著者
押村 高
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.1, pp.1_57-1_77, 2007

&nbsp;&nbsp;Whereas there is growing recognition that democracies are less likely to be engaged in military conflict than any other regime type, the United States and Britain, or some other democracies, have finally decided, despite domestic opposition and protest, that they should commit their forces to change Iraq&rsquo;s regime. The democratic pacifism assuming that a state&rsquo;s domestic political system is the primary determinant of international behavior and that the spread of democracy is an important factor of world peace has been called into question by the Iraq War. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;In fact, Western democracies have more frequently used, in recent years, military force in the cases of Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq. This chapter then reconsiders the old and new dialectics between democracy and use of force in a changing environment. What difficulties do democracies face in using force in the pursuit of higher values than national interest? In what manner can democracies reconcile the use of force with the moral and political value of democracy? These are the pivotal questions around which we evolve arguments in this chapter.
著者
三牧 聖子
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_306-1_323, 2008

&nbsp;&nbsp;This thesis revisits &ldquo;Twenty Years&rsquo; Crisis&rdquo; and considers what E. H. Carr means by &ldquo;realism.&rdquo; Since the 1990s, many works have challenged the stereotyped picture of a &ldquo;realist Carr.&rdquo; Now we know much about a &ldquo;non-realist&rdquo; Carr, but there still remain a lot of questions about Carr's &ldquo;realism.&rdquo; Contrary to the prevailing image of anti-idealism, Carr's &ldquo;realism&rdquo; is a &ldquo;weapon&rdquo; to demolish the inequalities between nations, and to rebuild a more equal order. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;During the 1930s, the &ldquo;idealists&rdquo; such as Norman Angell and Leonard Woolf abandoned their optimistic beliefs in public opinion, and advocated the League sanctions against the fascist countries. Together with the pacifists, Carr criticized the League sanctions as a superficial solution, and insisted that the fundamental problem was the inequalities between the &ldquo;have&rdquo; and &ldquo;have-not&rdquo; countries. His criticisms toward the League were not a denial of the League itself. He criticized the &ldquo;Coercive League,&rdquo; which was hostile to the &ldquo;have-not&rdquo; countries, but supported the &ldquo;Consultative League,&rdquo; which functioned as a forum between the &ldquo;have&rdquo; and &ldquo;have-not.&rdquo; <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;Now we are in the long fight against terrorism. Global terrorism is, in part, a reaction to global inequalities. Carr's &ldquo;realism&rdquo; tells us that military actions alone never beat global terrorism.
著者
森 裕城 久保 慶明
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1_200-1_224, 2014

The purpose of this article is to clarify the following 4 points: (1) To what extent are people organized? (2) How much bias is apparent in today's organizations? (3) To what extent have existing organizations approached politics? (4) Is there any structural bias? By comparative study of the data from surveys of voters, interest groups, and pressure groups in Japan, following observations can be made. The older generation is more organized than the younger. Organization is more developed in the profit sector. Interest articulated by new organizations is limited, while old organizations remain. It is therefore difficult to believe that the change of government in 2009 was due to interest group politics. Rather, at top level, interest group politics changed in response to the change of government. This suggests that group actions change easily, although in 2009, it was limited mainly to top level.
著者
大井 赤亥
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.2_225-2_245, 2009

&nbsp;&nbsp;Harold Laski was once a popular political theorist in postwar Japanese politics. This paper examines the &lsquo;Laski boom&rsquo; in the 1950s by comparing three Japanese political scholars: Masao Maruyama, Yoshihiko Seki, and Yasuzo Suzuki. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;While Maruyama depicts Laski as a consistent thinker, Seki stresses Laski's waver in his theory of state and liberty. Meanwhile, while holding a Marxist perspective, Suzuki sincerely accepts Laski's individualism and his theory of liberty. Through the comparison, we shall comprehend that Maruyama and Suzuki similarly appreciate Laski's political ambivalence between western democracy and communism. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;However, this paper also suggests a curious irregularity that Maruyama was attracted to Laski's gradual commitment to communism, and that Suzuki learned liberal theory of right from Laski. In conclusion, Laski's dilemma was also the shared dilemma of Maruyama and Suzuki, and this paper proves the &lsquo;Laski boom&rsquo; in postwar Japanese politics as the intellectual cross-point where these political scholars intersected.
著者
伊達 聖伸
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_122-1_144, 2013

The central figure of the Action Frarnçaise, Charles Maurras presented his "religious nationalism" amidst a tense conflict between republicans and Catholics, which culminated with the separation of the Churches and the State in 1905. The Catholic blocs supported him, because he reclaimed the Catholic monarchy from the French Republic by criticizing individualism and representative democracy. This article tries to contextualize his political thought at the dawn of the twentieth century and to analyze it from the viewpoint of political theology. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;It primarily focuses on Maurras' so-called "Catholic positivism" which was largely influenced by Auguste Comte. However, Maurras deviates from the founder positivist in that he emphasizes the French "nation" instead of the "humanity"; he didn't acknowledge the idea of separation between temporal and spiritual powers. His monarchical nationalism stands on the positivistic horizon, and the autonomous nation rendered absolute doesn't require a heteronomous religious justification. This scheme of political theology, which appeared through his polemic with Marc Sangnier, bore some resemblance to neo-Thomism, despite its pagan character.
著者
越智 敏夫
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.1, pp.1_93-1_112, 2011

How and why do nation-states require loyalty from its people? In the discourse of "liberal nationalism", nation building is considered a necessary condition for the construction of liberal democracies. While it is widely believed that the nation-state as a political unit is an important framework underpinning political stability, throughout history one can find many examples of nationalism that has deconstructed democracy. It is for this reason that the actual relationship between nationalism and democracy should be examined. To consider this relationship, in this paper, we will first discuss the moment when loyalty is required of the people, especially the political dynamism surrounding the notion of philanthropy in the United States. Within the concept of philanthropy, the rich and successful seek to support the next generation and new immigrants. However these social ethics are located within efforts of the elite to reduce the national budget dedicated to social welfare. It is here that the state uses the citizen's loyalty for its own benefit. Secondly, we will demystify the discourse of the leftwing nationalists in the US, especially that of Richard Rorty, who emphasizes aspects of the democratic function of American nationalism, but whose theories also rely upon a complicated and subtle form of ethnocentrism. His arguments are seen as problematic when used to support democratic theories, because the people demonstrate loyalty to the state via ethnocentrism.
著者
大嶋 えり子
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1_290-1_309, 2014

The memories of French Algeria and the Algerian war of independence had been forgotten by French government for decades. Since the 1990's, however, monuments, laws and speeches began recognising memories related to that period. This article aims to understand why this change occurred. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;First, we will delve into the French context and examine how the memories of the Holocaust have been connected with those related to Algeria. The 1990's have also been a period during which immigrants became a "problem": the "integration" of immigrants appeared as a solution. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;Secondly, we will study the case of the Cité Nationale de l'Histoire de l'Immigration, a museum devoted to the past of immigrants. By doing so, we will be able to understand that the recognition of memories does not necessarily involve the recognition of identities and that French government attempts to promote integration by recognising the memories of immigrants.