著者
森 裕城
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.2, pp.2_42-2_64, 2012

A succession of books is being published that depicts changes in Japanese society based on the keyword of neoliberalism. This trend is particularly noticeable in fields that address the issues of workers, the elderly, people with disabilities, women, young people, and children. Expressed in more general terms, interest in neoliberalism appears to be growing in fields that study groups that are in weak positions within society. For this reason, this article focuses on the issue of educational reforms in order to identify the spread of neoliberalism in Japan, and it also discusses the development thereof. Viewed from the point of view of the intents of the elite, the development of educational reforms in Japan involves a variety of intermingled factors, and in some aspects these cannot be described as simply neoliberal reforms. However, when viewed at the real - world level of impact on society, school education clearly has been swept in a tide of neoliberalism, and those involved in education see this as problematic. It is the author's belief that this difference in recognition itself generates the current poor prospects on the subject of educational issues. It can be said that there is a pressing need to build an analytical framework for ascertaining comprehensively trends among the elite who institute reforms and trends among the people in weak positions who feel the effects of reforms.
著者
森 裕城
出版者
日本選挙学会
雑誌
選挙研究 (ISSN:09123512)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.34, no.2, pp.18-32, 2018 (Released:2021-07-16)

本稿の目的は,小選挙区比例代表並立制における政党競合の展開を,共時的・通時的の両面からトータルに叙述することである。本稿における主な発見は次の3点にまとめられる。①中選挙区制時代の政党競合のあり方が,新しい選挙制度のあり方を規定しており,それが自民党に有利に働いたこと,②小選挙区比例代表並立制導入後の巨大政党の誕生は,予言の自己成就としての性格を有しており,それが非自民勢力に多大な負荷を与えたこと,③異なる原理を有する小選挙区制と比例代表制を足し合わせた制度である小選挙区比例代表並立制は,政治過程に複雑な力学をもたらしており,それが現在の野党分断現象を生んでいること。同じ小選挙区比例代表並立制であっても,小選挙区の数(比率ではない)がいくつになるかで,政党競合のあり方が大きく変わることを,本稿の内容は示唆している。
著者
水崎 節文 森 裕城
出版者
日本選挙学会
雑誌
選挙研究 (ISSN:09123512)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.50-59,269, 1998

The general election held on October 20, 1996 was the first election after the 1994 electoral reform of the House of Representatives. The new electoral system combines two different electoral systems: a single-member constituency system (300 seats) and a proportional representation system (200 seats). Using locality-level aggregate data, this paper examined the impact of the new electoral system on voting behavior and campaign strategies, and identified a mechanism through which a voter's choice of candidates/parties in one system influences his/her choice in the other.
著者
森 裕城
出版者
筑波大学
巻号頁・発行日
2000

identifier:http://hdl.handle.net/2241/3260
著者
森 裕城 久保 慶明
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1_200-1_224, 2014

The purpose of this article is to clarify the following 4 points: (1) To what extent are people organized? (2) How much bias is apparent in today's organizations? (3) To what extent have existing organizations approached politics? (4) Is there any structural bias? By comparative study of the data from surveys of voters, interest groups, and pressure groups in Japan, following observations can be made. The older generation is more organized than the younger. Organization is more developed in the profit sector. Interest articulated by new organizations is limited, while old organizations remain. It is therefore difficult to believe that the change of government in 2009 was due to interest group politics. Rather, at top level, interest group politics changed in response to the change of government. This suggests that group actions change easily, although in 2009, it was limited mainly to top level.
著者
森 裕城
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.2, pp.2_42-2_64, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)
参考文献数
82

A succession of books is being published that depicts changes in Japanese society based on the keyword of neoliberalism. This trend is particularly noticeable in fields that address the issues of workers, the elderly, people with disabilities, women, young people, and children. Expressed in more general terms, interest in neoliberalism appears to be growing in fields that study groups that are in weak positions within society. For this reason, this article focuses on the issue of educational reforms in order to identify the spread of neoliberalism in Japan, and it also discusses the development thereof. Viewed from the point of view of the intents of the elite, the development of educational reforms in Japan involves a variety of intermingled factors, and in some aspects these cannot be described as simply neoliberal reforms. However, when viewed at the real - world level of impact on society, school education clearly has been swept in a tide of neoliberalism, and those involved in education see this as problematic. It is the author's belief that this difference in recognition itself generates the current poor prospects on the subject of educational issues. It can be said that there is a pressing need to build an analytical framework for ascertaining comprehensively trends among the elite who institute reforms and trends among the people in weak positions who feel the effects of reforms.
著者
森 裕城 久保 慶明
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1_200-1_224, 2014 (Released:2017-07-01)
参考文献数
46

The purpose of this article is to clarify the following 4 points: (1) To what extent are people organized? (2) How much bias is apparent in today's organizations? (3) To what extent have existing organizations approached politics? (4) Is there any structural bias? By comparative study of the data from surveys of voters, interest groups, and pressure groups in Japan, following observations can be made. The older generation is more organized than the younger. Organization is more developed in the profit sector. Interest articulated by new organizations is limited, while old organizations remain. It is therefore difficult to believe that the change of government in 2009 was due to interest group politics. Rather, at top level, interest group politics changed in response to the change of government. This suggests that group actions change easily, although in 2009, it was limited mainly to top level.
著者
水崎 節文 森 裕城
出版者
Japanese Association of Electoral Studies
雑誌
選挙研究 (ISSN:09123512)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.16-31,123, 1995

The multimember constituency system of the Japanese House of Representatives adopted in 1925 has lasted up to the present time, with the exception of a general election in 1946. This system is unique in the world and has influenced the electoral behavior of candidates as well as voters in Japan. It is inevitable that candidates from the same party are in competition.<br>One remarkable characteristic of the election results at the district level is that votes obtained by an individual candidate show a tendency to concentrate into the particular area. To examine the regional distribution of votes, we use the RS index and the DS index which was devised by Mizusaki, and trace the scores in the general elections from 1958 to 1993. The computed values have been decreasing year by year, but in some rural districts both indices show still very high scores.<br>The phenomenon of the concentration of votes in a particular area in a district has been considered as a reflection of premodern electoral behavior. Although this view cannot be denied in this paper, we try to explain the phenomenon in a different way. We would like to show that the spatial competitions aomng the plural candidates from the same party can be interpreted as a rational behavior with the strategy to win elections.