著者

飯國 有佳子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア学会会報

巻号頁・発行日

no.89, pp.13-14, 2008-11

著者

新井,和広

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア学会会報

巻号頁・発行日

no.85, 2006-11

著者

山本 達郎

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.99-105,A14, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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Most of the studies that have been published on the Chinese immigrants in some districts of South-east Asia have met with difficulties on account of the scarcity of historical records dealing with the subject. The immigrants, who went abroad privately and sometimes in defiance of the law which prohibited emigration, hardly deserved the attention of the official chroniclers of the Chinese court. Therefore, we must refer to itineraries written by European travellers as well as the colonial archives and records of Portugal, Spain, Holland, Indonesia, England, France. and America. However, it goes without saying that the records written by the immigrants themselves have the greatest importance.The author investigated the historical sources kept by the Chinese guilds in Hanoi when he visited Indochina in 1936, considering their significance as basic material. As in other regions of Southeast Asia, the two major groups of the immigrants are those from Canton and Fukien. They built their guild hall in the Rue des Voiles and the Rue de Phúc-kiên, respectively, in the north-eastern part of Hanoi. The author describes the appearance of the building and stone monuments, the texts of the latter are shown in the front pages of this bulletin. He further provides some interesting data about the lists of contributions done by the members of the guilds which indicate their native places, and he finishes his thesis after some remarks on other Chinese inhabitants in Huñg-yên and Haiphong.

著者

柿崎 一郎

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.52-85, 2010 (Released:2016-12-14)

参考文献数

29

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The aim of this article is to describe the characteristics of Japanese military transport on Thai railways during World War II, by analyzing the train schedules now held in the National Archives of Thailand. These schedules contain such data as the number and type of carriages on each train together with their origin and destination for almost every day from the beginning of the War until September 1945. Although the author initially compiled the data from these schedules hoping to grasp the overall volume of Japanese military transport, it soon became evident that the data did not cover all types of activity, because there were not enough train movements from Malaya to Thailand in the schedules. This forced the author to complement the schedules with an analysis of bills for Japanese military transport issued by the Thai railway department. The author divides the war time period into four stages for analysis: 1) front-line-expansion (December 1941-June 1942), 2) construction of the Thai-Burma line (July 1942-October 1943), 3) the opening of the Thai-Burma line (November 1943-December 1944) and 4) network division (January-September 1945). During stage 1), the main transport flows were found on two routes: from Bangkok to Malaya via the Southern line and to Phitsanulok or Sawankhalok via the Northern line, corresponding to the Malaya Operation and the Burma Operation, respectively. Other flows originated from Cambodia to the same destinations via the Eastern line and Bangkok. During stage 2), flows from Bangkok to Malaya and from Cambodia to Bangkok still existed, although their volumes were reduced. On the other hand, new flows emerged from either Bangkok or Malaya to the starting point of the Thai-Burma line to supply its construction. Stage 3) experienced an increase in transport due to the opening of Thai-Burma line and the Imphal Operation. Flows to Malaya and the Thai-Burma line still accounted for the majority of the transport, but flows to the Isthmus of Kra and the North also increased to supplement the Thai-Burma line. Finally, during stage 4), transport volume further expanded, while the total distance of transport dramatically dropped, as many lines were halted at several points due to Allied bombing, to the extent that all long-distance transport was suspended, except on the Eastern line. The characteristic features of wartime Japanese military transport through Thai railways are threefold: 1) long-distance railway transport as a substitute for maritime transport, 2) supplementary transport to the Burmese front-lines, and 3) the existence of commodity transport unrelated to troop movements. This transport concentrated on supplementing the Burmese front-line rather than transport to Malaya, except during the Malay Operation period. As Japanese forces arrived at Saigon or Singapore for deployment to Burma, military transport on Thai railways became the main form of long-distance “international” movement. Before the War, Thai railways were of little importance as international lines compared to maritime transport. This “international” railway activity, while limited only to military transport, eventually emerged for the first time in Southeast Asia through the creation of “international” rail links with Cambodia and Burma, and a shortage of maritime vessels during wartime. Furthermore, there was a considerable amount of commodity transport apart from troop movements, a fact which has not been sufficiently dealt with in the “official” histories of the War.

著者

北澤 直宏

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2015, no.44, pp.64-82, 2015 (Released:2017-06-01)

参考文献数

76

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This paper aims at assessing the religious policy in the Republic of Vietnam from 1955 to 1963, with a focus on separation of church and state in Cao Dai religion. Ngo Dinh Diem, the president in this era, is notorious as a dictator. However, it is obvious that empirical research has been too scarce to consider his policy. To overcome these problems and to understand the South Vietnamese history more objectively, this study clarifies the intent and outcome of Diem’s religious policy by using provincial government’s and religious documents. After WWII, Cao Dai formed an autonomous area with a private army which the government could not interfere with. The purpose of Ngo Dinh Diem’s reform was to correct this situation. Even if the government could intervene in religious personnel affairs, the purpose of government was not to manipulate the religions. In other words, the result of the reformation was introduction of westernized concept by force, and there was neither protection nor suppression of the religions. Although all religions had to obey the Republic’s order like anti-communism, religious activity itself did not attract government’s attention at all.

著者

塩谷 もも

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.46, pp.43-46, 2017 (Released:2019-06-01)

著者

伊藤 友美

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.64-105, 2009 (Released:2016-12-14)

参考文献数

133

被引用文献数

1

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In recent centuries, the religious authority figures of Theravāda Buddhism were only bhikkhu, fully ordained monks. However, during the Buddha’s time, women were allowed to be ordained as bhikkhunıī, fully ordained nuns at the status equivalent to bhikkhu. The female ordination lineage was disrupted some centuries later, and since then Theravāda Buddhist women have had to do their ascetic practice with the status of lay devotee, rather than the ordained status of bhikkhunıī. In Thailand the head-shaven female devotees who don the white robes are called māe chıī, and they are not given as much honor, support, or opportunity to play religious roles as male bhikkhu enjoy. The recent bhikkhunıī movement in Thailand was initiated by the novice ordination of the famous bhikkhunıī advocate scholar Chatsumarn Kabilsingh in Sri Lanka in February 2001, when she took the monastic name Dhammanandā. Her novice ordination attracted the attention of Thai media and foreign scholars as the new beginning of a female monastic order in Thailand. Most previous studies on Thai bhikkhunıī restoration have focused on the public debates about the rationales given for her ordination and negative critiques of them; it was for the most part taken for granted that Dhammanandā was singlehandedly leading and representing the bhikkhunıī restoration movement in Thailand. The purpose of this paper is to trace the development of the Thai bhikkhunī restoration movement after Dhammanandā’s sāmaṇerī (novice) ordination in February 2001, particularly focusing on Thai sāmaṇerī (later bhikkhunıī) who were previously māe chī. Dhammanandā did play a significant role in transmitting her vast knowledge of the history of bhikkhunıī lineage and vinaya (monastic disciplines) to Thai māe chıī who were interested in bhikkhunıī ordination; however, only a few of them could receive her assistance for their ordination. The number of Thai sāmaṇerī increased after an old Thai monk in Yasōthōn province ordained his māe chıī disciple as a sāmaṇerī in November 2003, and subsequently more māe chıī came to him for their ordinations. Particularly, the members of the Outstanding Women in Buddhism Awards Committee assumed a key role in connecting māe chıī candidates to the Yasōthōn preceptor monk. Nevertheless, the development of Thai women’s sāmaṇerī and bhikkhunıī ordination was not a continuous process. On the one hand, several unfortunate sāmaṇerī and bhikkhunıī met sufficiently serious obstacles that they disrobed to be māe chıī again; on the other hand, a group of better supported māe chıī and sāmaṇerī chose Sri Lanka as their place of ordination and contributed to the growth of the number of Thai sāmaṇerī and bhikkhunıī. In conclusion, the paper indicates that the bhikkhunıī movement is not solely represented by urban intellectuals such as Dhammanandā, but is even more significantly supported by conscious local māe chıī determined to overcome their unfair situation by taking up the yellow monastic robes as sāmaṇerī and bhikkhunıī.

著者

北川 香 岡本 真

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2015, no.44, pp.120-141, 2015 (Released:2017-06-01)

参考文献数

18

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This paper treats the letters which Cambodian court exchanged with the Edo-Shogunate in the early 17th century. Copies of six letters in Khmer and twelve letters in Chinese from Cambodia, and fourteen letters in Chinese from Japan, including the replies to the former, are contained in the compilations of diplomatic documents named“Gaikoku-Kankei-Shokan 外国関係書簡,” “Gaiban-Shokan 外蕃書翰” and “Gaiban-Tsusho 外蕃通書,” which were edited by Kondo Juzo 近藤重蔵 by the beginning of the 19th century, and in “Tsuko-Ichiran 通航一覧” which were edited by order of the Shogunate around 1853. Among the thirty-two letters, five in Khmer and twenty-three in Chinese are of the early 17th century, and the others are of the early 18th century. Unfortunately, the locations of their originals are unidentified. The Chinese letters are thought to have been hand-copied with considerable accuracy, but as for Khmer, the characters are corrupted remarkably and hard to make out. The only exception is a letter of 1742, written in beautiful Aksor Mul (round characters of Khmer) which Kondo Juzo sedulously hand-copied by himself from the original which a family of To-Tsuji 唐通事 (interpreter of Chinese language) had reserved in Nagasaki. In the Khmer letters, Cambodia is called Krong Kamvuchéa Thipadei and Japan is called Ñipon Kakacho (possibly Koku-Shu 国主). Expressions as Preah Reach Sar Pi Ñipon (royal letter from Japan) suggest that Cambodian court recognized Japanese Shogunate as something similar to the kingship of Cambodia. They assume an attitude of Metrei (friendship) between kings on even ground, in contrast to the Chinese letters which adopt humble expressions. The authors of the Khmer letters might be experts called Smien (clerk), because some marks of handsome script of Aksor Mul are recognized among deformed characters of the reproductions. As for the Chinese letters, probably some Chinese merchants were the authors and significant differences are recognized in the skill of rhetoric. Their contents are gratitude for presents, order of commodities, request of the limitation of the number of commercial ships, complaints about Japanese who committed robbery around Cambodia, and so on. The notable thing is that Cambodian court regarded the Chinese and Japanese merchants who carried the letters as their subjects, and required Japan to let them return to Cambodia as soon as the mission would be finished.

著者

吉松 久美子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2012, no.41, pp.141-145, 2012 (Released:2016-12-14)

著者

津村 文彦

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2011, no.40, pp.54-78, 2011 (Released:2016-12-14)

参考文献数

28

被引用文献数

1 1

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This article focuses on spirit belief in northeastern Thailand from an anthropological viewpoint. The studies on phi belief were conducted through three aspects: classification, structural functionalism, and historical sociology. However, these aspects consider the concept of phi as being stable and the historical changes are difficult to identify or they depict the contrast between Buddhism and phi belief cursorily. I attempt to investigate the multi-layered knowledge concerning phi within village life by introducing various views of the villagers and analyze the diverse meanings of phi belief, especially focusing on the boundary dividing benevolent and evil spirits. People in northeastern Thailand believe in various spirits called phi, which are usually categorized into benevolent and bad spirits. Benevolent spirits include ancestral spirits, natural spirits, such as water and forest spirits, and village guardian spirits, while evil spirits include ghosts of unusual deaths and spirits with special names ─ phi pop, phi phrai, etc. Benevolent spirits are believed to protect villagers if they are treated appropriately. Although ancestral spirits sometimes bring diseases to their descendants, they are appeased and asked what they want. On the other hand, evil spirits also bring diseases to the villagers, and sometimes, villagers are possessed by them. At such times, the evil spirits are caught, expelled, or killed by religious specialists. The villagers react differently toward benevolent and evil spirits, but the concepts of benevolent and evil spirits cannot be isolated from each other easily. In my research, one guardian spirit was regarded as evil. It was said to bring misfortune to the village and therefore expelled by religious specialists. Another guardian spirit was ignored by villagers recently, and they placed a Buddha statue into the shrine instead of the symbol of the guardian spirit. Some of the benevolent spirits could be looked upon as evil. In this situation, religious specialists called mo tham deal with the evil spirits. Mo tham are expert exorcists of evil spirits. Their magical power is derived from Buddhist dharma. Mo tham consider phi as evil even if they are benevolent spirits, including village guardian spirits. However, other religious specialists called cham deal with the village guardian spirit. Cham are a medium between the villagers and guardian spirits, helping villagers seek the spirits’ help. Cham consider the guardian spirit to be benevolent. By comparing the opinions of the two religious specialists regarding village guardian spirits, I attempt to extract the two incompatible logics behind phi belief: the mo tham’s Buddhist logic, which always considers phi as evil or foes of Buddha and the village community’s ethic, which has been shared since the establishment of the village and emphasizes mutual aid among villagers. The former is concerned with the history of nation building since the twentieth century, and the latter is related to the moral economy of the barren frontier land of northeastern Thailand. The concepts of the benevolent and evil spirits appear to waver between these two logics.

著者

山本 達郎 和田 久徳

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1963, no.3, pp.A1-A4,1, 1963-08-15 (Released:2010-10-22)

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For more than fifteen years the Society of Southern Asian Studies has been working on Chinese source materials concerning Southern Asian countries. During the years 1959 and 1960, the study group of the Southeast Asian history made a research into the section Chiao-chih (Viet-nam) in the part Fan-i _??__??_ (barbarians) of Sung-hui-yao chi-kao. This projest was supporeted by a study grant from the Ministry of Education.Present article is a collated text and translation of the first half of the section Chiao-chih section (up to A. D. 1067). The translation was done by members of the group and revised by Tatsurô YAMAMOTO and Hisanori WADA with the collaboration of Yoshio KANAYAMA.It consists of two parts: the first is the collated text of Sung-hui-yao with punctuations, the second is its Japanese translation followed by notes on events, proper names and official titles.

著者

奥平 龍二

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, no.43, pp.69-86, 2014 (Released:2016-12-17)

参考文献数

42

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Myanmar is a country where Theravāda Buddhism has been thriving since King Anawyahta, the founder of the Bagan unified dynasty introduced it from the Mon kingdom of Thaton in the latter part of the eleventh century. This Buddhism is generally known as the ‘monastic Buddhism’ which is principally focused on the monkhood. But it has also been permeating among the laity until the present day. We may regard the successive dynasties of Myanmar, which had introduced this Buddhism into the political sphere, as the ‘Theravāda Buddhist State’, which placed the dhamma (Law of Buddha) in the core position of the state structure. Therefore, the relationship between kingship or government (ānācakka) and religious authority (buddhacakka) has always been strained and the former has usually intervened and has been standing at predominance over the latter until today. Although the Theravāda Buddhist Polity collapsed with the fall of the Konbaung dynasty in the late nineteenth century due to the British colonial rule, it has been regenerated as a ‘sovereign independent state’ after independence under the Constitution of the Union of Myanma adopted in 1947. Even though once Myanmar inclined towards a ‘religious state’ during U Nu’s regime under the Constitution (Third Amendment) Act in 1961 because of his treatment of Buddhism as the state religion, the country was brought back to a secular state by its strict secularity under President U Ne Win’s policy of ‘the Burmese way to Socialism’ under the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma (1974). It had principally continued until the end of the regimes of the military administration by both the Senior Generals Saw Maung and Than Shwe in March, 2011 when the new regime of President U Thein Sein began under the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (2008). This paper is an attempt to examine the characteristic of a modern Myanmar secular state, through further detailed analysis of its previous studies on the provisions of religious affairs and also a new approach to the preamble of the constitution (2008), comparing it with those of previous constitutions of 1947, its 1961 (Amendment) and 1974.

著者

高橋 昭雄

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2011, no.40, pp.165-170, 2011 (Released:2016-12-14)

参考文献数

3

著者

吉川 利治

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化-

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1994, no.23, pp.129-130, 1994

著者

吉田 信

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.37, pp.3-27, 2008 (Released:2016-12-13)

参考文献数

47

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This article takes a historical approach to the legal status of the Japanese in the Dutch East Indies with particular emphasis on the law making process. It is widely known that the Dutch government made a legal distinction between its colonial population as Europeans and “inlanders (natives).” The criterion of this distinction was that the concerned group could be regarded as either “civilized” or not. According to the law, the Japanese were classified as “inlanders” until the introduction of the Japanese Law. However, as the navigation treaty between the Dutch and Japanese governments concluded in 1896, the Dutch government was confronted with whether or not to change the legal status of the Japanese in the East Indies. They subsequently enacted the so-called Japanese Law to elevate the Japanese from “inlanders” to quasi-Europeans. A parliamentary discussion regarding this law reveals the notion of civilization held by the law-makers and Dutch politicians. In addition, this article describes how the Japanese recognize this law in relation to its social significance in the East Indies.

著者

斎藤 照子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.42, pp.59-79, 2013 (Released:2016-12-15)

参考文献数

18

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In the 18th−19th century Burma, a variety of metallic currencies casted freely by any individuals were circulated side by side with gold, silver, copper and lead bullion. Accordingly, people had to call assayers and weighers who gauged the quality and weight of these currencies in every commercial transaction. An attempt at standardizing currencies was made by two kings; King Bodaw-hpaya at the end of the 18th century and King Mindon in 1865. The first monetary reform was not successful, while the second one proved to be successful, despite the similarity in terms of policy content and methodology. Conventional studies on these monetary reforms have failed to inquire into the causes of the failure and success of each reform. This paper argues that the first reform could not eliminate the middlemen such as brokers and assayers who played important roles in providing as well as circulating monies. As for the second reform, ironically enough, it was given a momentum by the loss of Lower Burma in the 2nd Anglo-Burmese war in 1852. The Lower Burma, the important supplier of the staple to the Central Burma was annexed to the British India. The royal government had to procure necessary staples with the currencies acceptable to the British Burma. Only option for the government was to issue the standardized currency similar to the British Indian Rupee in terms of quality and weight. Basing on the Burmese case study, we suggest that studies on the monetary systems would surely provide several useful insights to understand the 18−19th century Southeast Asia. (1)The study on monetary systems in the 18−19th centuries reveals that the process of political integration and economic integration did not occur simultaneously. In terms of currency circulation, different areas coexisted within a politically integrated area and it was not rare such an area was connected to areas belonged to other polities. (2)Research on Southeast Asian monetary system before the colonial period will surely provide ample opportunities for the comparative studies not only within the area but also between SEA and the neighboring countries such as China, India and Japan. (3)The study of currencies leads us to the deeper understanding of segmented markets and the important roles of middlemen who connect demands and supplies, which we can observe up to now in many places in Southeast Asia.

著者

阿良田 麻里子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア学会会報

巻号頁・発行日

no.95, pp.8-9, 2011-11

著者

永野 善子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.226-230, 2009 (Released:2016-12-14)

著者

山形 眞理子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.46, pp.88-92, 2017

著者

伊藤 未帆

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.42, pp.103-108, 2013 (Released:2016-12-15)

参考文献数

7