4 0 0 0 OA 演奏の現象学

著者
宮内 勝
出版者
東京藝術大学音楽学部
雑誌
東京藝術大学音楽学部紀要 (ISSN:09148787)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.34, pp.157-172, 2008
著者
服部 洋一
出版者
東京芸術大学
雑誌
東京藝術大学音楽学部紀要 (ISSN:09148787)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.21, pp.63-91, 1995

Composer Frederic (Federico) Mompou (1893-1987) searched throughout his life for ways to express his own musical ideals and sensibilities. This paper examines his attitude toward this search, and also analyzes changes in his means of musical expression as shown in his songs. From 1914 to 1915, Mompou was greatly concerned with the problem of finding his own means of musical expression. He wrote a report entitled "Estudi del sentiment per a l'interpretacio al piano," in which he reconsidered and reanalyzed traditional musical terms. From this, we can see that his search for his own musical language began while he was still young; this search continued throughout Mompou's career, not only in his piano works, but also in his vocal works. In order to analyze the changes in musical language in Mompou's vocal works, the following songs were selected: L'hora grisa (1915) from his early period; Cortina de fullatge (1925) and Canconeta incerta (1926) from his middle period; Damunt de tu nemes les flors and Aquesta nit un mateix vent (from the suite Combat del Somni; 1942-51) for his mature period; and finally La fausse morte (from the suite Cine chansons sur les poemes de Paul Valery; 1973) for his later years. Through this analysis the following characteristics have been shown: In his early and middle periods: (1) Mompou avoided conventional stability by using an "ambiguous tonality" which although diatonic is neither major nor minor (even when a mode is used, cadences do not have traditional chords); (2) he tended to avoid definiteness through using parallel dominant chord progressions; (3) he used the major second interval as a standard device to express anguish or pain in the song text. In his middle and mature periods, in addition to the above techniques: (4) Mompou used "two-storied chords" (an invented term meaning a kind of compound chord made from two adjoining chords) with increasing frequency and effectiveness; (5) his work came to show a characteristic sense of cadence through the use of 3rd inversion chords. All of these characteristics give a particular color to Mompou's songs, distinguishing him from other Spanish composers in the 20th century. In his later years, Mompou adopted Messiaen's "2nd mode" in his vocal work La fausse morte. But this fact is closely related to his use of parallel dominant chord progressions in his earlier works. Mompou's adoption of this mode for his own expressive purposes should be seen to reflect his interest in the use of diminished chords for their dominant function, and the fact that the combination of tones in Messiaen's 2nd mode give a richness in melody which satisfied Mompou's sense of sound in his later years.
著者
宮内 勝
出版者
東京芸術大学
雑誌
東京藝術大学音楽学部紀要 (ISSN:09148787)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.A25-A50, 1990

Few problems in the music world seem to have been, of late, more frequently discussed than those of contemporary music. Although the radical changes and the resulting unprecedented styles of contemporary music often cause us bewilderment and dismay, they do have something to disclose in their own way. Meanwhile we have already come down to the last decade of this century, which begins to enable us to stop and think about what has happened to music and understand it as it is. To have a clearer insight into this problem, we need to look back to the history of western music as a whole. H. Zenck and H. H. Eggebrecht insist that there are two mutually exclusive principles involved: numerus or the Pythagorean principle, on the one hand and affectus or the Muses', on the other. These dual principles imply that a crack runs through the very heart of western music and its history, which has manifested itself in the long-discussed problem of "form and content", and which has now proved to be of secondary importance. It is secondary because the "numerus and affectus" themselves are not so much principles now as what is to come later. The very principle of these old "principles" is the metaphysics of music: the belief that what is impenetrable to us, what cannot be heard, really exists behind what is heard. The beginning of this metaphysics, as we all know, goes back to the Pytagorean idea of music. It may not be too much to say that it was born from music. A retrospective research will show us that they, philosophical and musical metaphysics, come hand in hand down to us through history, only to find themselves about to collapse in our century. The strange way in which contemporary music presents itself comes from its desperate attempts to break through the frame of musical metaphysics. It no longer allows anything to be "behind its back"; there is nothing at all but can be heard in the music. This music, according to J. Cage, has become only something to be heard. This is a turning away not only from the metaphysics of music but from the traditional concept of truth, as well. In the old metaphysics only reason is believed to lead us to the truth, while the senses nowhere; the latter is thought to be unreliable, giving us nothing but illusions. But no longer do we have to doubt our senses so long as the truth comes to lie not in what hides itself but in what manifests itself. This is, so to speak, the phenomenological turn of music from metaphysics. However, this phenomenological turn of music should not be regarded as merely getting rid of the old metaphysics; it appears that it is throwing open the door to another kind of metaphysics to come: the pre-transcendental metaphysics of music. The music we hear has already been constituted as a sound-object by the intentional acts of consciousness, which leads us to the inevitable question: what is music before being constituted as an object? To this question we approach by way of the communication of music. The music in this sense is of course not what can be heard or perceived, but what should make it possible for us to hear. It might be thought to be a silent calling or a over-whelming force that no one could resist nor turn away from, which we call here "pre-transcendental affectus". This "affectus" is not a psychological phenomenon we experience every day nor even an aesthetical one, but a preceding ethical demand from "the outside" that disguises itself and emerges in the light of consciousness in the shape of pleasing and touching sounds of music. In every way of the communication in music lies hidden the fundamental silent demand of "music" and "our" silent response.
著者
小岩 信治
出版者
東京芸術大学
雑誌
東京藝術大学音楽学部紀要 (ISSN:09148787)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, pp.A1-A16, 2003

The Piano Concerto in A-Minor opus 85 by Johann Nepomuk Hummel (1778-1837) belongs to the most successful works of this early romantic pianist. Composed in the late 1810s, performed throughout in Europe by Hummel himself, it soon became acknowledged as a masterpiece in this genre, which every young pianist should learn not only as one of their first performing pieces, but also as a guide for composition of their own piano concertos. Given this background it is understandable why the piano concertos of Frederic Chopin (1810-1849), for instance, sound remarkably similar to Hummel's A-Minor Concerto. Post mid-19th century, however, Hummel's opus 85 played an increasingly marginal role in the history of the piano concerto, particularly at public orchestral concerts, where new and symphonic piano concertos began to enjoy popularity. On the other hand, the value of this work as teaching model was never forgotten. At the conservatory in Leipzig, at that time one of the most influential institutions in Europe, it was still in great demand as one of the piano concertos that students should play at their first public performance. Koda Nobu (幸田延), who studied in Vienna from 1890-95, observed the obvious role of Hummel's piece in musical life: piano concerto for debut pianists. And afterwards, as professor of the Tokyo Academy of Music (東京音楽学校), sne introduced it as such. She selected it for the first documented performance of a piano concerto at the institution in 1901, with a second piano as accompaniment. For her first piano concerto performance with a full orchestra (1908) it was again selected. Furthermore it became tradition at the Tokyo academy for her students and their students to play it during (and particularly at the end of) their study. This lasted into the 1920s. It stands to reason that the custom of making students play Hummel's concerto resulted from the efforts of Koda and other European (particular German) guest professors at the academy in this period, who took it upon themselves to import European music culture as a whole. The establishment of this custom was evidence that their attempt succeeded. However, their endeavour and success was overlooked in the following decades, as Hummel's work was gradually perceived as out of date and old-fashioned, even among conservatories in Europe and Tokyo. This signified an end to the historical role of Hummel's Concerto in musical life. Although today's concertgoers do not know this piece, or even the name of Hummel, the performance history of his Concerto in A-Minor reflects the history of piano education. It is a piano concerto for debut performance, which transcended its time and geographical boundaries.
著者
斎藤 一郎
出版者
東京芸術大学
雑誌
東京藝術大学音楽学部紀要 (ISSN:09148787)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, pp.23-45, 1998

Telles sont les Parisiennes, au debut du 19^<eme> siecle, qu'elles font beaucoup parler d'elles. Napoleon et Balzac mettent en avant leur "bonte naturelle, desinteressee", celle qui suscite "tous les devouements calins, tous les heroismes, toutes les servitudes sublimes". Elles ont alors une ame naive et tombent facilement en folie d'amour. Le caractere qu'elles acquierent des le Second Empire, et conservent aujourd'hui, leur permet de repandre autour d'elles cette atmosphere propre aux quartiers animes d'un Paris decadent ou a a son apogee, en meme temps que leur inquietant parfum de sensualite. Un petit air de mepris, parfois, semble alterer le visage de ces femmes si gracieuses. Peu avant la seconde guerre mondiale, la Parisienne qui parait devant Pepe le Moko, au Maroc, reste enveloppee de l'odeur du metro de Paris. Vers la fin du 20^<eme> siecle, les Parisiennes, celibataires, liberees, peuvent gagner leur vie beaucoup mieux que les hommes. Elles ont un appartement, une voiture, des amants et, parfois, des enfants. Fringantes, elles ont trente-cinq ans et s'appellent "solos". La Parisienne du Second Empire nait dans le cloaque, sur le pave couvert de boue. Pour la sortir de la fange, il faut, bien sur, la puissance de la bourgeoisie, des nantis pleins de vitalite. L'eucation d'une Parisienne requiert un entourage de vrais Parisiens. Paul Perret, dans son ouvrage intitule La Parisienne (1868), et Pierre de Lano, dans L'amour a Paris sous le Second Empire (1896), recourent a toute leur erudition pour nous presenter le portrait de la vraie Parisienne. Quant aux Goncourt, c'est en 1864 qu'ils publient l'histoire d'une nouvelle Parisienne ideale, Renee Mauperin. Ce qui fait la Parisienne, selon Paul Perret, c'est la mode. Et la mode est, par exemple, a l'hydrotherapie. L'unique traitement, pour les syphilitiques, consiste alors a leur administrer des douches froides. Aussi les bains de mer et de riviere attirent-ils nageurs et nageuses. Quand Renee Mauperin fait son apparition, des le debut du roman, c'est dans l'eau de la Seine, avec un compagnon. La mode exercait son influence non seulement sur la toilette, la coiffure, le gout, mais aussi sur les idees, la sensibitlite: la soeur atnee de Renee est l'incarnation meme de la Parisienne, creature legere, superficielle. Pierre de Lano, dans le chapitre Femmes d'hier, femmes d'aujourd'hui, demontre toutefois que le merite de la Parisienne du Second Empire est de savoir seduire par son education et par sa culture, et cela grace a une faculte qui est celle de l'harmonisation, -dont semblent depourvues, a present, ses descendantes. L'heroine des Goncourt, "a l'avant-garde du temps", est du reste une excentrique. Aussi spontanee, primesautiere que la femme ancienne etait timide ou reservee. Tout en se baignant dans la Seine, pres de Saint-Denis, Renee fait preuve d'une lucidite qui doit sans doute beaucoup a celle des Goncourt. Toujours est-il qu'elle observe le spectacle des deux rives, ou se melent la campagne, le faubourg et la banlieue, "ces paysages parisiens sales et rayonnants, miserables et gais, populaires et vivants, ou la Nature passe ca et la, entre la batisse, le travail et l'industrie, comme un brin d'herbe entre les doigts d'un homme". Ce genre de femme ne se rencontre pas dans les autres romans de l'epoque. "On lui demande des impressions, des expressions personnelles. Elle peut parler, elle doit parler de tout. C'est passe dans les mceurs. Elle n'est plus tenue de jouer l'ingenuite, mais l'intelligence originale.", dit un ami de la famille au frere de Renee. "C'est une nature elevee, libre, tres blagueuse et tres tendre... Au fond, c'est une melancolique tintamarresque...". Cette alliance de mots resume les etats d'ame de la jeunesse bourgeoise, repliee sur elle-meme et neanmoins exaltee. Le pere de Renee, Monsieur Mauperin, ancien officier de Napoleon, possede une raffinerie de sucre dans la banlieue parisienne. Etant devenu un des riches industriels du Second Empire, il a gate son dernier enfant, cette Renee qui, par consequent, a pris des allures d'independance avec de remarquables libertes de langage. Les Goncourt decrivent a merveille les milieux du grand monde, de la grande bourgeoisie parisienne, ou la Parisienne recoit une education appropriee. Le futur beau-perve d'Henri, frere de Renee, declare ceci: "J'ai ete liberal... Je le suis encore... je suis un soldat de la liberte... Je suis republicain de naissance... je suis pour tous les progres, moi! Mais une revolution centre l'argent, ce sera de la barbaric! Nous retournerons a la sauvagerie! Il faut de la justice... et du bon sens. Enfin, supposez-vous une societe sans propriete? (...) Ce que j'ai gagne durement, laborieusement, honnetement... ce qui est a moi, ce que j'ai acquis... l'heritage de mes enfants... mais c'est tout ce qu'il y a de plus sacre! Je regarde deja l'impot comme une atteinte a la propriete, moi." Henri, pour faire un riche mariage, usurpe le titre de noblesse d'une famille qu'il croit eteinte. Intransigeante sur l'honneur et desireuse d'empecher le mariage, sa sceur Renee previent le descendant de cette famille, lequel provoque Henri en duel et le tue. Accablee de remords, Renee deperit et succombe a une maladie de coeur. Ces deux morts seront suivies d'une troisieme, celle de la soeur de Renee, morte en couches. Tout le roman est empreint d'un implacable pessimisme. Ayant perdu leurs trois enfants, les Mauperin ont tout vendu et sont partis a l'etranger. "Ils semblent marcher devant eux, sans regarder et sans voir... Ils errent, ils tournent dans l'exil de la terre, fuyant des tombes et portant des morts, essayant de laisser leur douleur a la fatigue des chemins, tramant a tous les bouts du monde leur vie pour l'user." Tandis que les Parisiennes jouissaient des splendeurs de la capitale, d'autres etres quittaient pour toujours la ville de lumiere dans l'espoir d'oublier leurs chagrins. Nous y voila: telle est bien la vanite de tout ce que les bourgeois cherchent et ont cherche. Ici apparait le comble de la misere pour les Goncourt, eux qui n'ont jamais imagine de pouvoir quitter Paris.
著者
ギッツォーニ ルチアーナ
出版者
東京芸術大学
雑誌
東京藝術大学音楽学部紀要 (ISSN:09148787)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, pp.A1-A13, 1994

C.シーヴォリは1815年10月25日ジェノヴァに生まれた。5歳でヴァイオリンの稽古を始め12歳でデビュー、N.パガニーニに「私の弟子と呼べる唯ひとりの人」と言わせるほどの力量で、その直後、パリで当時17歳のリストと共演して注目を集めた。1836年から5年間カルロフェリーチェ劇場で第2ヴァイオリンの主席奏者を務めた後、1841年から46年にかけてヨーロッバ各地を廻り著名な音楽家たちと共演しながら精力的な活動を展開、行く先々で大成功を修め、パガニーニの芸術の後継者と目されるに至った。ライプツィヒ滞在中にはF.メンデルスゾーンから交友を求められ、後に≪ヴァイオリン協奏曲ホ短調≫のイギリス初演を依頼されている。オペラ・コミック劇場でパガニーニの≪ヴァイオリン協奏曲第2番ロ短調作品7≫演奏の際指揮をしたベルリオーズは、シーヴォリの「イントネーションの正確さ、音色の美しさ、弓のしなやかさ」に舌を巻き、「大胆かつ巧み、情熱的で勢いにあふれ、表現力が豊かで天賦の才に恵まれている」と絶賛している。アメリカへ渡ったのは1846年であった。ジャマイカで黄熱病に感染したものの一命をとりとめ、1850年まで北アメリカの67都市からキューバ、リマ、リオデジャネイロその他の地へ好評のうちに公演を続けた。さて室内楽の分野では既に1834年にロンドンにおいて弦楽四重奏の演奏でデビューを果たし、1845年から46年の間にはベートーヴェン四重奏団の一員として、彼の弦楽四重奏の全作品を網羅した初の完全演奏を行っていた。さらに良い共演者と知り合い様々な編成で活発な活動を繰り広げたのは1851年から53年のことである。その後、個人的な不幸に見舞われながらも音楽に邁進、数々の栄誉に輝いた。ナポレオン3世を筆頭に御前演奏もしばしばで、ローマでは非公式に教皇に謁見した。受勲は五指に余り、1868年にシーヴォリに捧げられた劇場は今もフィナレマリーナに見ることができる。G.ヴェルディとの交際は1875年に始まり、翌76年には≪弦楽四重奏曲ホ短調≫のパリ公演の演奏を依頼された。作曲にも意欲を示し、二つのヴァイオリン協奏曲、有名なオペラの主題による変奏曲等その数は50にのぼるが、現在残っているのは≪グノーのファウストの主題によるヴァイオリンとオーケストラの為の幻想曲≫のみである。1880年代になると、各公演が好評だったにもかかわらず彼特有の激しい生活は影をひそめた。しかし病床のガリバルディを音楽で慰めたり、1887年ロッシーニの遺体遷移式の際にG線上で≪モーゼの祈り≫を奏でるなど、演奏活動は衰えを知らなかった。1892年、生まれ故郷ジェノヴァで好評裡に終えた演奏会を最後に自ら引退を決意、以後自宅で親しい友人たちと音楽を楽しみつつ余生を送った。パリ旅行中に病に倒れジェノヴァへ戻ったシーヴォリは、甥たちの手厚い看護も空しく1894年2月19日朝、帰らぬ人となった。死の2カ月前の手紙には、「ベートーヴェンの≪おおサルターリス≫をヴァイオリン用に編曲し、全部のヴァイオリンの調子を合わせました。それをいつ使えるか、神様だけがごぞんじです」と記されている。生涯独身を通し、音楽に情熱を傾け尽くした一生だったと言えるだろう。