著者
上神 貴佳
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_220-1_240, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
21
被引用文献数
1 2

This paper examines the relationship between a democratization of party leadership selection and party organizational change in Japan. The Liberal Democratic Party, the long ruling party, became used to utilizing votes by party members as a method of electing its presidents. Compared with the Democratic Party of Japan, the second largest party, LDP has a much larger number of members, but its factional linkage which holds diet members and rank and file party members together has dwindled. By contrast, the organizational support base of DPJ remains weak, so the demand of local party organizations for votes by party members does not increase. In sum, as a result of many LDP members voting individually, they are coming on the stage of party leadership selection as new actors. Both because the incentives of candidates and members change, votes by party members became popular in LDP.
著者
木下 真志
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_109-1_142, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
104

Recently, there are many articles with which SDPJ is dealt. The aim of this article is to investigate the formation process of the proposition “kouzou-kaikaku” (the reform plan of SDPJ) and to verify how the plan had held place in SDPJ at that moment. Especially I will focus on the rising and fall of the faction “Eda-Ha” which was represented by Eda Saburou (one of the influential reformers in SDPJ). It would have intended to reform SDPJ in large measure in 1960's. But in spite of its passion, the reform faced the various oppositions by the major (left) factions within SDPJ. As the consequence, Eda-Ha failed to reform SDPJ.   We can see many reasons why the theory “kouzou-kaikaku” has lost its position in SDPJ. Up to this time, it is said that the decline of Eda-Ha with the intention of the reform caused to the decline of SDPJ. I present other reason of the decline from the alternative points of view.   By doing so, I intend to contribute further development of the studies on SDPJ.
著者
永井 陽之助
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, pp.89-131,en6, 1966-09-26 (Released:2009-12-21)
参考文献数
3

I Introduction II The Russian Revolution and the American Intellectuals III The New Deal Coalition and the Left-Intellectuals IV The End of Ideology and the American IdeologyIn contrast with the question posed by Werner Sombart at the turn of the century in the title of a book, “Why Is there No Socialism in the United States?”, this article examines the ideological adaptability of American Liberalism, as a surrogate for socialism, to the contemporary crisis home and abroad.The impact of Russian Revolution on American liberals who shared the optimistic expectation of the inevitable spread of democracy throughout the world, had failed to impress them as a challenge on the basic value-system of American regime, because of the misunderstanding about the nature of the Bolshevik regime by the narcissistic projection of American creed. That moralistic idealism, often indicated by the reformist prejudice for the machine politics, had prevented from the. understanding about the nature of “Revolution of rising expectation” in the developing areas.In addition to the creed, the unique character of New Deal coalition in terms of the ethnic, cultural heterogenity, the nationalization of socialism during the happy day of “popular front”, had contributed to the postponement of radical reapprasement of American creed. After the war, the democratic coalition had become so furiously disintegrated by 1952. The domestic crisis in the tortuous period of political indecision and pluralistic stagnation at a decisive turning point in America and world history, is largely a refection of the fact that the nation no longer has an effective majority and never has an stable organized opposition.Although the American Liberalism, saved by the twenty-five years' war, hot and cold, survived under the optimistic atomosphere of “The end of Ideology”, we cannot neglect the fact that “The end of Ideology” did not mean “The end of American Ideology”, particulary for the hard-boild, tough-minded realists.On the other hand, the reaction to “hard-boild” radicalism, with its exaggerated faith in the efficiency of direct political involvement during the day of “popular front”, often took form of the exaggerated skeptism about politics. However, it is no accident that “brilliant realists” of the Kennedy Administration has been so little concerned with the non-European world that the underdeveloped areas home and abroad was the blind spot of the Kennedy foreign policy as well as the negro problems.
著者
宮本 融
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.83-124,264, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
93
被引用文献数
1

“Japan; Who governs?” This has been one of the main themes in the Japanese political science. Since the bureaucracy had been the core of the pre-war imperial system, the establishment of the elected officials' supremacy under the new Constitution became, the priority objective. This goal was achieved by the decades of the Liberal Democratic Party's one party dominance. However, recent studies have re-discovered the significance of the bureaucracy.After reviewing the academic literature, this article brings three new perspectives. First, the new type of bureaucracy, “administrative conservator, ” is emerging. Second, this “re-discovery” of the Japanese bureaucratic leadership might be temporary. Japan has become a front-runner who has to choose her own shape of the state. Bureaucrats have to work together with politicians since only politicians can make legitimate decisions. Therefore it's time for us to discuss the constructive relationship between those two, instead of asking which has the dominance. This identifies factors that define the bureaucracy itself. Finally, this article demonstrates the knowledge that defines bureaucracy is not some knowledge on particular areas, but the certain attitudes towards policies.

9 1 1 0 OA 法と暴力

著者
杉田 敦
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.2_166-2_181, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
15

In the 1920's Germany, Waiter Benjamin probed into the conglutination of the law and violence, and expected for the so-called “pure violence” to transcend the coercive order depending on the law-violence. In response to this argument, Carl Schmitt tried to consolidate a system of the sovereignty where everything was to be solved within legal contexts, even in the state of emergency.   Giorgio Agamben has successfully elucidated this “polemic” between the two thinkers. But his argument that the state of emergency has already been normalized may lead to an expectation of an escape from the present situation, like in the theory of Benjamin.   In the 60's, in his theory on partisans, Schmitt warned about the risk of the erosion of a legal system by the “irregularity” of partisans. But Hannah Arendt's beloved “space of appearance” is actually rather similar to the “space of irregularity” of partisans. Seen in this way; the seriously dissenting thinkers coincide in setting a boundary between a desirable realm and an undesirable realm.   However, this kind of boundary setting may not be necessary for the politics. What is needed is a continuous and endless negotiation between the dichotomous categories.
著者
古賀 光生
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.2_246-2_268, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)
参考文献数
31

Clientelism affects strategies of extreme right-wing parties (ERPs) in Western Europe. In 1990s, more and more people criticized clientelisitic exchanges than before. Some ERPs could find ‘niche’ in electoral market where voters who disliked mainstream parties because of clientelism existed. But how ERPs mobilized was very different between parties. This article compares electoral market in three European countries where clientelism widely spread and analyzes how clietelism affected ERPs’ strategies. In Belgium, clietelism had endurance in spite of critics. In Italy, clientelism so suddenly broke down, that ERPs must change their strategies. In Austria, mainstream parties gradually privatized nation-owned industries which were major resources of clientelism. These differences influenced electoral market which ERPs could get into. With this comparison, we can see how ERPs adjust themselves to the ‘niche’ in electoral market, and why some parties like Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) could formed the electoral coalition between “modernization losers” and “social climbers”.
著者
森川 友義
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.2_217-2_236, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
43

In recent years, so-called “Evolutionary Political Science” has drawn much attention from political scientists in the United States as well as in Europe. Little is known, however, about the overall framework of the approach, as it has been variously termed as “biopolitics”, “neuro-politics,” “evolutionary approach to political behavior” or “sociogenomics.” Scholars in this field share and emphasize human cognitive processes that have derived from an evolutionary perspective on human cognitive functioning and architecture. In light of the above, recent analyses on: (1) altruistic decision-making, (2) genetic influence on political behaviors, and (3) an “ultimate” approach to warfare are discussed in detail. In the process, I refer to important aspects of proximate vs. ultimate mechanism, nature vs. nurture, and general problem solver vs. “modular” architecture of the human brain -- arguments which are all closely connected with information processing mechanisms in the study of political science.
著者
山口 二郎
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.202-225,267, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

Nowadays, the Koizumi government has put his structural reform into practice to some extent. His policy based on neo-liberal ideology is changing policy system which realized parity among the regions and classes in the post war Japan. As the result of 2005 general election showed, the people give support to his reform. This paper aims at grasping the notion of equality that the LDP and the bureaucracy have been pursuing for fifty years. Then, it tries to answer a puzzle, why ordinary people support the neo-liberal policy which causes pain and disadvantage to themselves.Japanese-style equality was brought about by combination of discretionary policy and socialization of risk. Although the socio-economic system in post war Japan is often called “successful social democracy”, it is far from the true one in west European countries. Universalistic approach was quite weak in social policy, and discretionary policy such as subsidy and public investment projects functioned as redistributive policy for backward sectors. Discretionary approach also caused chronic corruption and unfair vested interests in the bureaucracy.Koizumi was good at attacking this corrupted complex, and aroused expectation among the people. They supported Koizumi's reform because they expected him to slash the corruption and vested interests. However, they do not appreciate real outcome of the structural reform. Our opinion poll in early 2006 shows that they still approve the notion of welfare state and have deep concern about inequality in recent Japanese society.Koizumi's reform removed various shelters in Japanese society, and people become exposed to many kinds of risk. In this context, it is likely that debate on role of the government becomes serious in party politics.
著者
井上 彰
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.2_276-2_295, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
21

Left-libertarianism has attracted our attention as one of the powerful strands of political philosophy. Left-libertarianism endorses the thesis of self-ownership and reinterprets the Locken proviso in an egalitarian manner. It holds, roughly, that while people own their mind and body, unowned resources should be distributed equally among them.   This paper attempts to specify the merits and limits of left-libertarianism. On the one hand, left-libertarianism has two merits. First, left-libertarians demonstrate the possibility of justice as a system of perfect duties in such a way that the thesis of self-ownership is reasonably weakened. Second, the left-libertarian (re)interpretations of the Lockean proviso lead us to see the plausibility of the proviso as an egalitarian principle of justice. On the other hand, there are two problems with left-libertarianism. First, some inequalities resulting from the difference of people's native endowments are left unattended in the left-libertarian argument, mainly because left-libertarians fail to distinguish voluntariness from non-coerciveness; the thesis of self-ownership guarantees the latter, not always the former. Second, left-libertarianism is vulnerable to real-life uncertainty. Given that uncertainty is a characteristic trait of our market society, this implication seems fatal to the left-libertarian argument.
著者
田村 哲樹
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.11-35,263, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
72

In this article, focusing upon the recent development in deliberative democracy studies, I clarify the current state of relationship between normative theory and empirical research and consider its future.Deliberative democracy had been discussed by normative theorists. But in recent years, some important empirical studies have emerged. There are two ways of inference among those studies: one is descriptive inference, and the other is causal inference.Some normative theorists also try to take some empirical moments into account. We can find two approaches. One is to suggest institutional design of deliberative democracy. The other is to use the empirical knowledge in order to develop normative theory.Some scholars insist that both normative and empirical can not be separated. But it is hard to conceive the dissolution of normative/empirical distinction. One of the most important differences between the two is the way to understand “reality”, while this does not mean that there is no point of intersection between the two.My conclusion is that: there are some points of intersection between normative theory and empirical analysis. Trying to engage in issue-oriented research, we may be able to close the gap between normative and empirical.