著者

宮宅 潔 佐川 英治 丸橋 充拓 佐藤 達郎 鷹取 祐司 藤井 律之 陳 偉 金 秉駿 ギーレ エノ

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2013-04-01

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本研究はまず(1)中国古代史における民族の問題-「漢民族」はいかにして形成されたのか、中国王朝はさまざまな帰属意識を持つ人間集団をいかにして統合したのか、新たな民族集団の流入が王朝にいかなる影響を与えたのか、など-について共同研究者間で討議したうえで、それら民族問題と軍事の相関関係について各自の研究課題を設定し、定期的に研究発表を行った。その過程で(2)中間年度に韓国・ソウル大学で国際シンポジウムを共催した。そこでの討議をふまえてさらに議論を重ね、(3)参加者全員の寄稿を得て成果報告書『多民族社会の軍事統治 出土史料が語る中国古代』を京都大学学術出版会から刊行するに至った。

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, pp.229-252, 2017-12

著者

宮宅潔著

出版者

京都大学学術出版会

巻号頁・発行日

2011

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.1-32, 2016-06

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Based on the Liye 里耶 Qin strips, there existed three districts (鄕) in Qianling 遷陵, which are thought to have been located along the You 酉 river. The number of households registered in this prefecture was a mere 150-200, and three groups constituted the population : immigrants who came during the Qin occupation, colonists before unification, and natives. Among the native populace, some groups may have submitted to the Qin authority while maintaining their old social order. They were likely to have been divided from other commoners, and separately registered as "new citizens" (新黔首). Moreover, it seems reasonable to suppose that there were groups of men who were not under the administrative control of the Qin. Although the registered households were very few, the prescribed number of officials in Qianling was over 100. In addition, about 1, 000 convicts and over 600 soldiers were stationed there. This fact indicates the existence of members of the populace who had not submitted to the Qin in this area. Qianling prefecture played a role as a bulwark against hostile peoples who would invade the Xiang 湘 river system through the You river. In this sense, Qianling was a prefecture on the frontier. There were several types of soldiers stationed in Qianling : including gengshu 更戍 (short-term soldiers conscripted by rotation), rongshu 冗戍 (long-term military volunteers), and fashu 罰戍 (criminals forced into military service). Certain tendencies concerning their hometowns and times of conscription can be seen for each type of soldier. For example, soldiers tended to be conscripted from Nan 南 commandery just after the unification, and fashu from "the region within the passes" (關中), or the relatively old territory in "the east of the passes" (關東), were also dispatched to Qianling. Later, around the 33rd year of the reign of the First Emperor, the year when the expedition to Lingnan 嶺南 started, gengshu from the region occupied just before the unification appeared in this prefecture. It was the Xianwei 縣尉, or the Prefectural Commandant, who took charge of these soldiers. As an official in charge of prefectural military administration, the Xianwei was somewhat independent from the civil administrative organization led by the Xianling 縣令, or Prefectural Director. It was the Xiaozhang 校長, or the Guard Commander, who led the troops as a subordinate of the Xianwei. Soldiers were organized into units of five or ten, and these units were commanded by a Dunzhang 敦長. In addition to this organization of the prefectural army, commanders who belonged directly to the commandery were stationed in the Qianling prefecture with their troops. It is thought that they were likely to have been outside the control of the Xianwei, so we can assume that the total scale of the garrisons in Qianling was larger than that of the prefectural army, which was composed of about 600 soldiers.

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.1, pp.1-32, 2016-06

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

京都大學人文科學研究所

雑誌

東方學報 (ISSN:03042448)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, pp.1-52, 2012-12-10

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In the bamboo manuscripts unearthed from the Zhangjiashan 張家山 Han tomb, the term geng 更 denotes the work shift of state laborers. For instance, wu geng 五更(five geng) means engaging in official labor in five shifts, and geng liqie更隷妾 means a female penal laborer who worked by rotation. The antonym of geng is rong 冗, which means being engaged in a specific official task at frequent but irregular intervals, outside of the rotation system. Interestingly, the Zhangjiashan bamboo strips tell us that not only short-term state laborers drawn among the common population but also lower officials (scribes 史, diviners of scapulimancy 卜, oracles 祝, etc.), and elder officials attended to their work by rotation. According to the Shuihudi 睡虎地bamboo strips, the head of a low-level department in a county (xian 縣) office of the Qin empire was called sefu 嗇夫. Under the sefu, there were subordinates, the zuo佐and shi 史. In the Shuihudi materials, we find the phrase, zuo shi rong zhe佐史冗者(zuo and shi who worked outside of the rotation system). It follows that some public servants at the zuo/shi level were on duty by rotation and worked only several months per year. On the other hand, there is no indication that officials at levels higher than sefu worked by rotation. Most sefu were paid 100 bushels (bai dan 百石) annually or more. Officials at this level were called youzhi 有秩. One salary grade below youzhi was doushi 斗食, which appears as a specific standard of annual reward in the salary scale of the Latter Han dynasty in Hou Hanshu 後漢書. However, this was originally a category of daily food supply for state laborers, and meant to receive one dou 斗 of grain each day. It is, therefore, supposed that official servants at the doushi rank were rewarded according to the number of days on duty in earlier times, but came to receive a fixed annual salary by the second half of the Former Han at the latest. By contrast, youzhi officials had already received a fixed amount of annual salary, which the word zhi 秩 originally meant, during 538 the Qin. The above facts indicate that in the era of the Shuihudi and Zhangjiashan strips, some public servants at the zou/shi level attended to their work by rotation, and were paid according to the number of days on duty. In this respect, they were not substantially different from state laborers, or punitive laborers, even though the amount of daily pay each received, and other working conditions were not the same. Yet essential differences existed between youzhi and doushi. Officials at the rank of doushi or below had characteristics between those of guan 官(public servants) and min 民(commoners). Over time, doushi became a specific rank of annual salary, included into the category of youzhi. At the same time, evidence suggesting that zou/shi officials worked by rotation disappeared from historical sources. We can thus say that the bottom of bureaucratic hierarchy fluctuated over time, and the lowest class of official servants were formed through incorporating state laborers into the sphere of bureaucrats. In this sense, there was not a deep gap between guan and min, as both sides were linked with each other in a series of gradations.

著者

宮宅 潔

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

2004

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本研究では、張家山漢簡「二年律令」をはじめとした新出法制史料を中心としつつ、中国辺境地域から出土した木簡史料にも依拠して、秦漢時代の刑罰制度、爵制、地方統治制度などに改めて考察を加えた。刑罰制度については、主に労役刑制度に焦点を絞り、数種類の無期労役刑が労役の強度という単一の基準によって段階づけられていたのではなく、家族・財産の没収の有無、刑徒の地位が子孫に継承されるか否か、といった複数の条件の相違によってそれらの軽重が定められていたことを明らかにした。同時に、没収制度が前漢文帝期に廃止されていることに着目し、この時代に無期労役刑が消滅し、すべての労役刑に刑期が設けられたことの背景、意味についても新たな見方を提示した。文帝期はまた、漢帝国の地方制度にも変革が起こった時代、具体的には諸侯王に対する締め付けが強化され、郡県制を通した全領土の直轄統治に向けて舵がきられた時代と考えられてきた。だが「二年律令」に見える諸侯王関連の規定は、必ずしも皇帝と諸侯王たちとの、不断の緊張関係が存在したことを明示するものではない。少なくとも文帝期には、諸侯王国の存在を前提とした地方統治が志向されていたものと考えられる。爵制に関していえば、「二年律令」には有爵者の特権を規定した条文が数多く含まれる。従来の爵制研究では、中国での研究は特権の存在を自明のこととして捉える傾向にあった一方で、我が国においては爵の持つ本質的な意義はそれら特権とは別の部分にあるとの所説が有力であった。改めて「二年律令」の諸規定を検討すると、確かにその中には実効性のない、やがては空文化したであろう特権も含まれるものの、いくつかの特権は確かに存在していた。それらが有爵者の社会的地位を規定し、君主への求心力を生み出していたと考えるべきである。