著者

大門 正克 柳沢 遊

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.28-47, 1996-04-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

被引用文献数

1

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This paper aims to clarify the man-power mobilization scheme implemented in the war-time (1937-45) to transfer labour from non-military section to the army and munitions industry section, particularly focusing at its impact on the two main sources of extracted labour, namely rural peasant and urban trading population. With the escalation of the war since 1937, recognizing the importance of increasing food production, the government officially excluded peasant families from the mobilization program in 1941. However, the extraction from peasants did not completely stop but in fact continued in the form of requisition and conscription. The peasant families from which adult males were extracted had to cope with this difficulty by increasing the role of female members in the farm management and operations. The impact on urban traders was greater. In 1941, for the purpose of reorganizing the goods-circulation system (Sangyo-Saihensei) and mobilizing labour force into munitions industries, the government started a policy to convert retail merchants to factory workers. While in the earlier stage merchants managed to fill such demand for labour by inducing their shopboys to switch jobs to factory workers, in the later period shop owners themselves had to temporarily serve in factories as voluntary workers (Kinro-Hokokutai). Though they tried to survive their own business by making full use of their family labour, the majority were obliged to close down their shops when the 'Drastic Mobilization Scheme' was set in force in summer 1943. The war-time labour mobilization considerably weakened such abilities of families and family business as to support and educate family members and to succeed and maintain traditional skills. This implies that these roles having been played by families were to be substituted either by government's social welfare activities or by welfare facilities provided by big companies. Thus, the war-time labour mobilization, while relying upon the families and family business as their main sources of man power, caused a considerable change in the function of families.

著者

森元 辰昭

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.2, pp.22-38, 1979-01-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

井川 克彦

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.62-63, 1999-10-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

著者

宇佐美 繁

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.72-75, 1975-01-20 (Released:2017-10-30)

著者

村上 勝彦

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.43-56, 1973

著者

金子 文夫

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.28-52, 1977

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This article attempts to analyze monetary expansion of Japanese imperialism into Manchuria in the period from the Russo-Japanese War up to the First World War. After the Russo-Japanese War, Japanese imperialism began to invade Manchuria, but was unable to maintain its military presence there because of the check by British and American imperialism and Chinese nationalism, and thus chose instead to proceed with economic invasion. The two most important vehicles for this program were the South Manchuria Railway Company, which controlled railway traffic, and the Yokohama Specie Bank, which was in charge of monetary system. This paper aims to clarify the role played by the Yokohama Specie Bank. The bank with many offices in Manchuria was assigned the role of the central bank in the colony-i.e., the role to unify the money system of Manchuria as an integral part of the Japanese money system. The Specie Bank virtually controlled financing for trade of Japanese cotton fabric and Manchurian soy-bean, which were the two major trade items. But due to the complex distribution system within Manchuria, it fell short of penetrating deep into village communities. As for the supply of public loans for the sake of control over public finance of Manchuria-another important means of colonial administration--the Specie Bank, and for that matter Japanese imperialism, was unable to accomplish much due to the lack of capital fund at its disposal. Besides these, there were two additional factors that decisively prevented the Bank from accomplishing its desired money policy. First, on the Japanese side, there was a conflict between the South Manchuria Railway and the Specie Bank over the choice between the gold and the silver standards. The South Manchuria Railway, as an importer of capital fund from the European money market which was on the gold standard, preferred the gold to the silver standard. Japanese traders were also in favor of the gold standard as they wanted to avoid losses caused by fluctuations of the exchange rate between gold and silver. The Specie Bank, on the other hand, found the silver standard more convenient for its planned penetration into the Manchurian silver money market. The second factor was the establishment of a new bank system in Manchuria-e.g., the Mukden Provincial Bank-which issued silver bank notes and obstructed Japan's monetary expansion. After all, Japanese traders preferred gold standard-bank notes issued by the Bank of Japan, whereas Chinese traders used silver standard bank notes issued by provincial banks, with the result that the Yokohama Specie Bank's silver bank notes failed to hold sway over the Manchurian economy as they were expected. Japan was far from successful in unifying the Manchurian money system. It added new kinds of currency to the pre-existing system, only to throw it into a greater confusion.

著者

千田 稔

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.4, pp.40-59, 1987-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The purpose of this study is to make clear what characteristics Marquis Hosokawa had before World War II, from the point of each stage of capitalistic development, in order to encourage the study of peerage capital which has been so far almost neglected. The historical documents used in this paper consist of the materials concerning both human affairs and family budgets of the Hosokawas. The conclusions of this study are as follows. 1. Marquis Hosokawa grew to be a big land owner of 1000 cho (about 1000 ha) in Kumamoto in the thirties of Meiji era and of 2000 cho in Korea, but the amount of farm-rent was smaller than the amount of stock dividends or almost equal to it. 2. Under the direction of Keigo Kiyoura, counselor of the Hosokawas, and Nagaaki Takahashi, semi-servant of the Hosokawas, Marquis Hosokawa tried to contribute the colonization of Korea and made Kumamoto the base of capital accumulation by the help of Zaibatu Yasuda mainly through the field of the banking and the electric power industry. And it became a man of property amounting to ten million yen in the Taisho period. 3. Though Marquis Hosokawa had priority to the national position of peerage as the guard of the Emperor, thus it obtained farm-rent as the main revenue by becoming a big land owner in Kumamoto and Korea, and established the base of capitalistic accumulation in Kumamoto, which brought the Hosokawas somewhat social influence over Kumamoto at least. We can point it out that Marquis Hosokawa was one of the typical existences standing for almost main features peculiar to prewar Japan.

著者

松浦 義弘

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

歴史と経済 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.51-61, 1991

著者

内藤 隆夫

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.32-48, 1998-01-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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The purpose of this paper is to show the process of forming capitalistic order of production in Japanese oil industry, by researching the process of formation and development of the Nippon Oil Company. Then, this paper shows how Japanese company became to compete with the foreign company in the oil market, where the latter was strong. The past research overemphasized the one department of the industry, for example, mining or transporting. But I think that to solve the problem I presented in the beginning, it is necessary to prove the overall process of the oil industry, that is, mining, refining, transporting, and bargening. This paper observes the Nippon Oil Company to understand this overall process. The Nippon Oil Company, which gathered men of property, succeeded in mining by means of machine. And therefore, it was necessary to improve the refining department in quantity and quality in the middle of 1890s. In the late of 1890s, the transportation system was constructed, and the oil products produced in Niigata prefecture began to enter into the Tokyo market. But the rising and falling of the price of the oil products from 1899 to 1900 cleared the inferior products produced by the small-sized refining makers. By this process, the products produced by the Nippon Oil company, which improved the refining department and the bargening department, standed out in the domestic products. Then, the Nippon Oil Company established its own trademark Bat-Mark in the Tokyo market. This situation shows that the domestic products gained the competitive ability in the market. The conclusion is that the modern oil industry in Japan, that is, the capitalistic order of production in Japanese oil industry, was formed by the formation of overall production process in the Nippon Oil Company.

著者

木村 健二

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.1, pp.18-35, 1983-10-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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As to the colonization in Korea by Japan from 1875 to 1910, it has been often pointed out that, under National Capital protection, Seisho-Zaibatsu had gone into the business of financial, shipping, railway and mining, and in connection with Japanese Industrialization, a system of the exchange of cotton goods for rice had been built. In opposition to this, a number of Japanese people in Korea, chiefly consisted of medium and smaller merchants has been neglected in spite of the importance. This paper aims to make clear the socio-economic background of Japanese expansionism into Korea, in the case of old Marifu-mura, Kumage-gun, Yamaguchi-ken. Then I would like to cover the black of the study and make clear one of the forms of the masses' correspondence under the reorganization of native industries. After the investigation of historical materials at Yamaguchi Prefectural Archives and the Office of old Marifu-mura, I concluded the following points; (1) The population in Korea from old Marifu-mura amounts to 40.7% of the legal residencial population in 1917. (2) The most frequent period of expansionism is the twenty years before and after Japanese and Sino-War. (3) Many of them are engaged in commerce, and the rest are other various jobs. (4) Most of them are householders and the eldest sons. (5) The greatest force that drove them to such expansionism is the affairs in connection with commerce-shipping which are caused by the economic fluctuations since the Meiji Restoration. The people engaged in commerce-shipping went into Korea to find a new stage of their activities. Of course we should not overlook the backup of Japanese government. But the main purpose is in the establishment of the political and strategical bridgehead.

著者

大杉 由香

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.48-62, 1996

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This paper examines connection between surroundings of poors and politics to them and what kind of situation that national relief could be restricted in Tokyo (Wards) in Early Meiji period. It is certain that there were two sorts of relief, one was for disabled and foundlings, the other was for working poors. I focus on the former since the latter isn't pure welfare politics. After the collapse of relief supported by towns, relief depended on Tokyo Prefecture considerably because rich inhabitants who had supported towns grew needy. Moreover merchants and landowners connected with national government wouldn't help poors positively. Tenants were not special people for them because rented houses were in great demand in Tokyo. If poors couldn't pay house rent, there did not cause big problems for landowners since many of them earned their living by commerce besides house rent. That was why they took negative attitude toward poors. Tenants who were odd job men tended to move to places where house rent were cheaper. Thereby they didn't need strong connection with landowners. Relationship in the neighborhood in Wards were weaker than in Districts. Compared with Districts, there were much more people who were helped by public relief in Wards. I analyzed rates of national relief for disabled and orphans as a percentage of the population there, but the rate was lower than national average because of relieving disabled in prefectural Nursing Home (Yoiku-in) and Lunatic Asylum (Tenkyo-in). The rate of only orphans was higher than the average because Tokyo Prefecture didn't help many of them. In conclusion, Tokyo Prefecture couldn't help relieving poors positively owing to weak relationship in the neighborhood and depressd charity. National relief which was restricted to a few of disabled could be done as far as prefectural relief was effective.

著者

八木 紀一郎

出版者

土地制度史学会(現 政治経済学・経済史学会)

雑誌

土地制度史学 (ISSN:04933567)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.1-9, 2001-04-20 (Released:2017-12-30)

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Since the Thacher-Reagan-Nakasone Era of the 1980s, the liberal economic ideas of the 'Austrian School' have been on the tongues of politicians all over the world. For a deep understanding of this intellectual tradition, however, we must bear in mind that it has a history of more than one hundred years since Carl Menger published his seminal work, Grundsatze der Volkswirtshaftslehre. After a very short discussion on the methodology of intellectual history (Section 1), I explore the school's origins in the old Austria under the Habsburg Monarchy. I find that the most important development in this tradition was the emergence of a fundamental liberalism during the turbulent years after 1918 (Section 2). Ludwig von Mises was the sole innovator of this tradition. I examine Mises' position in Austrian post-war economic policy in Section 3, using evidence from his contemporaries as well as financial statistics. In Section 4, I summarize his criticism of socialism and defense of liberalism. In the last section, I conclude that Mises' fundamental liberalism was the expression of the dissipation of the social basis for a viable political liberalism in the unstable Austrian Republics. However, the purification performed by Mises provided the liberal ideas of the 'Austrians' with a new vigor that enabled them to migrate to the United States.