crushed by means of the suppression of the revolt. This interpretation ignores the contradictory situation of a nation of people unable to internally resolve their own opposition to Western culture, while looking down on other nations based on those same Western standards. In order to show the way such a contradiction was dealt with in the Japanese mass consciousness, this article takes up the popular entertainment, especially kodan (講談), the Japanese traditional storytelling, to extract the Japanese people's understanding of Western culture and their hopes represented by the images of Korea and China on a deeper level than what was expressed in rebellion. In presenting the evidence, the author attempts to clarify the features of narrative of the popular entertainment in order to interpret its depiction of Korea and China in terms of popular understanding by focusing on the mentality of popular entertainment, as well as the changes of national entertainment policy, trends and social contexts. In concrete terms, the author identifies two conflicting types of narration in popular entertainment at the time: the satirical style that originated on the urban scene during the late Edo period and the oratorical style, which first appeared during the 1880s, against a backdrop of increasing migration from the countryside into the cities. In the performances taking up such events of the early 1880s as the Imo Incident (July 1882) in Seoul, Korea and the Sino-French War (1884-85), we find satirical narrative showed its twisted sympathies with "obstinateness" of the forces of resistance in both countries and ridiculing the shallow Westernized behavior of the Japanese people. On the other hand, when dealing with the 1st Sino-Japanese War, the oratorical style pours invective and abuse upon the Chinese, while the satirical performances objectified them and counteract with words of sympathy for the Koreans and Chinese. In the presence of such conflicting narrative styles, the Japanese people became aware of Korea and China not only as scapegoats for its own oppression, but also as a means of escaping from the constant anxiety of being confined within the limits of the Western code of civilized behavior. However, the difficulty in confronting the fallacy of its civilized self-image became expressed in the Japanese people's hesitation to empathize with its Korean and Chinese counterparts. Such a way of adopting Western civilization, which skillfully grants dispensation from self-denial, can be called, in the opinion of the author, one of the "privileges" accorded the masses living under imperial rule.

著者

長谷川 順二

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.3, pp.333-371, 2014-03-20

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The changes that have occurred in the course of the Yellow River over the ages has been considered to be an important theme in the historical geography of China, and many researchers have conducted studies of the subject using various methods. The various explanations in the extant bibliographic sources about river course change in dynastic China were first summarized during the early Qing period by Hu Wei in his Yugong Zhuizhi 禹貢錐指 (Brief Study of "Tribute of Yu"), which proposed that major changes had occurred in the River's course. Hu's argument then formed the basis of various opinions that six or seven significant changes had occurred leading up to the existing course as of 1855, in such works as Zhongguo Lishi Ditu Ji 中国歴史地図集 (Collected Historical Maps of China) and Huanghe Zhi 黄河志 (Gazetteer of the Yellow River). In particular, as to the pre-Eastern Han era, all argued that the river's course had changed twice: one being observed during the Warring States period in the fifth year of the reign of Eastern Zhou King Ding (602 BC), the other occurring between the third year Wang Mang's Xin Dynasty (11 CE) and the 13 year of the reign of Later Han Emperor Ming (70 CE), in The flood control works of Wangjing 王景. However, as observed in Yugong Shanchuan Dilitu 禹貢山川地理図 (Geographical Maps of "Tribute of Yu") by Cheng Dachang 程大昌 of the Southern Song Dynasty, there was in pre-Ming Dynasty times a great deal of emphasis placed on the river course change project named after Provincial Governor Donqui 頓丘 in the third year of the reign of Former Han Emperor Wu (132 BC), while no mention is given to the Wangjing Project. The author has elsewhere reconstructed via remote sensing data the old course of the Yellow River between the Warring States and Former Han Periods and has shown, based on that reconstruction and micro upland topography, the changes that occurred in the river near Liaocheng, Shandong Province in 132 BC. In the present article, the author reexamines the traditional discourse concerning the changes that occurred up through the Latter Han Period, based on his previous findings. In addition, there is also information in the Hanshu's 漢書 "Gouzu Zhi" (Treatise on Canals and Rivers) section about the first Yellow River levee of the Warring States period, which Kimura Masao argues signifies the existence of state-operated irrigation projects in the lower reaches of the Yellow River, indicating one basic condition of ancient Chinese despotism. However, the author's reconstruction of the ancient river course and the present topographical data concerning the region shows these levies to have been formed by the Yellow River naturally, making it very difficult to concur with the conventional discourse that large scale irrigation projects were already underway in the lower Yellow River basin as early as the Warring States period.

著者

邉見 統

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.7, pp.1307-1331, 2014-07-20

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After pacifying the Chinese world during the 5th year of his reign (202 BCE), Former Han Dynasty Emperor Liu Bang (also referred to as Gaozu 高祖) duly rewarded his loyal followers with titles of ranked status, the highest of which was Liehou 列侯. We find items in such ancient chronicles as Shiji 史記, and Hanshu 漢書 describing the institution of such ranks at the beginning of the period, describing them as the "Liehou hierarchy"; and the research to date on the subject has shown that 1) eighteen such rankings were instituted during the Liu Bang's reign and 2) in the 2nd year of the Gaohou 高后 era (186 BCE), the Empress Dowager's Lu 呂 Family regime instituted what is known as the "Gaozu System of Leihou Rankings" (Gaozuxi Liehou Weici 高祖系列侯位次). However, as the result of an analysis of descriptions concerning ranked status in the ancient historiography, the author of the present article adds that the Gaozuxi System was revised during the reign of Emperor Wen 文. As to the political significance of the establishment of the Gaozuxi System in 186 BCE, first, there was the intention to preserve the 18 ranks set up by Liu Bang and respect his authority, in addition to recognizing the achievements of those who were so honored during his reign. It was in this way that the Lu Family regime planned to obtain the support of Liu Bang's retainers, implying that such actions as granting feudal estates to the princes of the politically powerful Lu Family was initially met with strong resistance, which needed to be appeased. As to the revisions made to the Gaozuxi System during the reign of Emperor Wen, motivation similar to the Lu Family may also be cited, in addition to political necessities specific to the Wen regime.That is to say, the Wen imperial regime was formed after the Dynasty's ministers of state overthrew the Lu Family regime and enthroned Liu Heng, the fourth son of Liu Bang and monarch of the kingdom of Dai 代; therefore, the revisions were also intended to strip members of the Lu Family of their Gaozuxi rankings, thus legitimizing the authority of Emperor Wen over the defeated Lu Family regime.

著者

山本 英史

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.9, pp.1641-1643, 2014-09-20

著者

石橋 崇雄

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.12, pp.1847-1856, 1982-12-20

著者

近藤 和彦

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.12, pp.1986-1988, 2002-12-20

著者

小田中 直樹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.5, pp.五八四-五八八, 2005-05-20

著者

芦部 彰

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.4, pp.569-593, 2014-04-20

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Explaining the features and historical developments of social policy in the Federal Republic of Germany, focusing on Catholicism during the 1950s, is indispensable due to the influence of Catholicism on various aspects of politics and society at that time. That influence is also evident in the housing policy implemented at the time. Within the framework of social housing, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) gave priority in the second Housing Act of 1956 to the construction of privately owned single family dwellings, each with an adjacent garden and barn. To explain the conceptual foundations of this policy, the author focuses on politician Paul Lucke, the CDU's chief housing policy-maker, and the Catholic intellectuals around him. First, Lucke and his colleagues designed the housing policy based on the idea of enabling the private ownership of land and houses among a broad strata of the population, based on the Catholic social teaching that private ownership is regarded as the basis of an autonomous personality. Through this policy, they aimed at resisting the collectivism of East Germany that created, in their words, the "impersonal masses". Secondly, Lucke's group conceptualized the houses they envisioned as "Familienheim", thereby incorporating Catholic views of family into their housing policy; to wit, private property enables the patriarch to rule his family and protect them against the threat of intervention by the state. Finally, Lucke's group emphasized the value of self-help in the process of housing construction. That is to say, they regarded the construction of one's own home as practicing the kind of self-help promoted in Catholic social teaching. Considering these policy features, the author concludes that the CDU's housing policy was based on principles derived from Catholic social doctrine. Relative to other housing reform concepts, the CDU opposed reformers who sought to create new social ties in urban areas through the promotion of new types of collective dwelling plans; and garnering support from reformers critical of metropolises, it promoted housing rooted in the soil. From the above urban reform perspective, the CDU's housing policy could be assessed as conservative; however, given the characteristics of those Catholic social teachings that reject socialist or collectivist avenues to social reform and attempt to find a path guided by the Catholic concept of personality, the CDU's housing policy should rather be viewed as pursuing social reform through Catholic perspectives.

著者

藤原 翔太

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.12, pp.2149-2177, 2014-12-20

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On 17 February 1800, the Consulat enacted a law concerning the districting and administration of the entire territory of France, and embarked on fundamental reforms that would lead to the encouragement and reinforcement of the centralization of local administrative institutions. However, the law also reintroduced the commune system, thus reviving local autonomy, a fact which has long been neglected. Once noticed, this fact leads to the question of why the regime of Napoleon, which has been considered to be a centralized one, needed to reorganize certain structural features of local autonomous institutions. In order to answer this question, the author of this article examines the structure of local governance under Napoleon by focusing on the town mayors who represented both the communes and central state authority in the prefectures of the Hautes-Pyrenees. The mayors of rural towns and cities who served under Napoleon have long been criticized for being "incompetent" and in league with their constituents, problems that were fully recognized by contemporary governors of prefectures and arrondissements (prefects and vice-prefects), as well as by the central government. Therefore, the prefectures proposed that any canton larger in area than a commune should have one paid mayor; however, the central government ignored this proposal and persisted in maintaining the commune system. This means that the government regarded the appointment of mayors based on the commune system as the best way to rule at the local level. Such a conclusion leads to the question of how the mayors, who were so important in terms of local rule, were actually chosen. To answer this question, the author first turns to an examination of the available mayoral prosopography and finds that there were definite differences in social status between the mayors of canton administrative centers (chef-lieu) and those of ordinary communes. Moreover, regarding the actual administration of local authorities, we find unique solutions adopted by prefecture-level bureaus to deal with problems caused by the mayors of rural towns and cities. Despite obvious regional differences, in the economic and cultural periphery of the Pyrenees, administrative affairs of the greatest import were carried on at the canton level. Rather than this fact indicating that the commune system was being treated as a mere formality, we find mayors of chef-lieu, who were selected from the ranks of local dignitaries, utilizing their political influence to guide politicians of inferior status and power in their duties as mayors of ordinary communes. In this sense, the commune system should be considered as having been introduced into a highly centralized, socially stratified political order for the purpose of integrating political power and influence at the regional level.