著者
木下 真志
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_109-1_142, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
104

Recently, there are many articles with which SDPJ is dealt. The aim of this article is to investigate the formation process of the proposition “kouzou-kaikaku” (the reform plan of SDPJ) and to verify how the plan had held place in SDPJ at that moment. Especially I will focus on the rising and fall of the faction “Eda-Ha” which was represented by Eda Saburou (one of the influential reformers in SDPJ). It would have intended to reform SDPJ in large measure in 1960's. But in spite of its passion, the reform faced the various oppositions by the major (left) factions within SDPJ. As the consequence, Eda-Ha failed to reform SDPJ.   We can see many reasons why the theory “kouzou-kaikaku” has lost its position in SDPJ. Up to this time, it is said that the decline of Eda-Ha with the intention of the reform caused to the decline of SDPJ. I present other reason of the decline from the alternative points of view.   By doing so, I intend to contribute further development of the studies on SDPJ.
著者
宮本 融
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.83-124,264, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
93
被引用文献数
1

“Japan; Who governs?” This has been one of the main themes in the Japanese political science. Since the bureaucracy had been the core of the pre-war imperial system, the establishment of the elected officials' supremacy under the new Constitution became, the priority objective. This goal was achieved by the decades of the Liberal Democratic Party's one party dominance. However, recent studies have re-discovered the significance of the bureaucracy.After reviewing the academic literature, this article brings three new perspectives. First, the new type of bureaucracy, “administrative conservator, ” is emerging. Second, this “re-discovery” of the Japanese bureaucratic leadership might be temporary. Japan has become a front-runner who has to choose her own shape of the state. Bureaucrats have to work together with politicians since only politicians can make legitimate decisions. Therefore it's time for us to discuss the constructive relationship between those two, instead of asking which has the dominance. This identifies factors that define the bureaucracy itself. Finally, this article demonstrates the knowledge that defines bureaucracy is not some knowledge on particular areas, but the certain attitudes towards policies.
著者
山口 二郎
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.202-225,267, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

Nowadays, the Koizumi government has put his structural reform into practice to some extent. His policy based on neo-liberal ideology is changing policy system which realized parity among the regions and classes in the post war Japan. As the result of 2005 general election showed, the people give support to his reform. This paper aims at grasping the notion of equality that the LDP and the bureaucracy have been pursuing for fifty years. Then, it tries to answer a puzzle, why ordinary people support the neo-liberal policy which causes pain and disadvantage to themselves.Japanese-style equality was brought about by combination of discretionary policy and socialization of risk. Although the socio-economic system in post war Japan is often called “successful social democracy”, it is far from the true one in west European countries. Universalistic approach was quite weak in social policy, and discretionary policy such as subsidy and public investment projects functioned as redistributive policy for backward sectors. Discretionary approach also caused chronic corruption and unfair vested interests in the bureaucracy.Koizumi was good at attacking this corrupted complex, and aroused expectation among the people. They supported Koizumi's reform because they expected him to slash the corruption and vested interests. However, they do not appreciate real outcome of the structural reform. Our opinion poll in early 2006 shows that they still approve the notion of welfare state and have deep concern about inequality in recent Japanese society.Koizumi's reform removed various shelters in Japanese society, and people become exposed to many kinds of risk. In this context, it is likely that debate on role of the government becomes serious in party politics.
著者
田村 哲樹
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.11-35,263, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
72

In this article, focusing upon the recent development in deliberative democracy studies, I clarify the current state of relationship between normative theory and empirical research and consider its future.Deliberative democracy had been discussed by normative theorists. But in recent years, some important empirical studies have emerged. There are two ways of inference among those studies: one is descriptive inference, and the other is causal inference.Some normative theorists also try to take some empirical moments into account. We can find two approaches. One is to suggest institutional design of deliberative democracy. The other is to use the empirical knowledge in order to develop normative theory.Some scholars insist that both normative and empirical can not be separated. But it is hard to conceive the dissolution of normative/empirical distinction. One of the most important differences between the two is the way to understand “reality”, while this does not mean that there is no point of intersection between the two.My conclusion is that: there are some points of intersection between normative theory and empirical analysis. Trying to engage in issue-oriented research, we may be able to close the gap between normative and empirical.
著者
井上 彰
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.2_276-2_295, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
21

Left-libertarianism has attracted our attention as one of the powerful strands of political philosophy. Left-libertarianism endorses the thesis of self-ownership and reinterprets the Locken proviso in an egalitarian manner. It holds, roughly, that while people own their mind and body, unowned resources should be distributed equally among them.   This paper attempts to specify the merits and limits of left-libertarianism. On the one hand, left-libertarianism has two merits. First, left-libertarians demonstrate the possibility of justice as a system of perfect duties in such a way that the thesis of self-ownership is reasonably weakened. Second, the left-libertarian (re)interpretations of the Lockean proviso lead us to see the plausibility of the proviso as an egalitarian principle of justice. On the other hand, there are two problems with left-libertarianism. First, some inequalities resulting from the difference of people's native endowments are left unattended in the left-libertarian argument, mainly because left-libertarians fail to distinguish voluntariness from non-coerciveness; the thesis of self-ownership guarantees the latter, not always the former. Second, left-libertarianism is vulnerable to real-life uncertainty. Given that uncertainty is a characteristic trait of our market society, this implication seems fatal to the left-libertarian argument.
著者
森 靖夫
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_241-1_262, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

This article examines the struggle for the control of the army between the army and political parties.   In prewar Japan only military offices could assume the military ministers. It has commonly been accepted that this rule made it difficult for civilians to control the Army and it was the decisive power resource of the army. However, this view cannot explain why party cabinets between 1924 and 1932 failed to institutionalize civilian control over the army and how the army reacted to the establishment of party politics in this period.   This paper mainly provides two new views. First, in the 1920s, the army agreed reluctantly to give up military minister posts to parties due to the rise of parties. Second, in spite of this compromise of the Army, the Army still maintained these posts because the prime ministers and the army ministers agreed to avoid a rapid rule change and control the army by their leadership.   The failure of civilian control in prewar Japan did not stem solely from formal rules. Party cabinets could develop their power and control the Army by aggressively enforcing formal rules and taking their initiative. Yet, they failed to establish their political supremacy over the Army in the 1920s and it led to militarism afterward.
著者
狐崎 知己
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.2_87-2_107, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

The Commission on Historical Clarification in Guatemala (CEH) organized by the United Nations based on the Peace Agreement signed by the Guatemalan Government and the URNG, recognized that the Army and other agents of the Guatemalan State, inspired by the Doctrine of National Security, committed acts of genocide against the Maya people. The CEH named three mutually-dependent “structural” or “historical” causes of genocide: economic exploitation, racism and political authoritarianism. In this article, the analytical framework composed by the combination of four types of violence, (1) Direct political, (2) Structural, (3) Symbolic, and (4) Everyday forms of violence, is used to find out the continuing structure of the state violence which lead to genocide, as well as the changing forms and expressions of the political violence in the aftermath of genocide, focusing on the political impact of the act of “naming genocide” and the “privatization of the violence.”
著者
升味 準之輔
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, pp.34-77,en3, 1967-05-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

The Japanese political system in its present form emerged in 1955 when the socialists and conservatives unified their respective camps in quick succession, forming a two-party system controlled by the conservatives. The socialists and other opposition parties, . however, have exerted unremitting and increasing pressure on the conservative party, Rapid economic and social developments have also brought considerable pressure to bear on the conservative party system, with industrialization and urbanization eroding the traditional conservative strongholds. These pressures have compelled the party to face the question of party organization reforms, particularly since 1960. The author discusses three issues raised by the reforms. First, he mentions the dissolution of intraparty factions during the Ikeda government; second, political fund raising organizations, with particular emphasis on the Economic Reconstruction Debate Association and the National Association; and third, the education of party officials and the local party agent system. The party's role in the process of policy-making is then analyzed with respect to the Party Policy Investigation Board, the revision of the Japan-U. S. Security Treaty in 1960, and the Ikeda cabinet's Income Doubling Plan and New Industrial Cities Plan.1. The conservative party since 1955.2. Problems of party organization-party and factions; political contributions and the business circles; party headquarters and chapters.3. The conservative party and the policy-making process-the Party Policy Investigation Board and governmental bureaucracy; case studies of foreign and domestic policy formulation.
著者
待鳥 聡史
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.1_140-1_161, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)
参考文献数
26

This article proposes a framework for the comparative study of divided government and applies it to the U.S. cases. A recent theory of comparative politics, comparative analysis of political institutions, emphasizes there are many variations of the presidential systems. They come from two institutional arrangements: electoral and executive rules. These rules lead to the variations of divided governments by making differences in party systems and organizations. In the case of American divided government, it had been a combination of two-party competition and weak intra-party unity until the 1970s. Since the 1980s, however, American two-party system has been with a strong intra-party cohesion. This transformation has also changed the policymaking process of the divided government. By some data and a case study, the author finds that confrontations between the President and Congressional majority party become sharper, although these are continued not so long.