著者

見市 建

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.129-132, 2015

著者

新井 一寛

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.2, pp.471-488, 2007-03

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This article elucidates the initial formation process of a Sufi order through a certain saint's relation with his devotees. This saint is a descendant of Prophet Muhammad. His devotees think that he has knowledge of Islam, special power by which he can even kill people, and personal magnetism. I consider that the community that is formed around the saint is one in which devotees share the original Islamic view of the world, and which represents the initial state of Sufi orders before systematization. Before the 19th century, when the institutionalization and systematization of Sufi orders by the state started, there were religious groups centering on a certain charismatic person in Egypt.

著者

中野 亜里

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.117-120, 2014-11

著者

伊藤 義将

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.128-131, 2014-11

著者

玉田 芳史

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.155-185, 2001

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<p>In May 1992, a Thai premier backed by the military was forced to resign after a bloody crackdown on a large anti-government rally. Scholars and political observers regard this incident as a crucial conjuncture in the democratization of Thai politics. <BR/>This essay argues that the Thai middle class stole the credit from Chamlong, who was—objectively speaking—the undisputed leader of the democratization movement. This political expropriation was possible for three reasons. First, the king's neutral stance during the conflict did not favor Chamlong so much. Second, there was an orchestrated effort to blame Chamlong for the bloodshed. This campaign of vilification even involved members of the "democratic forces." <BR/>Finally, success of the movement led to the mounting assertiveness of the middle class and the mass media that represented this class. Their boldness brought about the political reform that found its mark in the 1997 constitution. Yet, there also emerged a curious discourse during the sturggle, wherein analysts assumed that the democratic movement was middle-class-dominated. These observers further took for granted that the middle class was inherently pro-democracy without providing evidence. Credit therefore had been overly focused on the middle class without any consideration of how the other classes figured in the movement. This essay suggests that the middle class also had a conservative element in it. This conservative faction regarded Chamlong as "too radical" in the sense that he resorted to street protests and politics outside the parliament—both of which they then regarded as taboo in Thai politics. As a result, Chamlong, whose political star rose in May 1992, was unable to maintain his high profile and moral standing. He was eventually forced to retire from politics, and his failure became a bitter lesson for those who sought to emulate him by mobilizing the mass in street politics. His withdrawal also further empowered his conservative and liberal opponents. </p>

著者

玉田 芳史

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.155-185, 2001

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.111-142, 2015 (Released:2015-03-30)

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Tariq Moraiwed Tell. The Social and Economic Origins of Monarchy in Jordan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, x+221 p.渡邊 駿人文地理学会編. 『人文地理学事典』丸善出版, 2013年, 788 p. 水野一晴伊藤正子. 『戦争記憶の政治学―韓国軍によるベトナム人戦時虐殺問題と和解への道』平凡社, 2013年, 292 p. 中野亜里Ramnarayan S. Rawat. Reconsidering Untouchability: Chamars and Dalit History in North India. New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2012, xix+272 p.増木優衣小島敬裕. 『国境と仏教実践―中国・ミャンマー境域における上座仏教徒社会の民族誌』京都大学学術出版会, 2014年, 338 p. 藏本龍介松田素二編. 『アフリカ社会を学ぶ人のために』世界思想社, 2014年, 322 p. 伊藤義将Muhammad Hakimi Bin Mohd Shafiai. Islamic Finance for Agricultural Development in Malaysia. Kyoto: Center for Islamic Area Studies at Kyoto University, 2013, xi+283 p.上原健太郎大林 稔・西川 潤・阪本公美子編. 『新生アフリカの内発的発展―住民自立と支援』昭和堂, 2014年, 349 p. 黒崎龍悟クリスチャン・ダニエルス編. 『東南アジア大陸部―山地民の歴史と文化』言叢社, 2014年, 348 p. 堀江未央

著者

藤岡 悠一郎

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.2, pp.262-266, 2006-03

著者

UMEDA Hideharu

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.2, pp.121-136, 2006-03

著者

横田 貴之

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.2, pp.438-453, 2007-03

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This article aims to examine the goal of the political activities of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood under President Mubārak's 'democratization,' by analyzing the Reform Initiative of the Muslim Brotherhood (Mubādara al-Murshid al-'Āmm li-l-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn hawla al-Mabādi' al-'Āmma li-l-I.slāh fī Mi.sr) published in March 2004, under the leadership of the General Guide Muhammad Mahdī 'Ākif. After the severe attack by Nasser regime in the 1950s-60s, the Brotherhood succeeded in reestablishing itself as the major Islamic movement in Egypt in the 1970s. Although the Brotherhood revived as a de facto political force, the government never lifted its illegal status for fear that it might rise as a new political competitor. As a result, its socio-political power has been limited. The Reform Initiative, which I will analyze in this article, aims to reform Egypt comprehensively and serves as the framework of the Brotherhood's activities. The goal of the Brotherhood's current political activities is to realize the ideas of the Reform Initiative, which demonstrates its attempt to overcome the organizational constraints stemming from its illegal status. Whether the Brotherhood will be legalized or not is one of the most important issues in the Egypt now, and will infl uence the future of Egyptian politics.

著者

百瀬 邦泰

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.72-84, 2005-10

著者

四方 篝

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.257-278, 2006

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Cacao (Theobroma cacao L.) is an important cash crop for small-scale Bangandou farmers living in forested area of Cameroon. In this region, cacao is usually grown under the shade in fi elds of selectively thinned natural forestland. This study aims to clarify how the cacao-growing system has been integrated into the Bangandou's subsistence slash-and-burn agriculture and examines its role in their livelihood. Bangandou people favor establishing new cacao fi elds in primary forests or old cacao fi elds because the shaded condition is easier to create in such vegetation. When the land is cleared, a larger number of trees are left in the cacao fi elds than in the fi elds of food crops only. This strategy of leaving more trees saves the labor for felling, and attracts people to clearing the primary forests, which would otherwise require larger labor forces. Cacao seedlings are planted in a newly cleared fi eld, mixed with a variety of food crops during the initial several years, and grow while farmers harvest the food crops from the same fi elds. Unlike the food crop fi elds, weeding is indispensable to cacao growing, but it is so laborious that parts of the planted cacao fi elds often become covered with thick bush regrowth. Although these areas have to be abandoned, people may clear them for replanting after a few years. Analyses of crop rotation and vegetation change in the cacao fi elds show that the fundamental elements of their farming system have remained largely unchanged by the introduction of cacao growing, in which the same principle of shifting cultivation is adopted for the new crop. This type of agriculture also ensures the stable production of food crops and acts as a buffer against unstable cacao prices and productivity.

著者

服部 志帆

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.132-137, 2007

著者

安田 章人

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.93-96, 2009

著者

中島 岳志

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.186-223, 2003

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<p>The Hindu nationalist movement has been gaining momentum since the 1980s. Led by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Hindu nationalist movement has produced various related organizations, such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). These organizations, known generically as Sangh Pariwar, have great influence in contemporary India. The BJP is presently the governing party, and the prime minister, A. B. Vajpayee, was a member of the RSS. <br/>This paper discusses the activities of Sewa Bharti, another Sangh Pariwar organization, in a slum area of New Delhi. Earlier studies have portrayed the Hindu nationalist movement phenomenon of the upper and middle classes. My research shows that this movement also quickly spread among the lower social strata. This paper shows the process by which the Hindu nationalist movement spread among the lower social strata. </p>