著者

田村 哲樹

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_143-1_168, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

55

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Though the state has been the main topic in political theory, it hasn't been the case in feminism. But in recent years feminists have begun to pay attention to the state and state theory. So my research question is how feminists should theorize the state. I argue three points in order to answer this question. Firstly feminists can't see the state as essentially patriarchal, because state is constructed through discursive struggles. Secondly it is important that both civil society and mediation channels are democratic, if state is to be non-patriarchal. So feminist state theory can't be the theory focused on the state exclusively. Finally for feminists it is insufficient to think only about the relationship between state and civil society. Because feminists have criticized public/private distinction, feminist state theory must take this distinction into account. There are some qualitative differences between public realm including civil society and private realm such as family. But we should not see these boundaries as fixed. We go on deliberating whether these boundaries are appropriate or not. That is why ‘politics as public action” is significant.

著者

猪木 正道

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.23-63, 1952-09-10 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

太田 雅夫 金丸 輝雄 西田 毅

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.105-177,en2, 1965-11-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

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This paper is a report on the field-survey of the voting behaviour and the political consciousness of the citizens of Kyoto, the First Constituency of Kyoto Prefecture, expressed in the 30th General Election of the members of the House of Representatives which took place on 21st November, 1963.As is well-known, compared with the previous Election which was fought with the U. S. -Japanese Security Treaty as the centre of political issues, the points at issue were not clear in the last, 30th Election, and the reason for the Election not being sufficiently understood among the nation, the campaign remained on a low key from the beginning to the end. Correspondingly, the voting ratio in the whole country was 71.1%, which was the second lowest since the end of the Second World War, the first being 67.9% in 1947.In the city of Kyoto, which forms the First Constituency of Kyoto Prefecture, 58.2% was recorded, which is lower than the average of the whole country by 12.9% and is within the lowest-voting group in the country.The result was the elections of two Liberal-Democrats (Ministerial Conservatives), one Communist, one Socialist and one Democratic-Socialist. Therefore in the new political map of Kyoto, there are two Conservatives against three “Reformists, ” the Conservatives having obtained 42% of the votes cast and the Reformist parties 58%. The Communist candidate came out at the top of the members elected. Thus, the Reformist forces are strong in this constituency. The reformist tendency in the political climate of Kyoto has long been pointed out, together with the emphasis of the classical character of this city, especially in connection with its cultural characteristics.Are we to regard this Reformist tendency of Kyoto as being the same as the tenacious strength of the Reformists in large cities, such as Tokyo and Osaka, where the organized forces, with workmen in large and small factories and white-collars as the centre, constitute their support? Or, is there any particular phenomenon in the case of Kyoto, peculiar to it and different from other regions?Further, how far are the citizens of Kyoto conscious of objective recognition of circumstances and subjective selection of value which form the two criteria of political consideration imposed upon the modern “citizens”? Upon these premises and bearing these problems in view, the writers have arranged into order the relation between voting behaviour and political consciousness based on various materials. These materials specifically include those of voting precentage and abstention, choice ox candidates —its reason and motives— points at issue, and so on. The paper lays stress on the description of the actual reality of Kyoto, and does not adopt the method of abstracting a general proposition out of the pattern in this case.

著者

樋渡 展洋

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.2_182-2_216, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

53

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The United States responded to the end of the Cold War by promoting trade with regimes that adopted market-oriented reforms but investing in weapons development to maintain superiority over non-democratizing military powers. This policy was sustained in Congress in spite of majority Party changes, divided government, and economic swings. This article constructs a framework that incorporates Presidential agenda setting, partisan debates over control of the agenda, and ideological overlap between the parties to identify the lawmakers behind this policy. This framework builds on Tsebelis’ veto player theory, which includes both institutional veto points and partisan veto players, and predicts voting patterns that differ from Krehbiel's pivotal politics model (focusing exclusively on institutional veto points), Cox and McCubbins’ partisan agenda model (examining only partisan veto players), or the two presidency thesis (emphasizing Presidential agenda setting). The framework is then applied to understand Congressional foreign policy voting patterns. An analysis of Congressional bills and resolutions on China trade, defense spending, and missile defense spending shows voting patterns that are in line with the predictions from this framework, rather than existing models and suggests that stable support for the above policy comes from a bipartisan, pro-business, and President-supportive group of lawmakers.

著者

山口 定

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.157-181, 1984-03-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

蒲島 郁夫

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.43-76, 1982-04-08 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

京 俊介

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_257-1_278, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

参考文献数

30

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This article analyzes a policy-making process for revised Japanese copyright law to add provision for computer software. The policy outcome of this process had been made through the conflict between the Agency for Cultural Affairs and the Ministry of International Trade and Industry. The paper describes the conditions under which administrative conflicts, as a result of attempts to control new policy areas, arise and are settled. Previous research shows that such conflicts are viewed as administrative competition for additional resources. In order to modify this understanding, by introducing “autonomy” and “vigor,” the author argues, as previous studies have shown, that conflicts between both agencies pursuing vigor tend to lead to deadlocks and need arbitrators (e.g. politicians) to provide resolutions. Conversely, conflicts between agencies pursuing vigor and ones pursuing a degree of autonomy tend to be resolved without such arbitrators as policy outcomes satisfying both interests arise when the agencies’ goals are different.

著者

森 義宣

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.1-22, 1952-09-10 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

原 彬久

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.113-128, 1992-12-22 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

竹井 隆人

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.2_83-2_102, 2007 (Released:2012-11-06)

参考文献数

25

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The gated communities risen in U.S.A. and similar excessively secured collective housings in Japan would inevitably cause the exclusion from outer communities, leaving them as “the closed space”, which have harshly been criticized.   However, I wish to maintain their private government basing on the direct democracy with participatory and deliberation modes will certainly breed the excellent commonality among all the people there, which will easily be extended and elevated to the public. The commonality based on the democracy, thus, will go beyond “the closed space” to the city/town level, furthering even to the national level, which is the subject of my paper “the despatial democracy”.

著者

村上 信一郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.53-68, 2002-01-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

橋川 文三

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.96-119, 1963-12-16 (Released:2009-12-21)