著者

杉村 伸二

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.33-65, 2016-06

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This paper attempts to situate the Liehou 列侯 of the Han era in the historical process following the Warring States period and to consider the actual situation of Liehou in the establishment of the political order during the foundation of the Han dynasty. The origin of the Liehou of the Han era were the Fengjun 封君 of the Warring States period. Fengjun were appointed as generals or ministers and were positioned at the center of politics in their own states. They were sometimes invited to other states to serve as generals or ministers there and had influence beyond the framework of a single state. Fengjun maintained firm positions as Zhuhou 諸侯 of the realm of All under Heaven and influenced the inter-state order together with Kings. With Qin's unification of All under Heaven, the inter-state order of the late Warring States period ceased to exist, and a commandery-county system was adopted instead. Therefore, Fengjun, who had existed as Liehou during the Warring States, were incorporated into the military-exploit ranks that were formed to establish order in the Qin state, and were transformed into the highest ranks, Liehou and Lunhou 倫侯. With the disappearance of the inter-state order, Fengjun that had had inter-state characteristics were transformed into Liehou, one of the Qin domestic ranks. After the death of the First Emperor and the downfall of the Qin empire, an inter-state order resembling that of the Warring States period was re-established. Fengjun with inter-state characteristics as in the Warring States period also re appeared, the inter-state order influenced by the Zhuhou was re-established in the land of All under Heaven. But, at the same time, the Liu Bang government adopted the Qin system and continuously appointed Hou 侯 based on military-exploit ranks. Thus, Fengjun as Zhuhou as in the Warring States period and Hou based on the military-exploits ranks co-existed. Liu Bang who was enthroned as Emperor Gaozu was also recommended by Zhuhou. Although Emperor Gaozu did not appoint Hou for a period after his enthronement, in the 12th month of the 6th year of his reign (201 B. C.), he appointed some members of his own clan as Zhuhouwang 諸侯王 and at the same time started to appoint retainers whose exploits were deserving as Hou. These appointments were to appoint deserving retainers, who had already been appointed as Liehou based on the military-exploit ranks, as Zhuhou. Thus, the Liehou of the Han era were instituted within in the twenty-rank system instituted in the Qin state but also had the characteristic of Zhuhou.

著者

山本 進

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.2, pp.241-272, 2016-09

著者

エリセエフ ヴァディム

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.4, pp.372-381, 1952-02-25

著者

多田 狷介

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.4, pp.160-183, 1968-03

著者

浜田 正美

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.p274-300, 1993-09

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.1-32, 2016-06

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Based on the Liye 里耶 Qin strips, there existed three districts (鄕) in Qianling 遷陵, which are thought to have been located along the You 酉 river. The number of households registered in this prefecture was a mere 150-200, and three groups constituted the population : immigrants who came during the Qin occupation, colonists before unification, and natives. Among the native populace, some groups may have submitted to the Qin authority while maintaining their old social order. They were likely to have been divided from other commoners, and separately registered as "new citizens" (新黔首). Moreover, it seems reasonable to suppose that there were groups of men who were not under the administrative control of the Qin. Although the registered households were very few, the prescribed number of officials in Qianling was over 100. In addition, about 1, 000 convicts and over 600 soldiers were stationed there. This fact indicates the existence of members of the populace who had not submitted to the Qin in this area. Qianling prefecture played a role as a bulwark against hostile peoples who would invade the Xiang 湘 river system through the You river. In this sense, Qianling was a prefecture on the frontier. There were several types of soldiers stationed in Qianling : including gengshu 更戍 (short-term soldiers conscripted by rotation), rongshu 冗戍 (long-term military volunteers), and fashu 罰戍 (criminals forced into military service). Certain tendencies concerning their hometowns and times of conscription can be seen for each type of soldier. For example, soldiers tended to be conscripted from Nan 南 commandery just after the unification, and fashu from "the region within the passes" (關中), or the relatively old territory in "the east of the passes" (關東), were also dispatched to Qianling. Later, around the 33rd year of the reign of the First Emperor, the year when the expedition to Lingnan 嶺南 started, gengshu from the region occupied just before the unification appeared in this prefecture. It was the Xianwei 縣尉, or the Prefectural Commandant, who took charge of these soldiers. As an official in charge of prefectural military administration, the Xianwei was somewhat independent from the civil administrative organization led by the Xianling 縣令, or Prefectural Director. It was the Xiaozhang 校長, or the Guard Commander, who led the troops as a subordinate of the Xianwei. Soldiers were organized into units of five or ten, and these units were commanded by a Dunzhang 敦長. In addition to this organization of the prefectural army, commanders who belonged directly to the commandery were stationed in the Qianling prefecture with their troops. It is thought that they were likely to have been outside the control of the Xianwei, so we can assume that the total scale of the garrisons in Qianling was larger than that of the prefectural army, which was composed of about 600 soldiers.

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.1-32, 2016-06

著者

重近 啓樹

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.3, pp.431-465, 1990-12-31

著者

西村 元佑

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.5, pp.423-445, 1953-09-30

著者

好並 隆司

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.211-242, 1976-09-30

著者

松井 嘉徳

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.3, pp.457-489, 2005-12

著者

森安 孝夫

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.3, pp.538-506, 2007-12

著者

加藤 博

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.3, pp.596-596, 1990-12-31

著者

植松 正

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.4, pp.297-325, 1972-03-30

著者

平松 明日香

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.2, pp.187-221, 2013-09

著者

平松 明日香

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.2, pp.187-221, 2013-09

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In this paper, the author surveys the organization, changes, and demise of the persistent regencies of empresses dowager throughout the Later Han era. In the first section, the author examines how the environment that allowed authority to be concentrated in the institution of the empress dowager was set up with a focus on the first half of the Later Han era. Once an empress dowager became regent, she maintained political power for most of her life, and had the authority to nominate a new emperor, and on certain occasions, even to dethrone an emperor. In addition, during the Later Han era, the number of clans that produced empresses became limited, an empress no longer needed to produce an heir herself, and the status of empresses stabilized. Furthermore, an empress dowager could assemble a coterie of close advisers, take advantage of the court council, and was thus also able to punish maternal relative of the emperor. Through the first half of the Later Han era, an environment was set up in such a way that once an empress dowager, who had come from the clan of a meritorious retainer, became regent, she could then stay at the center of political power for a lengthy period of time. Then, in the second section, the author investigates the process of change in the actual conditions of the regency of empresses dowager during the middle period of the Later Han era. The rise of the eunuch faction as a political force was caused mainly by the existence of multiple of centers of power at court after the enthronement of Emperor An, such as the Deng, Geng, and Yan clans, rather than by the female regency. In such circumstances, the political power of eunuchs and nurses was sought after. Moreover, Empress Dowager Yan gave the eunuchs more important positions than she did scholar bureaucrats. Later, during the regency of Empress Dowager Liang, who had been the empress of Emperor Shun, the maternal relatives of the emperor, i.e. her male relatives, also awarded eunuchs important positions. By permanently fixing the capital of Da Jiangjun, and with the cooperation of the eunuchs, maternal relatives of the emperor enormously increased their voice in politics, and they no longer needed the power of empresses dowager as was previously the case. At this stage, institution of the empress dowager had lost almost all its function as an organ of policy planning. Lastly, in the third section, the author considers the process of the loss of authority and power of empresses dowager from the reign of Emperor Huan to that of Emperor Ling. The rise of others, especially real mothers of emperors rather than legitimate mothers, accelerated the relative decline in status and political authority of the empresses dowager. Furthermore, the eunuchs were essential in order for the empresses dowager to keep their status at the court, but at this stage, the maternal relatives of emperor had already set about excluding the eunuchs who were their rivals. There was a fracture between eunuchs and the maternal relatives of emperor who both ought to advise empresses dowager, and their regencies thus lost their ability to function. As noted above, the regencies of the empresses dowager had begun to change from about the reign of Emperor An and develop into a new political system that was formed after the end of the Later Han era.

著者

八尾 隆生

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.39-75, 2015-06

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The first half of the period from 1450 to 1680, which was called "the Age of Commerce" by Anthony Reid, corresponds to the first half of the Le era in Dai Viet (Vietnam). In scholarship on Vietnamese history, the viewpoints of historians who focus on the landmass or a single nation have been the mainstream, so the relations between the outer maritime world in the East and Southeast Asia and the foreign policy of the Le government, especially of the most prosperous reign of King Le Thanh Tong, have yet to be fully analyzed. In recent years, however, the number of studies from the viewpoint of maritime history, using the outcome of the research on ceramics trade and emphasizing the importance of the existence of the Ming empire and the Ryukyu kingdom has increased. This essay will employ the limited number of records in the Vietnamese chronicles and laws as well as information from newly introduced inscriptions to indicate the following points. According to an analysis of the foreign trade policy in the first half of the Le era and the aim of the military expansionist policy of King Thanh Tong, we see that the Le government also took administrative control of foreign trade, issuing a "sea ban" similar to the haijin policy of the Ming, though less rigorously enforced. The government, however, had to cooperate with illegal trade ships that resisted the Ming ban to export new commodities like ceramics. Ryukyu kingdom, which played an important role in the fifteenth century maritime world of Southeast Asia, did not maintain an official trade relationship with Dai Viet because the kingdom had been established as a new trade center with the aid of Ming empire and Dai Viet had continued its dispute with the Ming from the time of its founding. With respect to the military expansion policy of King Thanh Tong, we cannot deny the possibility that he sharpened his consciousness of being a "Middle Kingdom" and succeeded in exploiting commodities from small peripheral "vassal states" in the tribute system for a short time. However, it is not possible to conclude whether his policy of military expansion was closely link to the foreign trade policy because research on this point has been insufficient.

著者

會田 大輔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.179-224, 2015-09

著者

會田 大輔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.179-224, 2015-09

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Recent studies have pointed out the limits of understanding the history of the Northern and Southern to Sui-Tang dynasties solely within the framework of Chinese history, and there has been an academic tendency to reassess this period from the more comprehensive, Eurasian perspective. Along these lines, one should note that within the bureaucratic systems of the Northern Dynasties, there are elements that originate in nomadic bureaucratic systems. Kawamoto Yoshiaki has already pointed out the similarities between the inner court official position, neichaoguan 內朝官, of the early Northern Wei and the Mongolian keshig. On the other hand, the Western Wei and the Northern Zhou, the origin of Sui and Tang ruling classes, implemented the Six Ministries System based on the Rites of Zhou, and here, influence of the nomadic administrative system cannot be observed. However, Hirata Yōichirō has reconsidered the Twenty-four Armies System of the Western Wei, and has concluded that it descended from the nomadic military system. Furthermore, Hirata also pointed out that the close advisors, qinxin 親信, who served the authorities of the Western Wei and the Northern Zhou, were derived from the inner court bureaucrats of the early Northern Wei. Taking these points into account, one should consider the possibility that the Northern Zhou Six Ministries System also involved elements of the nomadic bureaucratic system. This paper attempts to explain the relationship between the Northern Zhou Six Ministries System and the nomadic bureaucratic system, by focusing on the imperial chamberlains (侍衞) of the Northern Wei, their development, duties, and those appointed to the position. The position of chamberlain in the Northern Zhou was not directly derived from the early Northern Wei inner court official position. Rather, it was based on elements such as the Rites of Zhou, and the imperial guard positions of the Western Wei. The main duties of the Northern Zhou chamberlains were as imperial guardsmen, and thus they were more limited than those of the Northern Wei inner court officials. However, the position also included aspects of the nomadic bureaucratic system, firstly in that the chiefs of the chamberlains consisted only of non-Chinese, and secondly, in that the children and siblings of meritorious subjects were appointed as chamberlains, who then advanced onto higher bureaucratic ranks. This shows that the Northern Zhou administered the Six Ministries System through a deft mix of the Rites of Zhou and the nomadic bureaucratic system. In addition, it became clear that the Northern Zhou prepared a career path starting with the chamberlain position for the children and siblings of meritorious subjects and that this was passed on as the Sui-Tang career path starting with the position of Weiguan 衞官. Such findings invoke the need to also consider nomadic influence within the Sui-Tang bureaucratic system.

著者

河上 麻由子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.1-38, 2015-06