著者

大谷 禎之介

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = The Hosei University Economic Review (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1・2, pp.1-77, 2005-07-30

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In Japanese translations of Marx' works, the word "assoziiert" (associated) in the attributive usage is interpreted sometimes in the passive sense. Such translations seem to have led to misunderstandings regarding Marx' notion of "association" as the unique form of our future society. Marx used the word "assoziiert" (associated) as an attributive participle solely in the active sense, whereas the word "kombiniert" (combined) was almost always used as an attributive participle in the passive sense. This means that "assoziierte Individuen" (associated individuals) are individuals who have actively and consciously joined themselves together as the subject, while "combined laborer" refers to the laborers as a whole, made up of individuals whose labor-power was purchased separately and who were then united into a single unit and put to use as a joint social power within a workshop or factory―either by a capitalist as the personification of capital or a joint-stock-company as associated capitalists. In this matter it is essential to recognize that there is a group of past participles that are not derived from transitive verbs. There are some reflexive verbs in German, some pronominal verbs in French, and also some intransitive verbs in English, whose past participles can qualify a noun attributively. However, not only in English, but also in German as well as in French, these participles cannot be distinguished, in terms of their external form, from transitive verbs, because their reflexive pronoun is dropped when they are used attributively. The attributive participle assoziiert in German, associé in French, and associated in English, which Marx used often in his works, are all fundamentally examples of such verbs. For instance, in the expression "associated individuals," the subject associating actively is each of the "individuals," not any external power. The core of Marx' idea of "association" as the future society is that "free laboring-individuals" make up this society by "associating" subjectively, consciously, and therefore actively. In this article I explain not only the distinctions and connections between laborers passively being "combined" by capital to form the "total laborer," and the active "associating" of individual producers to form an "association," while also discussing the natural course through which the former should precisely produce the latter. In an addendum, I investigate the meaning and context in which Marx and Engels used the word "Vergesellschaftung" (socialization) and "vergesellschaftet" (socialized) in their works. With this small study, which is chiefly limited to language-related matters, I have sought to further clarify Marx' idea "association" by eradicating possible misunderstanding related to the meaning of the attributive participle "associated."

著者

古澤 直人

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, no.4, pp.339-380, 2013-03-15

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This paper considers factors in the Heiji Disturbance and the circumstances of a nine-day incident through an examination of the theory of Mr. Syousuke KAWACHI (河内祥輔). The conclusions are as follows.(1) The situation in aristocratic circles after the Hougen Disturbance was not stable.(2) The confrontation between a direct Imperial government group and a cloister government group began from the time of GOSHIRAKAWA’s (後白河) abdication from the throne.(3) Mr. KOUCHI pointed out the motives of the original Crown Prince in the lead-up to the nine-day incident, but there are no historical records that can establish the truth about “GOSHIRAKAWA’s intentions.”(4) It was not a “fire due to negligence” but “arson” in the case of the SANJOUDONO (三条殿) fire during the nine-day incident. Retired emperors were moved to the Imperial Palace because of the “arson”, and the SHINZEI (信西) family’s influence was eliminated at the same time.(5) Evidence of GOSHIRAKAWA’s hatred of SHINZEI is thin.(6) The joint conspiracy to exclude the SHINZEI family continued until February 20th the following year.(7) There was no theory that clearly drew a connection in the rebel forces from NOBUYORI (信頼) to GOSHIRAKAWA. (8) The SHINZEI family’s isolation is due to the fact that the main characters in the nine-day incident were anti-SHINZEI groups. (9) The account of the incident was re-written 25 or 26 days afterwards, but this was not done to conceal GOSHIRAKAWA’s intentions but to water down the extent of TUNEMUNE (経宗) and KOREKATA’s (惟方) participation.

著者

長島 伸一

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.169-201, 2006-08

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Jiyudaigaku-undo (Free Universities Movement) was the 1920's self-education movement in Nagano, Niigata, Fukushima and Gunma Prefecture. The first lecture was November 1, 1921 in Ueda City, Nagano Prefecture. The peak of this movement was in 1924 and 1925, during this period the Association of Jiyudaigaku was founded and the monthly magazine was published.The spirit of Jiyudaigaku-undo was self-education and self-study. Through such education Jiyudaigaku students were critically thinking persons, and after several years some graduates influenced community life and culture. For example, Tadatuna Sasaki was elected village chief during World War II, but he rejected colonial policy for Manchuria because of his anti-imperialist sentiments. Also he contributed to the improvement of community life by constructing a high school and a hospital after the War.The educational aim of Jiyudaigaku was to nurture critical thinking and self-determination, but it had limitations. Even now the principle of being open to everyone is considered a merit, but it was only a slogan because of its expensive tuition. Kyoson Tsuchida, one of the founders of Jiyudaigaku, said that it was the blessed university because of its excellent professors, but frequently they couldn't support the educational needs of their students because of their short stays in the villages. Jiyudaigaku aimed for autonomous and student-centered education, but each lecturer selected his own educational contents and teaching method. The choice of lecturers also depended upon Kyoson Tsuchida and Teru Takakura. So there was a gap between the ideal and the reality. Nevertheless Jiyudaigaku-undo which aimed to cultivate self-determination and community participation was an extremely worthyhistorical educational movement.

著者

増田 壽男

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.3, pp.191-251, 2015-03-20

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The point of departure for the present study is that the combination of spatial dispersal and global integration has created a new strategic role for major cities. Beyond their long history as centers for international trade and banking, these cities now function in four new ways: first, as highly concentrated command points in the organizations of the world economy; second, as key locations for finance and for specialized service firms, which have replaced manufacturing as the leading economic sectors; third, as sites of production, including the production of innovations, in these leading industries; and fourth, an markets for the products and innovations produced. These changes in the functioning of cities have had a massive impact upon both international economic activity and unban form: cities concentrate control over vast resources, while finance and specialized service industries have restructured the urban social and economic order. Thus a new type of city has appeared. It is the global city. The first thesis advanced in this book is that the territorial dispersal of current economic activity creates a need for expanded central control and management. But top-level control and management of the industry has become concentrated in a few leading financial centers, especially New York, London, Tokyo, Frankfurt, and Paris. The Fundamental dynamic posited here is that the more globalized the economy becomes, the higher the agglomeration of central functions in a relatively few sites, that is, in global cities. A second major theme of this book concerns the impact of this type of these development of the national urban system in each of these countries and for the relationship of the global city to its nation-state. A third major theme explored in this book concerns the consequences of these developments for the national urban system in each of these countries and for the relationship of the global city to its nation-state. The fourth and final theme in the book concerns the impact of these new forms of, and conditions for, growth on the social order of the global city.

著者

牧野 文夫

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = The Hosei University Economic Review (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3・4, pp.231-275, 2019-03-20

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The subject of this paper is to examine the distribution of land ownership in Tokyo City. For this purpose, a database of taxable landowners is made, using land registry data compiled in the late 1910s and early 1930s. Before the Meiji restoration, land ownership was distributed highly unequally in Tokyo because approximately 70% of Edo territory was owned by Daimyos (clan lords). A large part of the total land in Tokyo City was owned by ex-Daimyos and wealthy businessmen such as the Marquis Maeda, the Iwasaki family (the owner of the Mitsubishi financial and industrial conglomerate) or the Mitsui family, even in the late Meiji period. Large land ownership shifted from personal owners to corporate owners with the territorial expansion of Tokyo City. The financial crisis of the late 1920s (Showa Kyoko) also facilitated the shift from personal to corporate ownership due to the decline of the Kazoku (peerage). It should be emphasized that wealthy businessmen transferred their personal financial assets or real estate to the Hozenkaisha (asset preservation companies) that were developed in the mid-1910s. Estimates of the Gini coefficient of land assets owned by households proved that the highly unequal distribution of land remained unchanged in Tokyo City during the late 1910s and early 1930s.

著者

奥山 利幸 Okuyama Toshiyuki

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.143-168, 2006-08

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Baumgardner (1988), Kim (1989), and Weitzman (1994) have attemptedat proving Adam Smith Theorem, but their models are based uponimperfections. In this paper, I show what parts of their theories do anddo not reconcile with Adam Smith's theory of economic growth basedon the division of labor in the industries, and whether or not Smith'stheory contradicts the neoclassical paradigm.

著者

田口 清一

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.3, pp.377-389, 2011-02-25

著者

藤川 昌弘

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.3, pp.183-222, 1999-03

著者

中根 康裕

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = The Hosei University Economic Review (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.225-245, 2018-10-20

著者

牧野 文夫

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.1, pp.105-139, 2017-08-22

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This paper discusses the distribution of income and wealth, and poverty in Japan from the late Meiji Era to the late 1930s, using microdata on assessed income obtained for the collection of the local household tax called Kosūwari in selected areas. The analysis demonstrates several interesting results. First, Gini coefficients based on household income in these selected areas show that income inequality rose as incomes went up. Second, the decomposition of the Gini coefficient among different income levels suggests that the income share in middle income groups dropped markedly when income inequality worsened sharply. Third, decomposing the Gini by income sources for rural areas showed that a decline in non-agricultural incomes affected rising rural income inequality during periods of economic recession, while income from agricultural activities and income by renting out farm land increased inequality during periods of economic recovery. Fourth, the income share of labor in the non-agricultural sector showed a tendency to decline since Japan’s labor market was characterized by the continued presence of Lewisian surplus labor. The share of land in the total cost of agricultural production fell from the 1910s, while the share of labor remained relatively stable. Fifth, wealth was distributed more unequally than income. The Gini coefficient for rice field ownership ceased to increase in the 1910s when the share of land in the total cost of production began to decline as mentioned above. Finally, the relative poverty rate increased as average income levels rose and income inequality decreased. Based on local income data, the relative poverty rate for the whole country is estimated to have been around 20% in the 1920s and 1930s.

著者

飯田 隆

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.4, pp.67-85, 2005-03-07

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In Japan, financial administration which was carried out by the Ministry of Finance was known as "Convoy System (Goso Sendan Hoshiki)" since World War II. This "system" regulated larger banks with higher efficiency in order to put smaller banks whose management had poor efficiency on an equal footing in the financial system. This phrase refers to escorting cargo ships in war in which the speed of the escort is adjusted to the slowest ship. The problem is who was using this phrase for the first time, when it was, and where he was using it. In this paper, after careful investigation, it is concluded that a writer named Yamamoto Saburo was that person. However, his actual identity remains unclear, and one cannot deny the possibility that he was a bureaucrat in the Ministry of Finance. It seems that this phrase had been used inside the Ministry of Finance in the latter half of the 1960s. In that case, maybe, the bureaucrats who joined the Japanese navy during World War II began to use it. But as the Ministry of Finance itself could not use this phrase openly or officially, it was not known in the private sector. However, after Yamamoto Saburo used this phrase in a financial journal in 1976, it came to be used widely in the financial journalism. Among dictionaries of banking and finance or economics, the word "Goso Sendan Hoshiki" appeared frequently after 1998, which was the year that Japanse financial administration changed and the so-called "convoy system" came to an end.

著者

佐藤 政則

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.4, pp.191-204, 2015-03

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It was the financial institutions that purchased the majority of the Bank of Japan's underwriting of government bonds during the term in which Korekiyo Takahashi served as Finance Minister. The central agent was the underwriting syndicated banks. Furthermore, it was the so-called Big Five, i.e. Mitsui Bank, Mitsubishi Bank, Sumitomo Bank, First Bank, and Sanwa Bank, which constituted the core of the syndicated bank group. However, the former two banks were the dominant agents in this group. Indeed, it was the investment surplus in the government bonds by these two core banks that sustained the stable absorbtion of the government bonds in Takahashi's term. However, since the selling operations of the Bank of Japan, which made possible such stable digestion of the government bonds in this period, were dominated and controlled by these two major banks, their relinquishment of the dominant control would reveal and precipitate a fragile and shallow market, i.e. the limitations of, the so-called, "stability of funding the government bonds."

著者

八木 福次郎

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.3, pp.59-61, 2009-03

著者

尾形 憲

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.4, pp.313-379, 1994-02-25

著者

洞口 治夫

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.4, pp.381-402, 2018-03

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This article discusses the relevance of three concepts from Hirschman's book, Exit, V oice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States, to the power structure of corporate management. When one adds the administration of the organization to the model, one can expect some internal action patterns to emerge in an organization in decline. When the administration needs to reduce the number of the organization's members, it will try to "exclude" some members and "disregard" them. In such organizations, these members are involved in repetitious routine, so they work with little motivation to improve their productivity. The administrative managers thus ought to deal with less motivated members. We call such situation "inertia." While exit, voice, and loyalty correspond to the voluntary intention of individuals who join the organization, exclusion, disregard, and inertia are collective action patterns on the part of the members of the administration that can be adopted in the organization's hierarchy. If such a pattern becomes prevalent, it is impossible to expect self-purification processes inside the organization even when the firm breaks the law, for instance, by engaging in faulty internal auditing, inadequately observing quality control standards, or neglecting the requirements of legal compliance.

著者

岡 孝

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.2, pp.27-49, 2010-10-30

著者

小峰 隆夫

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.3, pp.5-24, 2010-03

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This article is an attempt to answer three questions. The first is why the Japanese economy suffered a heavier blow than the U.S. from the Lehman shock. The answer is that it was not only due to the fall of exports but also to the adjustment of inventory investment and the "acceleration principle" for plant investment. The second is how we should evaluate the economic policy of the Japanese Government following the Lehman shock. The conclusion of this article is that the evaluation should not be very high, considering the delay in the Government's recognition of the seriousness of the economic situation. The third is what policy orientation should be adopted to transform the economy from net export-led growth to domestic demand-led growth. This article outlines the difference between net exports and exports, and recommends that exports, imports and domestic demand be expanded at the same time to realize growth led by domestic demand.

著者

靎見 誠良

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.29-63, 1983-07-30

著者

坂本 憲昭

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.1, pp.1-21, 2017-08-22

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This paper shows the degree of congestion at a restaurant in a theme park through a simulation using Little’s formula, which is the most basic principle in Queueing Theory. In a certain type of restaurant, customers place their orders and pay first, then stand in line to receive their meals. The problem is the long time needed to serve the meals even when vacant seats can easily be found. Regarding congestion, it takes 40 minutes or more for the customers to receive their orders after lining up in the restaurant. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate a case where Little’s formula reproduces a real system.

著者

坂本 憲昭

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.1, pp.37-63, 2016-09

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This paper examines the opinion that the future of the high-rise apartment is the same as the history of the housing complex. As a result of having checked the age change of the local residents in each area with many housing complex, the large-scale apartments or the high-rise apartments, it is found that the ratio of people over 65 years old of the high-rise apartments in the early period is increasing. To continue the movement of inhabitants based on the process of the housing complex, the practice of the next factors are necessary. [Internal factor] Keep high asset value of high-rise apartments by the large-scale repair and renovation work. [External factor] Support measure to the families.