著者

小島 敬裕

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2016, no.45, pp.149-153, 2016 (Released:2018-06-01)

参考文献数

1

著者

久保 忠行

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, no.49, pp.234-238, 2020 (Released:2022-06-01)

参考文献数

2

著者

高畠 稔

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.209-215, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

荻原 弘明

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1963, no.3, pp.65-74, 1963-08-15 (Released:2010-10-22)

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The complete name of the so-called Hmannan Yazawin is “The Great Royal Glass-Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma”. The Ist edition was published, in four or five volumes (?), at Mandalay in 1857-1878 under the Burmese dynasty. Only the Ist volume (perhaps the Ist of the three volumes) was published in 1900 at Mandalay. Then in 1907, 1908 (two different editions), 1921, 1936-41, and 1955-1957, the three-volumes editions were published, but I cannot ascertain at present if the 3rd volume of the 1936-41 edition was ever published.The English translation by U Pe Maung Tin and G. H. Luce is that of the 3rd, 4th and 5th part (but the last three chapters of the 5th part is not translated) of the Hmannan Yazawin. The French translation by E. Huber is that of the last five chapters of the 5th part. As for the translation itself, the former is wholly accurate, but the latter is less accurate and a great deal left out. So, for the time being, we had better adopt the former, when we have to make use of the Hmannan Yazawin from the 3rd part to the 5th.Now the contrast and comparison of the English translation with the Ist volume of 1936-41 edition which I have now at hand has revealed that there are some differences between the two in the spelling of proper-nouns and in some other points. So it is necessary to revise the above-mentioned various editions and make a standard book.

著者

綾部 恒雄

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1963, no.3, pp.75-77, 1963-08-15 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

伊東 隆夫

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1963, no.3, pp.78-81, 1963-08-15 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

大林 太良

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1963, no.3, pp.82-87, 1963-08-15 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

永積 昭

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1963, no.3, pp.98-102, 1963-08-15 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

佐口 透

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1963, no.3, pp.103-106, 1963-08-15 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

山本 達郎

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.Preface1, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

大林 太良

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.1-54, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

参考文献数

93

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The hunting of wild pigs thrives or used to thrive among representatives of pre-Austric cultures in Western Indonesia such as the Engano-islanders and the Shom Pen of the Great Nicobar Island. The young pigs which are caught are kept in cages and then ritually slaughtered. There is still no genuine pig breeding and we have no report on the castration of pigs. This form of pig keeping has some similarities with the bear keeping among the Ainu and Gilyak for their festivals. It might be regarded, purely typologically speaking, as an intermediate or transitional form between that of pig hunting and pig breeding.Genuine pig breeding begins in Western Indonesia first with Austric cultures: in Mentawei, Nias (rice cultivation area) and Nicobar Islands. Castration by severing is practised. The method of killing was originally by stabbing with a bamboo knife. There is a taboo against the eating of pigs, when their death is not caused by ritual killing. The appearance of Austric cultures in Southeast Asia is generally assumed to date back to about 1, 500 BC. This means that the first occurrence of pig breeding in Southeast Asia is much later than that in the Near East, i. e. about 5, 000 BC. In my opinion, therefore, the pig breeding in Southeast Asia is of western origin.Some features of the megalithic complex are: the killing of pigs at the feast of merits (in Nias and Car Nicobar), traces of megalithic forked poles (in Nias, Chaura and Car Nicobar), and pig-fighting (in Car Nicobar).Other features should be ascribed to younger cultural waves: divination from entrails (maybe a Dongson-culture element, in Mentawei and Nias), the myth of the marriage between sows and the ancestor of the Engano Islanders who came with a prauw, and the myth of the origin of pigs from the world tree in Nias.

著者

金山 好男

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.55-79, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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The accession of king Jayavarman II (802 A. D.) is one of the most important points in the history of Cambodia. Following this or in the Angkor period, her political system seems to have become centralized, while prior to that event, or in the pre-Angkor period, it was still decentralized. The author examined the contemporary inscriptions found in Cambodia and also some Chinese documents, and reached the conclusion that the puras were very important in the pre-Angkor period. As regards their structure, each pura had its chief who was either nominated by the king directly or authorized by him to succeed the position of chief and who was wealthy enough to make holy donations as mentioned in the inscriptions. Under superintendence of this chief, there were houses as many as several thousands according to Chinese sources. Kutunbin, or householder, paid the tax to the chief. Puras had rice fields, plantations and villages presumably in their environment. As for the relation between the state and puras, the chiefs of some puras were officials of the king. Judging from some cases in which chiefs received their puras from the king in reward for driving out hostile chiefs by arms, they seem to have had a considerable military forces. Chinese sources describe that under the king of Chên-la, there were 30 or more fort-towns (ch'êng) each with a chief and inhabitants. This description supports the facts found in the inscriptions. Such a pura had both dependent and independent elements in relation to the state. In the pre-Angkor period, Chên-la annihilated Fu-nan and unified the regions of the Lower and Middle Mekong, but it soon broke up into several principalities. The author supposes that this breaking up of Chên-la was caused by the predominance of the above-mentioned independent element.

著者

田中 則雄

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.81-130, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

参考文献数

7

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The theme of this treatise consists of the following: (1) What shape did “Forced Deliveries” take, when the Dutch East India Company, typically representative of European commercial capitalists, ruled over West Java and became a political power? and (2) What influence did this have on the society of West Java?Chapter 1. Realization and Change of “Forced Deliveries”Section 1. Increase in tradeThe Dutch East India Company founded the city of Batavia in 1619. The founding of the city necessitated construction materials and necessaries of life and, as a result of this, the trade in wood and food between Batavia and its neighboring places began. But the Company, establishing its influence in West Java, interfered with trade hitherto made freely between Batavia and the neighboring places and bought articles at prices and in quantities desired one-sidedly by them alone.Section 2. Rise of “Forced Deliveries”Towards the end of the 17th century the Company making a large profit in the cotton-yarn trade, and Indian cotton being scarce, made forcible purchases from Priangan in West Java in 1694; thus “Forced Deliveries” of cotton-yarn was established, delivery-quantity and purchase price being determined by the Company. In 1695 wax, kardamon, pepper, bird's nest, pearl and indigo were added to the above goods.Section 3. Decline of Cultivation owing to rebellion and strengthening of “Forced Deliveries”The rebellion of Prewata Sari (1700-1705) dealt a severe blow to cultivation and hindered delivery. The Company appointed Pangeran Aria Tjirebon, Prince of Cheribon as Opzigten der Cheribonsch Preangerlanden. And through his inspection of the extent of jurisdiction and his efforts in urging the people, both cultivation and delivery recovered.Section 4. Introduction of Coffee cultivation and its vissicitudesThe Company having gained a large profit by importing coffee from Mocha in Arabia in the 17th century, on Turkey's interference with the export of coffee, tried to cultivate the said goods in Java. The first delivery of coffee, 102 pounds, was made in 1711. And the purchase price was very profitable both to the natives and the Company. As a result of this, the delivery increased to 894 pounds in 1711, and 2380 pounds in 1712, and a further increase, amounting to about 2, 500, 000 pounds was made in 1724, while in 1725 it exceeded 4, 000, 000 pounds. The Company feared that this unexpected amount of delivery would bring about a heavy fall in price owing to overproduction, and hastened to lower the purchase price of coffee. The price reduction had an immediate effect on coffee cultivation and the natives began to cut down coffee trees. In 1728 the amount of delivery fell far below the 4, 000, 000 pounds required by Holland, and the Company ordered each household (“huisgezin”) to plant more than ten coffee trees.In this way coffee hitherto freely cultivated came to be grown compulsorily just like cotton and indigo. And the purchase price was raised. But as coffee delivery increased again in 1733, the Company was menaced with overproduction. Thus in 1735 the Company restricted the planting and in 1738 ordered half the trees to be cut down. Such steps taken by the Company gave rise to a decline in coffee cultivation.In 1791, however, a great rebellion of negroes took place in St. Domingo Island, which produced 2/3 of the world's coffee, and this caused so heavy a rise in the price of coffee that the Company once more encouraged coffee cultivation, and eventually, in 1793, more than 80, 000 picols were delivered, which greatly enriched the Company. But in 1798 the above Company was dissolved.Chapter 2. “Forced Deliveries” and its mechanismAfter the Company's possession of West Java was ensured, it divided the, land into Jacatra and Cheribon. The former of which was put under the direct control of the Company

著者

永積 昭

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.157-178, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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The writer, having investigated the royal lineage of the kingdom called Patani in the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula in the 17th century, will now try to clarify some facts concerning eminent members among the ruling class of the kingdom by availing himself of Chinese, European and Japanese sources.The ruling class, called orang-cayas (nobles) in the Malayan language, were said to be as many as four thousand according to the Voyages of Jacob Van Neck, though the figure seems to be incredible compared with the whole population of the country. In most cases, each nobleman used to be called with a prefix “Dato” which means “nobleman” in Malayan. The writer asserts that the title is the same as the word na-tu (nátok in Fukien dialect) mentioned in Tung-hsi yang-kao written in Ming China.It was much more difficult for the writer, however, to identify all the particular noblemen than to trace the royal lineage, because almost all the nobles were called merely by their official titles, not by their personal names. All he could do, therefore, was to trace their official status in the bureaucracy, apart from each individual.Among the official titles one that appears most frequently and during the longest course of time is “Dato Serinara”, which means divine hero. The writer associates it with Shitsu-ri Tatsu-na which appears in quotations in the Gaiban-tsusho compiled by Kondo Seisai. It seems that this official was also often called Dato Serinara Paducka, an honorific title, the last word of which literally means sandal. It is obvious that the above-mentioned official title was held by a Chinese at least in 1599 and 1603. The Travels of Wijbrand van Warwyck described one as the treasurer of the queen of Patani. The title continues to appear in historical records down to 1639, although there is less possibility of ascertaining that the position was still filled by a Chinese at that time. Many sources indicate the dominance of the Chinese as a whole in the field of trade and commerce in the country.Two other official titles Dato Besaer (a principal nobleman) and Dato Bandhara (a nobleman of the harbour) date back to the second decade of the century. However, the problem as to which was the most important official title among the above-mentioned three, and which was called the third king in Ka-i hen-tai has not yet been solved. The historical sources are far more scarce as regards other official titles among which only Dato Laxamana (which means an admiral) is worth mentioning. Several records seem to indicate that the title is used as a synonym of Shahbandar, the harbour master, which was the term generally used in many ports in the southern part of Asia.The castle of the kingdom of Patani, about half a kilometer long on its longer side, was, according to many records, surrounded by huge timbers. The population of the city may be estimated at ten to twenty thousand in spite of the great variety of figures given in different records. It is known that many of the principal officials lived close to the queen, presumably inside the castle.The writer concludes that the bureaucratic system in the kingdom closely resembled those of adjacent minor countries in which Islam was the most favoured religion. In other words, this system was quite different from that of Siam, though the former was a tributary state to the latter at that time, even if nominally. While some officials, Dato Serinara Paducka and Dato Laxamana for example, directly took part in trade, there still remains the question as to what was the economic basis of the ruling class in general.

著者

伊東 隆夫

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.179-193, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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ビルマの漢譯名たる「緬甸」の稱が, 明代に緬甸宣慰司が置かれて以後, 廣く用いられるにいたったことは,『明史』雲南土司傳などより知られているが, それが用いられ始めた年代を考察し, 併せてその稱呼の起原を探ることが, この小稿の目的である。まずその年代については,『明史』は宋の寧宗の時に緬甸が始めて中國に通じたと述べているが, 寧宗本紀では蒲甘國の入貢を記すのみで, 緬甸としてではなく, さらに蒲甘國傳によれば蒲甘の入貢は崇寧5年であるという。崇寧は北宋の徽宗の年號で, 寧宗のそれではない。しかも徽宗本紀は, たしかに崇寧5年の蒲甘入貢のことを記してある。ここに筆者は, 「宋寧宗時」と「崇寧」との錯簡を想定する次第である。なお, 諸書を参照すれば, ビルマが中國で緬甸として表わされるに至ったのは, 明代以後であらねばならない。而してその正確な年代は, 宣徳二年以後であると考えられる。次に緬甸の稱呼の起源または語源については, これまで數人の學者により「緬」のみについて, それが梵語の Brahma または Pali 語の Mram-ma に由來することが言われているが,「甸」については, 張誠孫氏が, 〓之誠氏の言う所をひいて, ビルマで部落が「甸」といわれていたことを述べているばかりである。なお, 顧炎武, 毛奇齡は, ビルマが中國から道里が遠かったから「緬」と呼ばれたという (A) 中國語語起原説を述べ, これは張氏によってもとられている。これに對し Sir Scott はビルマの作詩家, 劇作家が, その國を Myantaing と書いたのが, 緬甸に當るという (B) ビルマ語起原説を提唱している。筆者はこの (A), (B) 兩説を檢討し,「甸」なる文字が, 『元史』地理志の雲南の記事の中に特異の存在として用いられていることを論じ, 甸が雲南諸蠻部の居住單位の一つとして用いられていたことに及ぶ。その字義については, 曹樹翹の『〓南雜誌』に「叢曰甸, 曰〓, 曰瞼」と見えるところより, 張氏のいうように甸に村落の意があることを知る。しかしそれは雲南地方における「甸」の字義であり, それを直ちに緬甸の「甸」と同一視することはできないと思う。そこでビルマ語の町や村を示す語を調べてみたが, そのいずれも甸 (tien) に似た發音をもつものがなかった。ただ toun (tain と發音する) という語が「國」または「州」の意味をもっていることがわかったので, 「甸」の語源をこれに求めた。英人は tain と登音されるビルマ語を taing と表字しているようである。さらに Shan 族の語が, ビルマ語でどのように發音されているかをも, 逆に類推し, Myan-ma-tain→Myan-tain (英語式では Myantaing)→Mien-tien (緬甸) への變化の可能性を結論する。

著者

綾部 恒雄

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.195-197, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

伊東 隆夫

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.199-202, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

荻原 弘明

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.203-207, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

綾部 恒雄

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.17-36,A5, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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One of the most important peoples of the Mainland of the Southeast Asia is the Thai group widely distributed throughout the Peninsula. They exhibit a wide variety of customs characterized by extreme plasticity. Among these Thai tribes, the author deals with the Lao people, with special emphasis upon changing aspects of genealogical relationships among them.The term genealogical relationships is used here in a wide sense; it is not used solely to refer to the descent relationship regulating the membership of a particular group, but also to indicate various aspects of personal status succession among the family and kindred. In other words, this term is used as the sum of rights and obligations concerning status succession recognized by laws and customs of the society.From the above point of view, the author presented the monograph of Pha Khao village (Lao people) located in the Northern part of Vientiane where he had carried out his field work in January and February 1957. After dealing with genealogical relations among the Pha Khao inhabitants, the author then studied the same customs of the Lao people and compared their changing aspects and variation with the Pha Khao.The Pha Khao has a nuclear type of family which amounts to as high as 80% of all families; the average number in a family is 4.5 in general. Marital residence is matrilocal and kinship terminology is of the bilateral type. Teknonymy is extremely developed and it has a tendency to trace a, maternal line. Although the Lao have had no family name, they adopted the use of it in 1944 by the order of the government; this family name is now called. Nam Sa Kun, and is traced by the paternal line. Actually, this has no function in Pha Khao. The form of appellation customarily used is the addition of Nai (Mr. in English) to a male personal name or Nang (Mrs. or Miss) to a female personal name. In addition, in the case of male adults, titles indicating their grades as priests are used after their return from the priesthood. The inheritance in general is on the bilateral principle concerning sex differentiation, while the house and its building land pass from the mother to the youngest daughter. This is a kind of junior right and has some relation to the rule of matrilocal residence.In Sum at Pha Khao the family name is transmitted in paternal line and the descent has a patrilineal trend, while the house inheritance right and teknonymy are along the maternal line.Now we must compare the monograph of Pha Khao mentioned above with some customs among other Lao peoples, for instance, with Chieng Mai Lao.In Chieng Mai Province (Thailand), teknonymy has already disappeared, while Nam Sa Kun which has almost no function at Pha Khao is comparatively well developed and the appellation custom of adding Nai (Mr.) and Nang (Mrs. Miss.) before a personal name is used with the same degree as at Pha Khao. The title concerning priestly grade is not used in Chieng Mai Province.To return to the main proposition, it is needless to say that the appellation and the title are limited to one's life time and to one generation. From the genealogical point of view, it has no meaning. However, the important problem is that the appellation and the title have strong functional relations with the vicissitudes of genealogical customs. As regards inheritance, Chieng Mai Lao has the same character as Pha Khao.This article deals only with the genealogical relationship among Lao people. According to the various previous studies, the Lao have the rule of bilateral descent and their form of social structure is a horizontal one, but from the above point of view, the Lao have many genealogical principles showing many complex changes and variations among them.After consideration of the facts, we can find a trend among the Lao peoples illustrating a tendency toward similarity with the culture of Bangkok.

著者

松井 透

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.37-55,A7, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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In the first half of the seventeenth century, indigo was especially sought after by the factors of the East India Company at Sarkhej, Biana and many other places in India. These European merchants wrote in their transactions a lot of letters, from which we can form an idea of its producers, its buyers, and the Mughal authorities who oppressed and exploited them. W. H. Moreland, in his celebrated “From Akbar to Aurangzeb”, gave some instances of the “official interference”, which had put a great hindrance on the trade in indigo, and which he considered to have been one of the two characteristics that distinguished the Indian markets in general from those of modern times (pp. 113-114, 146-149). No doubt he is right in saying so, but after minutely investigating a number of such instances, we can advance a step farther and analyze the nature of this “interference” and oppression of the indigo trade. The author's conclusion may be summed up as follows.1. There seems to have been a considerable local disparity in the social relations between the cultivators of the indigo plant and the manufacturers of the dye. Nevertheless, the production had to start as an agriculture in any case, and land revenue to be levied by the officials ensued. Although indigo was among the most valuable crops in those days, the revenue demand on it was so high, that there was scarcely any profit left for the peasants who cultivated it, causing them sometimes to abandon this valuable crop. The revenue demand was thus the first and perhaps the most fundamental oppression by the Mughal authorities.2. When Moreland talked about his “official interference”, he had probably in his mind chiefly those events which would fall under the second category, oppression When entering the market as buyer or seller, a Mughal official often claimed priority over all the merchants, and this claim being, in some degree, admitted by usage, he could bring about a standstill in the market and keep it by force till his dealings were carried out as he pleased. Under this official right of priority, the trade in indigo, particularly that in Gujarat, repeatedly experienced heavy oppression and exploitation, severely affecting the producers as well as the merchants.3. It was usually with the concrete intention of buying or selling that the controlling power of Mughal authorities over the indigo market was wielded. An official in the market was a whimsical merchant wearing a sword at his side. It is true, an abstract power of the sovereign to confer an exclusive privilege or a right of monopoly, not as a temporary measure but as a lasting system, was not quite unknown in those days, but so far as the indigo trade was concerned, there was only one instance of this kind, and even this was a rather exceptional case, not typical at all. The Emperor granted a monopoly without full confidence, partly because it was not well rooted in the social usage, and to his regret, the design failed.4. Under. all these burdens, the beautiful blue colour was produced, sold and brought to the European market. The producers were living in utter poverty, swarmed upon by the parasites who knew no satiety. Their desire and demand that had no connection with production were really a great handicap, when rivalry began with the indigo planters of the West Indies. This inability on the part of the ancient Indian industry to meet the challenge was at least one reason for its defeat, a point overlooked by Moreland (p. 113). It will be of interest to consider how this handicap was changed when India resumed her indigo production under the colonial government in the nineteenth century.