著者

上神 貴佳

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_220-1_240, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

21

被引用文献数

1 3

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This paper examines the relationship between a democratization of party leadership selection and party organizational change in Japan. The Liberal Democratic Party, the long ruling party, became used to utilizing votes by party members as a method of electing its presidents. Compared with the Democratic Party of Japan, the second largest party, LDP has a much larger number of members, but its factional linkage which holds diet members and rank and file party members together has dwindled. By contrast, the organizational support base of DPJ remains weak, so the demand of local party organizations for votes by party members does not increase. In sum, as a result of many LDP members voting individually, they are coming on the stage of party leadership selection as new actors. Both because the incentives of candidates and members change, votes by party members became popular in LDP.

著者

宮本 悟

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.195-215,253, 2005 (Released:2010-04-30)

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For a long time, a majority of people have thought that the military would attempt a coup d'etat in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea due to the widespread economic deterioration in the past, and the fact that the domestic economy has seen some recent improvement makes this event more unlikely at present.Why haven't a group of officers within the Korean People's Army attempted a coup d'etat? In this research, I provide three key reasons that explain why, even during three crisis periods involving major politico-military purges, this has not happened.Chiefly these were: entrenched clique competition in the military; the existence of an organization that can oppose the armed forces; and a systemic and purposeful division of the military. I have confirmed through this research that the system that has divided the military still exists in the army, a system controlled effectively by a senior commissar. Therefore, this research concludes that the possibility of a coup d'etat occurring is low even in the present D. P. R. K.

著者

山影 進

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, pp.1-25, 1988-01-28 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

森川 友義

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.2_217-2_236, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

43

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In recent years, so-called “Evolutionary Political Science” has drawn much attention from political scientists in the United States as well as in Europe. Little is known, however, about the overall framework of the approach, as it has been variously termed as “biopolitics”, “neuro-politics,” “evolutionary approach to political behavior” or “sociogenomics.” Scholars in this field share and emphasize human cognitive processes that have derived from an evolutionary perspective on human cognitive functioning and architecture. In light of the above, recent analyses on: (1) altruistic decision-making, (2) genetic influence on political behaviors, and (3) an “ultimate” approach to warfare are discussed in detail. In the process, I refer to important aspects of proximate vs. ultimate mechanism, nature vs. nurture, and general problem solver vs. “modular” architecture of the human brain -- arguments which are all closely connected with information processing mechanisms in the study of political science.

著者

北岡 伸一

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, pp.1-23, 1990-03-29 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

岡 利郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.107-127, 1983-09-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

森 靖夫

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_241-1_262, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

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This article examines the struggle for the control of the army between the army and political parties.   In prewar Japan only military offices could assume the military ministers. It has commonly been accepted that this rule made it difficult for civilians to control the Army and it was the decisive power resource of the army. However, this view cannot explain why party cabinets between 1924 and 1932 failed to institutionalize civilian control over the army and how the army reacted to the establishment of party politics in this period.   This paper mainly provides two new views. First, in the 1920s, the army agreed reluctantly to give up military minister posts to parties due to the rise of parties. Second, in spite of this compromise of the Army, the Army still maintained these posts because the prime ministers and the army ministers agreed to avoid a rapid rule change and control the army by their leadership.   The failure of civilian control in prewar Japan did not stem solely from formal rules. Party cabinets could develop their power and control the Army by aggressively enforcing formal rules and taking their initiative. Yet, they failed to establish their political supremacy over the Army in the 1920s and it led to militarism afterward.

著者

木下 真志

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_109-1_142, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

104

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Recently, there are many articles with which SDPJ is dealt. The aim of this article is to investigate the formation process of the proposition “kouzou-kaikaku” (the reform plan of SDPJ) and to verify how the plan had held place in SDPJ at that moment. Especially I will focus on the rising and fall of the faction “Eda-Ha” which was represented by Eda Saburou (one of the influential reformers in SDPJ). It would have intended to reform SDPJ in large measure in 1960's. But in spite of its passion, the reform faced the various oppositions by the major (left) factions within SDPJ. As the consequence, Eda-Ha failed to reform SDPJ.   We can see many reasons why the theory “kouzou-kaikaku” has lost its position in SDPJ. Up to this time, it is said that the decline of Eda-Ha with the intention of the reform caused to the decline of SDPJ. I present other reason of the decline from the alternative points of view.   By doing so, I intend to contribute further development of the studies on SDPJ.

著者

齋藤 純一

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.179-196, 2003-12-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

1

著者

小田川 大典

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.125-149,265, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

34

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In his later work, L'inhumaine: Causeries sur le temps (1988), Jean-François Lyotard advocated the aesthetic political theory under the influence of Edmund Burke's early writing, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1759), though little attention has been paid to this point so far. This paper is intended as the examination of Burke's physiological aesthetics of sublimity and Lyotard's postmodern theory of the sublime from the perspective of political philosophy. Indeed, they didn't preach Kantian moral principles, but claimed the necessity of cultivation of the ethical sensibility through the aesthetical experience of the sublime in their theories. We may go on from this to the conclusion that it is what Stephen White called “the sense of responsibility to otherness” and “the world-disclosing function of language” in his work, Political Theory and Postmodernism (1991) that Burke and Lyotard emphasized the importance of.

著者

曽我 謙悟

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.2_144-2_165, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

43

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This review article explores the recent trends of the studies on central-local relations. I categorize the researches into two; one which treats central-local relations as an independent variable and one which tries to explain the central-local relations as a dependent variable. In another words, the former asks what is an “institutional equilibrium” of the central-local relations and the latter questions how and why a central-local relation becomes an “equilibrium institution”. Although the inquiries on central-local relations in the United States cannot be said productive before 1990s comparing with other research fields, we see the improvement in this decade. I prospect the future trend will be the integration of the “institutional equilibrium” analyses and the “equilibrium institution” analyses. I also derive the implication and make a suggestion to the researches in Japan from the researches in the United States.

著者

丸山 眞男

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.189-206, 1950-10-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

早川 誠

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_61-1_81, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

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The role of voluntary associations is a focus of current democratic theories including civil society argument, radical democracy, and deliberative democracy. Though it is certain that associations often perform democratic functions, they also disturb democracy by demanding narrow group interests, suppressing the opinions of group members, and lacking the interest in coordination and compromise. Whereas the associationalism developed in the United States depends on voluntary associations excessively; the one in the United Kingdom has been paying a close attention to the inadequacy of associational effects. The legacy of the pluralist theory of the state is especially important in this regard. Comparing two strands of associationalism, it is clear that something is necessary to strike an appropriate balance between the democratic and undemocratic functions of associations. The key to the problem is the new understanding of representative democracy. Contrary to the idea that associatiomalism will eventually replace the state-centered politics, a strong but flexible state which can accommodate and coordinate a variety of associations is required. Without taking such a state into consideration, associationalism would not be able to realize stabilized and impartial democratic politics.

著者

中山 洋平

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.33-51, 2002-01-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

三宅 一郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.259-302, 1979-09-18 (Released:2009-12-21)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

月村 太郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_31-2_49, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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Ethnic Cleansing (EC) became a widely used expression during the Civil War in Bosnia in 1992-1995. But EC has a long history, and we can find examples of EC wherever violent conflicts happen on a large scale.   We may have various kinds of images regarding EC. For example, when we received information about EC in the case of Rwanda, we may have imagined a situation where “soldiers” carried out various atrocities, and ordinary people fanatically killed others. In the case of the Holocaust carried out by the Nazis, we may have quite a different image, for example that EC was dispassionately carried out under the direction of political or military leaders.   Why do we have such diverse images of EC? Firstly, EC is typically carried out by three different kinds of participants: (i)ethnonationalistic politicians, senior civil officials and military officers; (ii)individuals with lower status in the military, police, and paramilitary forces; (iii)ordinary people. Secondly, participants take part in EC for their own motive(s). Lastly, collective mentality has an influence upon the acts of participants.

著者

河野 勝

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.181-203, 1999-12-17 (Released:2009-12-21)

被引用文献数

1

著者

杉田 敦

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.2_166-2_181, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

15

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In the 1920's Germany, Waiter Benjamin probed into the conglutination of the law and violence, and expected for the so-called “pure violence” to transcend the coercive order depending on the law-violence. In response to this argument, Carl Schmitt tried to consolidate a system of the sovereignty where everything was to be solved within legal contexts, even in the state of emergency.   Giorgio Agamben has successfully elucidated this “polemic” between the two thinkers. But his argument that the state of emergency has already been normalized may lead to an expectation of an escape from the present situation, like in the theory of Benjamin.   In the 60's, in his theory on partisans, Schmitt warned about the risk of the erosion of a legal system by the “irregularity” of partisans. But Hannah Arendt's beloved “space of appearance” is actually rather similar to the “space of irregularity” of partisans. Seen in this way; the seriously dissenting thinkers coincide in setting a boundary between a desirable realm and an undesirable realm.   However, this kind of boundary setting may not be necessary for the politics. What is needed is a continuous and endless negotiation between the dichotomous categories.

著者

蒲島 郁夫 山田 真裕

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.211-231, 1994-12-22 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

三宅 一郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.91-138, 1970 (Released:2010-04-30)