著者

西原 稔

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.1-43, 1982

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Die Idee der sogenannten Musica Poetica wurde unter den Einflussen des Humanismus und der italienischen Musiktheorien, von den Musiktheoretikern des 16. Jhs., z. B. N. Wollick aus Frankreich, G. Dreβler, einem magdeburgischen Musiklehrer, oder N. Listenius, der erstmals den Begriff der Musica Poetica in der Musik anwandte, formalisiert, und durch musikalische Praktiken des 17. und 18. Jhs. systematisiert. Deren Zentralprobleme lagen darin, Gesetze der Komposition von rhetorischen Terminologien und Begriffen auszulegen, und Verfahren der realen und symbolischen Darstellung der Texte durch Noten oder Melodie aufzuweisen. Bei der Verbreitung dieser Idee im deutschen Barock kann man die Rolle des Athanasius Kirchers (1602-1680), der zugleich Philosoph, jesuitischer Theologe und Physiker war und in Rom starb, nicht ignorieren. Sein umfangreiches Werk "Musurgia universalis" (1650) stellt gleichsam einen Hohepunkt des fruhen deutschen Barock samt "Syntagma musicum" des M. Praetorius dar, und behandelt darin das Universum der Musik von Musikgeschichte, Instrumentalkunde, Kompositionslehre biszur mystischen Musikmetaphysik. Die Hauptaufgabe dieser Abhandlung liegt darin, zumal historische Bedeutungen seiner Kompositionslehre und in Zusammenhang damit Affektenlehre und Stilkunde zu verdeutlichen. (1) Seine Kompositionslehre, die chronologisch zwischen der Musica Poetica des 16. und fruhen 17. Jhs. und der Kompositionslehre des 18. Jhs., z. B. J. G. Walthers, steht, ist eine Summe der von Gaffurius und Zarlino usw. ausgelegten und damals praktisch augewandten Verfahren, und kann man sie als eine der groβen Musiklehren der ersten Halfte des 17. Jhs. betrachten. Kirchers Originalitat zeigt sich in der Theorie der Ton-Wort-Beziehung, die er selbst Melothesia nannte. Zur Offenbarung dieser Beziehung zeigt Kircher die Tafeln der Kompositionsbeispiele jedes poetischen Metrums, die durch Ziffertonschrift niedergeschrieben werden. Die Figurenlehre, die Kircher in Bd. 5 und Bd. 8 des oben erwahnten Werkes unter verschiedenen Standpunkten diskutiert, steht im Zusammenhang mit der Darstellung der Texte. Jedoch die Lehre von Bd. 5 stutzt sich beinahe ganz auf J. Nucius. Kirchers Figurenlehre, im Unterschied zu z. B. J. Burmeister, zielt auf die musikalische Darstellung der Textinhalte, und jede Figur, z. B. circulatio, climax, usw. ist gleichsam ein Muster der Textedarstellung. (2) Kirchers Affektenlehre weist Besonderheiten in naturwissenschaftlicher Rationalitat, wie er sie als Physiologum auch definiert, und synasthetischem Symbolismus auf. Zunachst betrachtet Kircher die physiologische und physische Ursache, und dann, Beziehungen zwischen Affekt einerseits und Intervall, Ort und Nationalitat anderseits. (3) Das Problem steht bei ihm im Zusammenhang mit Stilkunde. Kirchers Stilkunde ist sein originales Werk und beruht auf den verschiedenen Grundlagen der zeitgenossischen Theorien von M. Scacchi und Ch. Bernhard, die durch Klassifikation der Stile neue Kompositionsprinzipien zu legitimieren versucht. Kircher klassifiziert Stil in zwei Kategorien des Stylus impressus und Stylus expressus, und die letztere wird wiederum in acht Stile gemaβ ihrer musikalischen Gattung eingeteilt. Dadurch schildert er die universale musikalische Welt um die Mitte des 17. Jhs.. Kirchers Theorie liegt nicht nur beispielsweise der Stilkunde. S. de Brossards und J. G. Walthers zugrunde, sondern bietet auch eine Unterstutzung z. B. des bohmischen Musiklexikographen T. B. Janowka und des englischen Asthetikers D. Webb an.

著者

永冨 正之

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.A41-A58, 1974

被引用文献数

1

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The significance of solfeggio in music education has recently been attached considerable importance and the interest in it also grown. It could be considered to be the result of reflecting upon the lack of basic training in the educational methods so far, which tended to give priority to the pursuit of technical study particular to the respective genres. It seems, however, full understanding of what solfeggio is and what is to be gained from its study is still wanting in the music field in general. Inadequate information may be partly because of utter indifference, partly because of the fact that solfeggio itself has never been spotlighted. But one of the greater causes we can point out is that the implication of the word solfeggio has been so changing with the times that it is hard to pinpoint it and that furthermore there is a tendency in recent times of its denotation extending, to the point that abuse of the term is seen sometimes. There are also delicate shades of its interpretation with individual persons and with countries. Those various changes of the meaning of solfeggio may historically be classified into the following three stages: 1. Vocal exercises and music to be used for that purpose (in the latter half of the 18th century). Solfeggio in this sense originated from Guido d'Arezzo's invention of the system of singing tones c to a to the syllables "ut re mi fa sol la," which was devised to help the choir boys' training. It aimed at having the students learn gradually how to read and express music with accuracy (intervals, rhythms, signs of expression etc.) and aquire higher vocal techniques through singing to the syllables (do=ut, re mi fa sol la si) in the manner of "fixed do." 2. Basic course of musical education (in the 19th century). There were two schools of solfeggio in this second sense. One is that which developed in such countries as France, Belgium, Italy and Spain where the syllables do, re mi…were used as pitch names. Solfeggio here meant the basic course for all the musical students who were educated on the school system that started in the 19th century. The other was the method of Tonic Solfa which arose in England under the influence of Rousseau's philosophy of englightenment (France also found its forerunning study). It aimed at music education not for professional students but for the common people, employing the syllables do re mi…as syllable names in the manner of "movable do" and produced satisfactory results in the elementary education of music. 3. Basic education as well as higher professional trainings (in the 20th century). Today (in the 20th century) solfeggio tends to include not only the elementary course of music education but highly professional trainings such. as improvisation, score reading, sight reading etc. which inspire spontaneous and active musical urge. Above is what solfeggio has been and is generally in Europe, but the situation is a little different in the music education here. In this country the basic education is, in most cases, given by those teachers who give lessons in instrumental technique, not by teachers of solfeggio. This system, as the students gain proficiency in performing technique, discloses something inadequate. I have grouped the defects involved in such Japanese conventional system roughly into five classes and examined their respective problems with reference to solfeggio education in Europe.

著者

片山 千佳子

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.1-27, 1983

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Ce bref expose a pour but de montrer comment Claude Ptolemee a cherche a etablir, dans le premier Livre de son Harmonique, la correspondance entre l'ordre rationel des rapports numeriques et l'ordre hierarchique des intervalles musicaux capte par le sens auditif. En ce qui concerne l'ordre rationel, Ptolemee a examine en premier temps les principes de la theorie pythagoricienne, laquelle etait intrinsequement liee a la construction mathematique de la gamme dite pythagoricienne basee sur la soustraction alternative de la quinte et de la quarte. Dans cette theorie, le classement des rapports numeriques en trois groupes etait primordial: il s'agissait du rapport multiple [n:1, n&ge;2], du rapport epimore [(n+1):n, n&ge;2] et des autres. On determinait les intervalles consonants en fonction de leur appartenance soit au groupe du multiple soit a celui de l'epimore. Comme nous l'indique la Division du canon attribuee a Euclide, cette theorie etait bien fondee du point de vue mathematique, mais pourtant elle n'etait pas exempte de faiblesses. Le procede de la soustraction alternative de la quinte et de la quarte ne pouvant qu'aboutir a la formation de la gamme pythagoricienne, cette theorie se trouvait insuffisante devant la diversity des divisions du tetracorde grec, de plus en plus recherchee pourtant des la fin du V^<eme> siecle av. J.-C. dans la pratique musicale. De plus, le classement des rapports numeriques ne constituait aucunement la condition necessaire et suffisante a la definition de la consonance. C'est pourquoi Ptolemee a tache de reorganiser l'ordre des rapports numeriques pour en faire le langage decrivant de maniere adequate le systeme musical grec dans toute sa complexity. Il situe d'abord l'egalite (1:1) en tete de la serie des rapports suivant la speculation numerique des Pythagoriciens, et ensuite etablit, en effectuant la division harmonique a partir du rapport double (2:1), une serie de rapports epimores dont les termes prennent progressivement les deux nombres naturels consecutifs comme 3:2, 4:3, 5:4, etc. Ptolemee divise d'autre part les intervalles en trois categories, c'est-a-dire les homophonoi (l'octave et ses multiples), les symphonoi (la quinte et la quarte) et les emmeles (d'autres intervalles composants du systeme musical a l'interieur du tetracorde). Mais cette fois, c'est le sens auditif qui sert de base a cette distinction. Or, la serie des rapports prenant l'egalite pour point de depart realise en elle l'ordre hierarchique des intervalles musicaux: l'unisson (1:1) prend la tete de la serie, et l'octave (2:1) se divise en quinte (3:2) et quarte (4:3); ensuite se succedent les autres intervalles qui deviennent de mois en moins consonants. La hierarchie des rapports et des intervalles ainsi etablie, il suffit, pour Ptolemee, de proceder aux divisions du tetracorde conformement au sens musical, en choisissant les intervalles les plus consonants possibles, ceux qui satisferont les conditions necessaires a la formation de chaque genos. C'est ainsi que l'ordre des nombres se revele coincider parfaitement avec celui des choses sensibles. Neanmoins, on a besoin de comparer, grace a un instrument pouvant compenser l'imperfection du sens auditif, ce que la perception nous a presents de maniere vague, avec l'ordre rationel realise sur cet instrument. Pour Ptolemee, le canon harmonique est done plus qu'un simple instrument de mesure; on peut dire que le canon joue un role epistemologique dans l'ensemble de sa theorie mathematique consernant les intervalles musicaux.

著者

西原 稔

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.29-53, 1983

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Aufklarung erzeugte Asthetik. Diese Abhandlung betrachtet die Einflusse der Aufklarung, besonders Gedanken der Leibniz-Wolff-Schule auf die Entstehung der modernen Musikasthetik. Den musikalischen Theoretikern der Aufklarung, darunter wir J. A. Scheibe, J. Mattheson, Ch. G. Krause, J. A. Hiller, F. W. Marpurg, J. G. Sulzer, J. N. Forkel usw., die um 1730 bis 1790 tatig sind, nennen konnen, ist es gemeinsam, Musik im Zusammenhang mit gesamten menschlichen Tatigkeiten zu betrachten. Damit wird Musik nicht nur als technisches Problem, sondern im Zusammenhang mit Ethik, Religion, Schonheit und Wahrheit als Symbol der Vollkommenheit und Proportion diskutiert. Diese Aufgaben der Aufklarung wurden von J. A. Scheibe aus Leipzig zum erstenmal bestimmt. Scheibe ist, wie J. Birke sagt, der erste, der philosophische Methoden und Begriffe auf Musik anwandte. Man kann sagen, daβ Musikasthetik der Aufklarung zwei Hauptaufgaben hat. Erstens die Erweckung der innerlichen, empfindlichen subjektiven Momente, die die schopferische Einbildungskraft frei machen. Zweitens der Anspruch auf die allgemeingultigen, objektiven Momente, durch die wir Musik samt der schonen Kunste als "edle Wissenschaft" setzen und sie unter der ewigen Weltweisheit betrachten konnen. Eine Reihe von Problemen der Aufklarung, z. B. Naturnachahmung, Ausdruck, Einbildungskraft, Erfindung usw., werden durch die obenerwahnten zwei Momente theoretisiert. Man kann sagen, daβ Musikasthetik als Logik der musikalischen Empfindung bestimmt wird, und erstmals ihre eigene Grundlage als autonome Wissenschaft durch die Aufklarung findet. Das damalige musikalische Denken, das auf Ratio oder Logik der Empfindung zielt, verwirklicht sich konkret im Bereich der Melodielehre und Rhythmuslehre. Diese zwei Facher tragen verschiedene Probleme der Aufklarung. In der Melodielehre, darunter J. A. Scheibe und besonders J. Mattheson, der stolz der erste Melodie-Theoretiker ist, eine wichtige Rolle spielen, sind Hauptaufgaben der innere und freie Ausdruck und die Invention oder Erfindung, die den Hauptsatz der Komposition bestimmen. Dagegen zielt die Rhythmuslehre, die J. G. Sulzer entwickelt, auf reine Konstruktion der Tone durch Empfindung.

著者

若桑 みどり

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.49-95, 1979

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1. Secondo il Panofsky, tutte le culture umanistiche hanno dei modi propri di misurare lo spazio avendo come modello corpo umano. Gli antichi greci credevano che il corpo umano fosse perfettamente simmetrico, quindi perno-base dell'universo fatto dagli Dei di cui conserva l'impronta divina. Secondo il nostro storico, gli antichi egiziani usarono un modulo assolutamente super-umano, incontrastato percio con quello greco, per cui crearono un sistema schematico e astratto. L'arte medioevale dominata anche essa da un imponente sistema dogmatico dentro il quale l'esistenza dell'uomo rivesti un secondario significato, assunse a modello di misura dello spazio universale immaginata da Dio simile alla sua grandezza divina. Noi potremmo indovinare una certa e pertanto simile alienazione dell' uomo dentro lo spazio ultra-umano nella cultura moderna, dove l'individuo e ridotto ad essere un minimo elemento non-essenziale. Quindi, si osserva che ci sono due tipi di concetto dello spazio nella storia d'arte; e quello che definisce lo spazio secondo il sistema assoluto e trascendente, l'altro e quello che misura lo spazio proprio in rapporto alla figura umana. 2. Indubbiamente noi troviamo un esempio del secondo concetto nella cultura dell'antica Grecia e di Roma e poi del Rinascimento italiano. L'origine di quel concetto risale al famoso "Canone" di Policleto che, secondo il Galeno, trovo la proporzione piu bella nel corpo giovanile e la fisso come otto teste. Seguendo l'esempio dei greci, il Vitruvio scrisse "Dieci Libri sull'architettura," opera che apriva la lunga storia della poetica architettonica che ci tramanda gli insegnamenti universalmente validi fino ad oggi; A, La bellezza esiste nella simmetria, cioe nell'armonia fra le parti e fra una parte e il totale. B, La simmetria perfetta si trova proprio nel corpo umano dove la proporzione fra le membra corrispondono a un sistema ideale. Qindi si puo rilevare tali belle proporzioni del corpo umano e si puo applicarle all'architettura. C, La forma della figura umana va rinchiusa in un cerchio che e la forma geometrica piu completa. Secondo il Vitruvio il corpo umano e raffigurato in um cerchio il cui centro e sull'ombelico. Questa tesi coincide con la teoria del cerchio di Platone che, nel "Timeo," lo definisce la forma geometrica piu completa e originaria perche corrisponde graficamente al moto ed alla forma dell'assoluto. Potremmo vedere qui la corrispondenza fra due cosmi, l'uno "Macro," I'altro "Micro", che riflette il modo di contemplare il mondo intero come espressione dell'armonia universale. 3. La tradizione vitruviana si risveglia dopo un ben lungo sonno durante il Medio-Evo, nel 1416, quando il manoscritto dei "Dieci Libri" fu ritrovato in un monastero, fu data nuova vita dal Leon Battista Alberti nel suo trattato dell'architettura. Questo grande umanista ripete, quasi letteralmente, la teoria della simmetria del corpo umano, e quindi dell'architettura e dell'unverso. Dopo l'Alberti, lunga e la serie dei teorici italiani, tra gli altri Filarete, Leonardo, Durer, Raffaello, Castiglione, Bramante, Vincenzo Scamozzi, Daniele Barbaro e Giorgio Vasari che hanno operato secondo gli insegnamenti vitruviani. Rispettosi della grande tradizione vitruvio-albertiana, che portavano a quello che chiamerei il culto della bellezza fisica umana, gli artisti rinascimentali idealizzarono lo spazio e misurarono il loro spazio alla luce della misura del corpo umano innalzata a modello fondamentale. 4. L'ultima fase di sopravvivenza della teoria ossia il periodo da dopo Michelangelo fino a Federico Zuccaro, la potrei chiamare anche l'ultima fase del Rinascimento ovvero la fase piu alta nell'arco della tradizione umanistica. In quel periodo l'idea dello spazio antropomorfizzato raggiunse al suo acme. Gli architetti nelle loro creazioni non solo imitarono la figura umana ma anche immaginarono le citta adattabili al modello umano. Gli esempi sono molti nel cinquecento, noi vediano molti progetti delle citta utopistiche, dove potremmo vedere nella sua piu completa realizzazione pratica la teoria della corrispondenza fra macro e micro cosmo. E da notare che in questi nuclei urbani utopistici abbiano pure una forma centralizzata, pari allo schema geometrico dell'uomo e dell'universo. E indubbia l'influenza della filosofia neo-platonica di Marsilio o di Pico della Mirandola che posero l'uomo al centre dell'universo concepito circolarmente. 5. All'inizio del nostro secolo, alcuni architetti progressisti presentendo il pericolo che rappresenta l'architettura moderna la societa industriale dove l'esistenza dell'uomo non e di primo piano piu, e denunciarono l'assenza dello spazio umanitico nella vita urbanistica, si rifecero all'antica teoria vitruviana dello spazio. Uno di loro, Le Corbusier, progetto come i cinquecentisti, una nuova citta ideale secondo misura umanistica che e basata appunto sullo corpo unano. Infine, non sarebbe inutile qui rifarci a questa tradizione antichissima per dar valore di nuovo alla relazione piu umana fra l'uomo e il mondo nostro, ormai diventato un vasto meccanismo impersonale.

著者

若桑 みどり

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.A1-A25, 1976

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Since Vasari published his first book of history of art entitled "The most eminent painters, sculptors and architects." offering us a kind of list of remarkable masters it has been usual with us to discuss history of art in connection with some individual names, names of important artists and of big schools formed in their orbits. Whereas history of art is, as we know, filled with so many works of art which bear no name of their makers. Historians label them as "Opere di Bottega" or products of the workshop and give them, as the general rule, no higher rank than the peripheral one off the main currents of history of artistic creation. My proposal is that they should be rehabilitated as essential and basic "opere " of human creation which make a distinct contrast with the works by great masters, the so-called masterpieces. It is exactly what made me try to define the spirit of "Bottega". First of all, let me say, the spirit of bottega consisted in collaboration and collaboration was the source of the immanent nature of the works produced there. Second, this collaboration did not mean division of labour to facilitate mass-production but aimed principally at producing works of art, each round and perfect in itself. Third, bottega had its life in inheritance through generations not only of such materials as the workshop itself, its customers, tools and instruments but of the intellectual and technical tradition which formed the true secrets of bottega and in this lay the essence of bottega's educational function. Fourth, since bottega moved from place to place, its undertakings closely associated with the local customers' demand, both locality and itinerant character became the representative characteristics of bottega. The last but no less significant character of the works of bottega may be found in their anonymity: neither collaboration or inheritance from the predecessors, sometimes a couple centuries before, required the label of an individual name. Furthermore it was natural that the perishable quality of the works of bottega, which were no more than daily commodities, should have denied their makers immortality as did the so-called masterpieces enjoy thanks to their monumentality. Having little traces of individual makers, no striking originality, the works of bottega assert themselves rather in their homogeneity. In this article the author's primary concern is about the sameness of works of art, not about their differences. We can hardly refer to individual names, when we talk about history of art, excepting art of these four centuries from the fifteenth down. And in future either we will not be able to grasp the total significance of artistic activities without considering the entire lot of anonymous products.

著者

田辺 史郎

出版者

東京芸術大学音楽学部

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.p1-14, 1986

著者

柴田 睦陸

出版者

東京芸術大学音楽学部

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.p25-66, 1979

著者

斎藤 一郎

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.p1-39, 1981

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Edmond et Jules de Goncourt se croyaient eux-memes les premiers initiateurs de la japonaiserie en France. C'est en effet en 1851 qu'ils decrivirent "une fort belle japonaiserie" dans leur premier roman: ≪En 18...≫. Mais nous ne pouvons nous empecher d'affirmer que leur gout pour le Japon etait tout au commencement souvent melange de chinoiserie et qu'il en resta toujours au simple bibelotage. D'ailleurs, Stendhal avait ecrit dans "Le Rouge et le Noir" un chapitre intitule "Le Vase du Japon", ou Julien faisait "tomber ce vieux vase de porcelaine bleu, laid au possible", que Madame de la Mole admirait. "C'etait du vieux japon, disait-elle, un present des Hollandais au duc d'Orleans regent qui l'avait donne a sa fille..." Sans doute, en comparaison d'autres collectionneurs, le gout et la jouissance des Goncourt devant les objets d'art japonais etonnent-ils aujourd'hui meme les Japonais, mais leur decouverte, nous permettons-nous de dire, se limitait aux petits objets de curiosite exotiques de l'Extreme-Orient, alors que des 1855, Felix Bracquemond emerveille de l'originalite des "Hokusai manga", dont certaines feuilles avaient ete utilisees comme emballages de porcelaines envoyees de l'Extreme-Orient, les emportait partout et en vantait l'ingeniosite des dessins a ses amis, Degas, Legros et Whistler. D'ailleurs, Claude Monet lui aussi jouissait de l'honneur d'avoir le premier decouvert l'art japonais: il avait trouve avant 1870 la premiere estampe japonaise dans un paquet chez un epicier hollandais. C'est seulement en 1866 que les freres Goncourt creerent, dans leur roman "Manette Salomon" un heros-peintre qui utilise pour son ceuvre propre les lecons tiree de l'etude de la couleur dans les estampes japonaises. Pourtant, un an auparavant, en 1865, Manet avait deja cause au Salon un grand scandale avec son "Olympia", indiscutablement influencee par la composition simplifiee et les couleurs eclatantes des impressions japonaises. Ainsi doit-on affirmer que c'est toujours apres les artistes que les Goncourt firent mention de leurs decouvertes techniques a l'egard de l'art japonais. Est-ce apres Bracquemont, c'est-a-dire presque plus de vingt ans apres la fabrication de ses assiettes avec les dessins d'apres Hokusai qu'Edmond de Goncourt celebra dans son ≪Journal≫ du 19 avril 1884, "le decor jete de cote sur la chose, le decor non symetrique", contre la religion de l'art grec? Nous sommes cependant tout prets a admirer la sensibilite visuelle des freres Goncourt: par exemple Edmond appreciait au juste certains surimonos, "qui ne sont que des compartiments de couleur juxtaposes harmonieusement et qui contiennent un morceau de bleu sur lequel sont jetes de petits carres d'or, un morceau de jaune ou sont graves en creux des tiges de pins au milieu de nuage, etc..." (Journal du 23 juillet 1888) Nous estimons aussi bien son style de description qui choie et dorlote la surface des objets, ce style incontestablement issu de son oeil d'amateur d'objets d'art. Mais enfin, nous ne croyons malheureusement pas qu'Edmond de Goncourt ait pu nourrir sa litterature de son japonisme. C'est, d'une aprt, a cause d'un probleme de langage: sa lecture de la litterature japonaise etait bornee a une ou deux traductions et d'autre part, c'est a cause de sa conviction obstinee pour le realisme, pour "la recherche du vrai en litterature": qu'il aurait du trouver la litterature japonaise, par exemple l'oeuvre de Tamenaga Shunsui, tres naive et imparfaite, quoiqu'il admirat le pathetique de certains heros et la delicatesse d'une jeune heroine amoureuse. A nos yeux, Edmond de Goncourt parait donc tout au plus, apres la mort de son frere, comme un amateur d'art japonais, qui fit d'ailleurs beacoup pour sa propagation. "La litterature, ecrit Edmond, c'est ma femme legitime, les bibelots, c'est ma p..., mais pour entretenir cette derniere, jamais, au grand jamais, ma femme legitime n'en souffrira." Les bibelots japonais demeurerent toujours sa predilection, et il acheta, par exemple en 1884, 2,000 franc l'ecritoire de Korin, escomptant le succes de ≪Cherie.≫ Et un jour, Tadamasa Hayashi, grand commercant japonais qui aurait vendu 15 millions d'impressions japonaises en 11 ans et etait vraiment un bon guide sur le Japon aupres d'Edmond de Goncourt, tira alors qu'il etait en train de visiter la collection de celui-ci, un yatate, ecritoire de poche, d'un tiroir. Alors, Edmond vit "ses doigts pris d'un tremblement religieux, comme s'ils touchaient une relique", et il entendit le Japonais lui dire d'une voix emotionnee: "Vous savez, vous possedez la une chose tres curieuse.... Une chose fabriquee par un des quarante-sept ronins!" Ce petit objet avait ete fabrique par un vassal du prince Akao, "par un de ces quarante-sept heros qui se vouerent a la mort pour venger leur seigneur et maitre." Hayashi lui traduisit l'inscription sur le fond du sceau de l'ecritoire: Sculpte par Otaka Nobukiyo, sujet du prince Akao, en 1683, a la fin du printemps. Edmond, qui avait deja lu Les Fideles Ronins, roman de Tamenaga Shunsui, traduit sur la version anglaise, et The Forty-Seven Ronins dans Tales of old Japan, par A.-B. Mitfort, trouvait dans cette histoire "de certaines qualites litteraires tres remarquables", et il en avait cite plusieurs anecdotes dans son Journal. Il eprouva un grand desir de faire connaissance avec la personne de son "artiste-heros", par un portrait, une figuration. Et Hayashi lui designa dans un album de Kuniyoshi, Sei Tu Guishi Den le portrait d'Otaka Gengo. Il traduisit encore le texte de la biographie au-dessus de la figure du guerrier, et Edmond en rejouit d'une phrase: Afin de se renseiquer D'ailleurs, Kuniyoshi, longtemps considere comme un artiste de seconde classe au Japon, avait trouve ses plus grands admirateurs en France. Peut-etre influence par Hayashi, Edmond de Goncourt declarait que son arriste de predilection etait Utamaro, mais il avait dans sa collections l'album de Kuniyoshi, dont cependant il ne parla jamais dans ses livres. Et ce n'est que tut recemment que l'on commence a reestimer Kuniyoshi au Japan. le mieux possible des habitudes de son ennemi, il se deguisa en marchand d'objets de bambou. En effet, Le petit ecritoire etait fabrique de deux morceaux de bambou.

著者

岸本 宏子

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.63-81, 1985

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The purpose of this study is to conduct a quantitative survey of the Italian secular vocal music in order to verify what was formal musical standard during the 16th and 17th centuries. This study is based upon an examination of three representative bibliographic tools of the field, Vogel, Il Nuovo Vogel and RISM, which are lists of printed music of the genre of the time. The historical developments are discussed according to the statistics on the number of voices and terms used, denoting any stylistic or formal meaning cited in the titles of collections listed in these three tools. The present study consists of three sections, Introduction, Main Text and Conclusion. The introduction mentions the difficult situation of Japanese scholars living in Japan and doing source study on European music, while located far from the Western World. However, recent bibliographic research projects, some of which have been international, have changed the situation so that today it has become possible with some limitations and reservations, for Japanese scholars to contribute to source study in many fields. The author's intention here is to present the possibility of a kind of source study, which can be done without using original materials. In the main part all known prints of the genre in existence, totaling 3,412 of which 2,312 are either the first edition or the earliest known edition, are examined statistically, using 11 tables and several supplementary tables and lists. The 11 tables are as follows: 1. Number of all prints between 1500 and 1700, total and subtotals for every 10 years 2. Number of first editions, total and subtotals for every 10 years 3. Number of reprints, total and subtotals for every 10 years. 4. Number of voices used in all prints, total and subtotals for every 10 years 5. Number of voices used in first editions, total and subtotals for every 10 years 6. Number of voices used in reprints, total and subtotals for every 10 years 7. Number of the 12 most frequently used terms denoting form or style in all prints, total and subtotals for every 10 years 8. Number of the 12 most frequently used terms denoting form or style in first editions, total and subtotals for every 10 years 9. Another presentation of table 7 10. Another presentation of table 8 11. Comparison of "madrigale" and "cantata" Following the first three tables, which show the changes in the number of music printed, Tables 4 through 6 are presented to examine stylistic characteristics of the music of the time according to the number of voices used. The last five tables are presented to show the changes in musical form and/or style according to the terms used in the titles. In the last part of this study it is concluded that the peak of music printing came in the second half of the 16th century, with its climax occurring between 1580 and 1610. The standard number of voices was five, followed by four-part writing in the second place. As for the musical form/style, the changes are clear. In the first generation of music printing, an enumeration of poetical forms in a given print of music is the common type of title, showing the close relationship between literary structure and music. The study also proves that no specific musical form or forms were dominant during the first two decades of the 16th century. After a decade of silence in music publishing came the golden age of music publishing, which was also the golden age for the madrigal. Around the turn of that century vague terms, such as "musiche" and "scherzi", became conspicuous, proving that forms like the madrigal and its related forms were no longer standard, but the new forms, too, were not yet standard. Towards the end of the 17th century, the term "cantata" became dominant, very scarce in actual number, but very dense in proportion to other forms. As far as the printed sources are concerned, it was thus proved that the Italian secular vocal music between 1500 and 1700 reached its climax in the late 16th century in the field of the five-voice madrigal, when both the composition of madrigals and the publication of music attained their peak.

著者

有賀 誠門

出版者

東京芸術大学

雑誌

東京芸術大学音楽学部年誌 (ISSN:02872048)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.75-101, 1981

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Through the many years of my work with the orchestra, I noticed that there is a difference between the musical rhythm and sound of the Japanese performers and those of Western performers. It seems to me that this derives from the difference in the climate, the life styls and the way of thinking between both peoples. It is true that there are not a few performers who are aware of this difference, but a performer in the true sense of the word has not only to be conscious of the difference as mere knowledge, but to pursue it profoundly and have a keen interest or insight into the sense that a performer should always have about rhythm and sound. In this essay I shall discuss this subject from the point of view of a percussion player……from the "conception for striking," which I have always felt and practised. Thinking about the "everyday moments" which music has, I compared them with the mechanism of those of ordinary life, for instance, especially with the mechanism of walking based upon the movement 1:2. From this emerges the conceptional idea of "above" and "below". We often become aware of various phenomena which "are" or "happen" in the world. A common point drawn from these phenomena is a "point of contact." I keep my eye and mind on this point. The conceptional idea of "above" and "below" arises from this boundary, the point of contact. This idea can be applied to everything. In this essay I shall focus on the internal movement, or the movement of consciousness, while I show in graphic form the external movement of striking.