著者

永積 昭

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.56-70,A9, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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Concerning the Kingdom of Patani, situated on the eastern coast of the Malaya Peninsula, there exists an elaborate thesis, “De Factorijder Oostindische Compagnie to Patani” by Dr. H. Terpstra, s'Gravenhage 1938. (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie. Deel I). As in the beginning of the seventeenth century there were established a Dutch as well as an English Factory, we know a good many things about this kingdom. Dr. Terpstra, however, concentrated his interest on the activities of the Dutch, who were settled on the spot, but devoted little attention to the country itself. Therefore, the author would like to conduct some further investigation into this kingdom, in the first place royal lineage, by comparing European, Chinese and Japanese sources as far as possible.According to Tung hsi yang k'ao written by Chang hsieh the throne of Patani had been inherited by the male line until it became extinct in the Wan li era of the Ming dynasty. On the other hand, all of the European and Japanese material thereafter tells us that the kingdom was ruled by a queen, together with a younger lady (called “the young queen”) as her assistant and prospective successor, who left all political activities to a prime minister (called “the third king”).By means of the above mentioned documents from three sides, we can conclude that the male line of succession turned into the female one about the 14th year of Wan-li (1586). In the Itinerary of Jacob van Neck it is explicitly stated: “the Queen of Patani had ruled her kingdom for 15 years after the death of her husband.” This f act also tallies with some Chinese sources, though the latter don't mention the exact time of her enthronement.This first queen, given the title of “Pratiau” by the Siamese court, paid tributes every year, though it was merely nominal. Her title means nothing but “the king” and she was not known by any other name. She had at least two sisters, one of whom got married to a king of Pahang in 1584. Later, this queen of Pahang became the cause of conflict between both countries simply because the king of Pahang did not allow his spouse to visit her sister for 28 years, which annoyed the latter. The Chinese document tells the conflict in a little different way. They say, in the beginning, there was a quarrel between Pahang and Johor, and Patani even supported her sister's state. We cannot ascertain which explanation is correct. At least it is certain that the warfare ended in the defeat of Pahang, and after the end of the war the royal couple came to Patani, leaving their devastated country behind them.This first queen Pratiau died of illness in August of 1616 and was soon succeeded by the other sister, then about 50 years old. During the earlier days of her reign Patani kept closer contact with the Dutch East India Company, although both Dutch and English Factories were withdrawn in 1622 and 1623 because of their economic inefficiency.At the time of the second queen, whose name is not known, Patani refused tribute to the Siamese court in 1629, denouncing the new Siamese king, Prasat Thong, as a usurper. This caused the invasion of its territory by Siamese troops in 1634, when the Dutch fleet also participated to attack the queen's territory. The result was that Patani was defeated and became dependent once more. 1) The second queen died in August, 1636, leaving her throne to one of her relatives. Thus her reign has lasted 17 years.(The travels written by Jean Albert de Mandelslo gives a different date to the death of the queen. However, when we submit his narrative to a careful scrutinization, we will notice that he borrowed almost all of his description from that of Jacob van Neck included in “Voyages” compiled by Isaac Commelin. Therefore this date hardly deserves our attention.)After the third queen, we c

著者

太田 常藏

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.71-79,A12, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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‘Wu t'u’ is one of the names given to Burma. Yang Ping-nan's ‘Hai-lu’ is an important material, on the authority of which I have given careful consideration to the name of ‘Wu t'u’. The following may be suggested as the origins of ‘Wu t'u’:1. the land of ‘Hei-shui’ which means the River Irrawaddy.2. the transcription of ‘waddy’ from ‘Irrawaddy’.3. the transcription from Orissa, which is the home of the emigrants to Burma.4. the transcription of ‘waddy’ from Hamthawaddy, which is the name of ‘Talaing’ kingdom.Of the above, the last one (i. e. 4) is considered to be most apposite to the case for reasons given below:a. ‘Wu t'u’ was the name early given to Lower Burma.b. From ancient times until to-day, the Burmese had a great love for the name of ‘Hamthawaddy’.c. ‘Pegu-catechu’ was called ‘Wu-tieh-t'u’.Considerations have further been given in this report to the reason why opium is called ‘Wu t'u’, and suggestions made as to the origin of the name of ‘Po-ssu’ in South-East Asia which, like ‘Wu t'u’, may probably be the transcription of ‘waddy’ from Hamthawaddy.

著者

荻原 弘明

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.123-130, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

辛島 昇

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.133-141, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

高畠 稔

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.142-146, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

津田 浩司

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, no.49, pp.223-228, 2020 (Released:2022-06-01)

参考文献数

3

著者

増田 和也

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア学会会報

巻号頁・発行日

no.86, pp.19-20, 2007

著者

根本 敬

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2016, no.45, pp.154-158, 2016 (Released:2018-06-01)

著者

伊藤 友美

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア : 歴史と文化 (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, pp.64-105, 2009

著者

弘末 雅士

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.142-173, 1981

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At the end of the 19th century, the self-sufficient economy of the Eastern Toraja Society was disintegrating under the influence of commercial trade at Tomini Bay. Social stratification among the members of the village took place and many fell into debt.<br>In this situation, the village chief had to redeem the villagers' debts and at the same time maintain law and order in the village despite frequent contact with the outside world. It was this period when Christian missionaries started to work. To respond to the above mentioned problems, the chiefs approached the missionary who was sent from Dutch Missionary Society and was on close terms with a Chinese merchant at Poso. In due course, missionary schools were opened at such villages as Panta, Tomasa, Buyumbayo, and othors. Headmen of the villages expected the schools to reconstruct the social order.<br>In 1901, the Dutch government abandoned it's policy of non-intervention and after 1905-1907, Eastern Toraja was put under its direct rule. Various policies such as head tax, wet-rice cultivation and moving to the lowland were introduced through chiefs. It was these headmen who supported the Dutch rule. On matter of missionary work, the church as a result, did not dare to oppose the chiefs. At first, the missionaries did not prohibit the polygamy of the chief and other social custom with the exception of headhunting.<br>Moreover, in these undertain situations tadu or prophets attracted many people who were dissatisfied with existing state of things. Then in 1902 and 1908, large religious movements called mevapi arose. The participants of the movements attempted to escape existing circumstances by concentration on heavenly release.<br>While these religious movements arose, the young generation which had graduated from school attempted to participate in commercial trade and plant coffee or coconuts. Under the support of those who were on the rise, the church was entitled to recetive independent authority. Ultimately, in 1910 the church attacked the traditional customs which went against Christianity and prohibited Toraja christians from mowurake, molobo and motengke.<br>But when the new order was established, the Dutch govermnent returned the authority, which was taken away form the headmen during the first few years, to the active hands. Consequently, It was difficult for church to gain independence over the headmen.

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.187-208, 2009

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<p>This paper analyses the Khmer document entitled "<i>Affairee</i> 〔<i>Affaire</i>〕 <i>de Oknha Reachea Monty</i>〔<i>Ukañâ Râjâ Mupti</i>〕 <i>directeur Islamique sur le choix du chef de pagode, à Kompong Cham</i> (1914)" in the possession of the National Archive in Phnom Penh (Document No. 20811), which refers to the nomination of a Hakim Me Vat of Chams-Chhvéas in Kieng Romiet Village, Tboung Khmum Province. </p><p>Muslim Chams constitute "the second largest ethnic group" in the Kingdom of Cambodia, where Buddhist Khmers account for more than 90% of the population. From the late 1990s, numerous results of surveys on contemporary Chams have been released, but only few attempts have so far been made at historical studies on Chams in Cambodia. The principal reason is that there are few historical sources on Chams, especially those written by Chams themselves. Thus, Document No. 20811 is considered as a rare example. </p><p>From the analysis of this source, we can recognize the following points. (1) Chiefs of Muslim Chams-Chhvéas in Cambodia were given the highest title of ministers, Ukañâ, by the Cambodian King. (2) In order to enhance their power, they relied on the King and the Buddhist monks, who had supreme authority in Cambodia. Ukañâ Râjâ Mupti insisted that being appointed as Ukañâ by the Cambodian King, gave him the official authority to control every Cham-Chhvéa in Cambodia, and asserted his right to nominate Hakim Me Vat of each mosque. His rival Ukañâ Râjâdhipatî / Râjâbhaktî appointed a Hakim with the backing of a high priest of Vat Unnalom in Phnom Penh. (3) Chiefs of Chams-Chhvéas announced the appointment of Hakim to the village leader, Me Khum, and asked him to give his assistance to Hakim Me Vat. Me Khum, as well as Chaovay Srok, the governor of the province, only approved their decision after, and avoided becoming actively involved in a matter inside the community of Cham-Chhvéa. </p><p>However, it must be noted that Document No. 20811 provides only one account and that we need to compile more information in order to describe the history of Chams-Chhvéas in Cambodia.</p>

著者

木場 紗綾

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア学会会報

巻号頁・発行日

no.102, pp.27-28, 2015

著者

亀山 恵理子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.46, pp.78-82, 2017 (Released:2019-06-01)

著者

石橋 功

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.158-161, 2010

著者

市川 健二郎

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化-

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1982, no.11, pp.65-78, 1982

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Extremely divergent opinions about the Thailand's declaration of war against the United States and Britain in 1942 have been represented among nations in Thailand, Japan, the U. S. and Britain, since the period of World War II. In Thailand, Phibul Songkhram, the wartime Prime Minister who declared the war, cooperated with Japan in the early stage of the war, wishing to get back the border territories of British Burma and Malaya, but by the end of the war, has became critical for the Japanese policy to promote the idea of Great East Asia Coprosperity Sphare for the Japanese sakes. While, Pridi Phanomyong, the Regent in the wartime Thai Royal Palace, led the anti-Japanese Free Thai movement, on which he imitated the Free France Force of the General Charles de Gaule of the same time and desired to establish his anti-Japanese Thai Government in exile in vain, because of the strategic disapproval of the United Nations. On the day after VJ Day, Pridi issued a proclamation repudiating the declaration of war against the U. S. and Britain which was null and void. The U. S. approved it, but Britain did not accept it. Thai centric ways of thinking of these political leaders during and just after the war, have continued until today and Thai scholars of these years are still used to be explained the same ways of evaluation for their study on the wartime history as these political leaders did in the past ages.<br>As to the assessment of the declaration of war viewed from the U. N. side, the U. S., and Britain in the early period of the war marched in line and did not make any declaration of war against Thailand, but, by the end of the war, Anglo-American confrontation has emarged for the treatment of Thai-land's situation in the postwar period. The U. S. wanted to support the Southeast Asian peoples without making any concession to the demand of Britain and France, while Britain planned to impose economic and military controls of Thailand after the war. One of the Thai scholars today regards such U. S. policy as &ldquo;altruism&rdquo; and British policy as &ldquo;oppression&rdquo;, while a British scholar today standes on the British side and insist on the &ldquo;Thai people's astonement before absolution&rdquo; for their responsibility of the declaration of war. The egocentric ways of thinking which is common to both side, therefore, deserve to be given special attention. Comparative studies on the background of these divergent opinions which caused confrontation of historical aspects between Thailand and Britain, will be helpful for understanding cultural conflict on the subject.

著者

鈴木 中正

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.3-16, 1981

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Because the Chinese Ch'ing Dynasty deemed Burma a troublemaker in the Southeastern border area of the province of Yunnan, it sent four successive expeditions to Burma during the years from 1766 to 1790. The Shan states on the borders had long been sending tribute to the Burmese court of Ava but the practice was disrupted due to the disorder in Burma caused by the dynastic alternation of the mid-eighteenth century. The newly established Konbaung dynasty claimed their right to collect tribute from the Shan states and while carring on a campaign in Ayuthaya, Siam (1764-67). The Ch'ing emperor thought it necessary to punish and expel the marauders at their borders. The Ch'ing at the zenith of its power mobilized all its resources to chastise Burma but the new dynasty in Burma made every effort to withstand the invaders.<br>The last Ch'ing expeditionary army evacuated Burma at the end of 1769, after concluding a truce agreement on reciprocal restitution of the war captives and surrenders. The Ch'en-lung emperor, however, never consented to turn over the princes of the Shan states who had surrendered to the Ch'ing side, thus putting the border area in a state of severe tension. But a rebellion occured in the province of Sze-ch'uan in 1771 diverting the emperor's concern from Burma and his resentment was gradually dissipated.<br>For the purpose of normalizing relations with the Ch'ing, Burma attempted to negotiate twice, in 1772 and in 1777. Their effort, however, was in vain because the Ch'ing emperor continued to demand from Burma, unilateral restitution of war captives. Among the Shan rulers on the borders, however, there emerged a move to normalize the relations between their two powerful neighbors in order to bring about trade relations which profitted the border states. In 1787, the prince of Keng Ma, a Shan state on the Yunnan side, sent a friendship mission to Burma disguised as a Ch'ing court mission: Burma sent a return mission to Peking in 1788. This brought the two countries' relations nearly to completion. In 1790, the prince of Bhamo on the Burmese side, sent a mission to Peking on his own initiative, unnoticed by the court of Burma. Thus the long disrupted Sino-Burmese relations came to be normalized despite the fact that the Ch'ing court declared Burma as its vassal state and Burma had no intention of accepting such a status

著者

中野 聡

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2011, no.40, pp.183-187, 2011 (Released:2016-12-14)

著者

石井 和子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化-

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.21, pp.3-29, 1992

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For more than a century now discussion has continued about the old Javanese Buddhist temple, Borobudhur, with respect to such issues as its significance, relief and pantheon. In this paper the writer focuses on Borobudhur's pantheon, on the basis of the Sanskrit text of the <i>Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha</i> [Horiuchi, Hirohito. <i>Shoe Kongochokyo no Kenkyu</i>, Mikkyo Bunka Kenkyusho, 1983].<br>The <i>Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha</i> [hereafter referred to as the <i>Tattvasamgraha</i>] is one of the sutras of Esoteric Buddhism presumably composed in South India during the latter half of the 7th century. It was first translated into Chinese by Amoghavajra in 753 and in 1015 was newly translated into Chinese by Shin-huo [Taisho 18 No. 882]. This latter version corresponds to the Tibetian translation and the existing Sanskrit text, whereas Amoghavajra's version corresponds only to the first part of the Sanskrit text.<br>Up until now the pantheon of Borobudhur has been studied based on Vajra-dhatu Mandala iconography. This mandala has only Five Tathagatas (Buddhas); however, in Borobudhur there are 6 different types of Buddha statues. The 6th Buddha statue on the circular terrace has been thought to be either the image of Vajrasattva, Sakyamuni, or Vairocana.<br>For some years, the writer has been translating in Japanese and analyzing the <i>Sang Hyang Kamahdyanikan</i> (hereafter referred to as <i>SHK</i>) and the <i>Sang Hyang Kamahayanan Mantranaya</i> [Kats 1910]. Through this research she has noticed that &ldquo;Mahaviarocana&rdquo; in the <i>Tattvasamgraha</i> corresponds to &ldquo;Diwarupa&rdquo; in <i>SHK</i>, and further that the pantheon of Borobudhur is based on the description of the Nidana and the Assembly of Five Tathagatas in the <i>Tattvasamgraha</i>.<br>Mahavairocana in the <i>Tattvasamgraha</i> represents &ldquo;the Absolute&rdquo;. It pervades all space and includes every phenomena and reality. God Siva, Visnu, Brahma, Indra, Buddha, Vairocana etc. are all the embodiment of Mahavairocana. The sutra says that Mahavairocana dwells in the heart of Sarvatathagatas (all the Buddhas). The writer considers this passage to be embodied in the 72 Buddhas with dhamacakra-mudra in latticed stupas on the circular terrace of Borobudhur.<br>Mahavairocana in the <i>Tattvasamgraha</i> corresponds to Diwarupa in <i>SHK</i>. Vairocana means &ldquo;sun&rdquo;, &ldquo;sunlight&rdquo; or &ldquo;shining one&rdquo;, while Diwarupa means &ldquo;(having a) body of light&rdquo; [Zoetmulder 1982: 408]. In <i>SHK</i> &ldquo;Diwarupa&rdquo; is personified as the (Bhatara Hyang) Buddha, because text says, &ldquo;Sira to sang hyang Diwarupa nga pinakawak Bhatara Hyang Buddha&rdquo; (The Holy Diwarupa assumes the form of the Bhatara Hyang Buddha) [Kats 1910: 48 (note 9), LOr 14806 25b]. Diwarupa in old Java seems to be an interpretation of Mahavairocana in the <i>Tattvasamgraha</i>.<br>Next, concerning the &ldquo;Assembly of Five Tathagatas&rdquo;, the sutra says that at the top of Mt. Meru, tathagata Sakyamuni (Vajradhatu) took his seat to face all (four) directions, and each of the Four Tathagatas took their seats to face their own respective directions.<br>The writer considers this description to be embodied in the Five Tathagatas of the foot and first to fourth galleries of Borobudhur.<br>From the above mentioned excerpt from the Nidana, it is known that in the <i>Tattvasamgraha</i>, God Siva, Visnu, Brahma and even Buddha, Sarvatathagata, and Vairocana are all the embodiment or attributes of Mahavairocana. It is presumed that in old Java, before the arrival of the <i>Tattvasamgraha</i> in the 8th century, the idea of &ldquo;the Absolute&rdquo;, like Mahavairocana, had not yet been introduced, though the concept of Trimurti seems to have had been already introduced. The writer is of the opinion that the Sailendras were converted to Esoteric Buddhism because of the introduction of Mahavairocana, &ldquo;the Absolute&rdquo; that commands th

著者

中西 嘉宏

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2006, no.35, pp.22-52, 2006

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This article examines the state ideology formation of the Ne Win regime (1962-1988) in Burma. Drawing on military documents and interviews with key figures, it depicts the interaction between the faction fighting within the military in the 1950s and early 1960s and the development of the future state ideology. I argue that understanding the military institution and the dynamics of military politics is essential to understanding the process and nature of the regime fromation.<br>After March 2nd coup d'&eacute;tat in 1962, the Revolutionary Council announced the organization of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) as the only political party for guiding the revolution. BSPP's official ideology was <i>The System of Correlation of Man and His Environment</i> (SCME). SCME had been the state ideology until the fall of Ne Win's regime in 1988.<br>SCME was written by U Chit Hlaing who belonged to the Directorate of Psychological Warfare, the Ministry of Defence. He received the order from General Ne Win in November 1962 and wrote the draft based on his articles, a series of &ldquo;nam&agrave; rup&agrave; wad&agrave;&rdquo;, published in <i>Myawaddy Magazin</i> in 1957 and 1958. Chit Hlaing wrote those articles as anti-communism and pro-constitutionalism propaganda under the intra-military leadership of Brigadier Aung Gyi and Colonel Maung Maung. They launched a number of initiatives to reform the military in the 1950s. One of them was to forge the military doctrine to ensure anti-communism and pro-constitutionalism.<br>However, the political structure of the military changed in the early 1960s. Colonel Maung Maung was removed in 1961 and Lt-General Aung Gyi lost his leadership in the military. General Ne Win formed an alliance with the hard-liners. It enabled the military took over the state on March 2nd, 1962. General Ne Win rejected pro-constitutionalism. But they were unclear as to the guiding ideology which would be taken to achieve &ldquo;Burmese Way to Socialism&rdquo;. Therefore General Ne Win ordered Chit Hlaing to make out a draft of the BSPP's offical ideology. It is ironic that the articles written under the principle of anti-communism and pro-constitutionalism became the document to legitimate one-party rule and political intervention by the military for 26 years.

著者

竹原,かろな

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア学会会報

巻号頁・発行日

no.95, 2011-11