著者

森 茂男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.63-78,266, 1977

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The Avesta Yašts, which constitute the earlist part of the Younger Avesta, comprises numerous uninteligible passages. Yašt 5, 11:13 are typical hymns having such passages.<br>Parallel passages are observed between Yt. 5, 11:13 and Yt. 10, 125 (a hymn to Mithra), that is to say, <i>ahmya vaše vaz_??_mna</i> (Yt. 5, 11) with <i>ahmya vaše vazante</i> (Yt. 10, 125), and <i>caθwaro vaštara spaeta vispa hama. gaona_??_ho</i> (Yt. 5, 13) with <i>caθwaro aurvanto spaeitita hama</i>. <i>gaona_??_ho</i> (Yt. 10, 125), although they have been rejected or ignored by many Iranists. The dual form, <i>hama</i>. <i>nafaeni berezanta taurvayanta</i>, (Yt. 5, 13), which shows the very contradictory grammatical feature in context, seems to be a formula in the non-Zoroastrian original Yašts. Therefore, the agents of the verb, <i>taurvayanta</i>, are not <i>caθwaro vaštara</i> "four drawing-animals, " but two gods suggested by the dual form. The above two evidences, I think, reveal the close relation between Anahita and Mithra. On the other hand, Anahita was also worshiped as the bestower and the guardian of kingship as well as Mithra in ancient Iran, and such function of Anahita is known by several passages in Yast 5, the inscriptions of Artaxerxes II and other evidences in West Iran. Moreover, considering the dual form of Yt. 5, 13 and Herodotus' famous misunderstanding about Iranian Aphrodite, Anahita (I, 131), we could not deny the possibility that both of them were united into a pair.<br>I suppose St. 11 sings a pair of gods, Mithra and Anahita, driving the chariot, and St. 13 comprises the fragments of two different hymns, one depicts Anahita's four drawing-animals, the other the combat against <i>daevas</i> by them. Yt. 5, 11: 13 would be the remnant of the lost hymns dedicated to Mithra-Anahita. If we accept Christensen's theory that, imitating the Avestan language, Median magi converted to Zoroastrianism composed Yašt 5, we may say that the original text of Yt. 5, 11:13 was the part of θεογουιη, so-called Median version of Yašts.<br>My translation of Yt. 5, 11:13 is as follows;<br>St. 11: Who (the male god, i. e., Mithra), the first, drives the chariot, gripes the bridles for (driving) the chariot; (Anahita) driving his chariot, …<br>St. 13: Whose four drawing-animals (are), white ones, all of one colour. (Two gods, Mithra and Anahita) of the same family, high ones, overwhlmed…

著者

アクロイド P. R. 小野寺 幸也

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.76-91, 1984

著者

佐藤 進

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.148-157, 1990

著者

小笠原 弘幸

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.208-222, 2005

著者

平野 智洋

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

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オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.58-75, 2001

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The highest court titles, despot (δεσποτης), <i>sevastokrator</i> (σεβαστοκρατωρ), and <i>Kaisar</i> (καισαρ), had very important roles in the Late Byzantune Empire. The holders of these titles, normally members of the imperial family, had considerable influences not only on the political scene, but also on the provincal administration as they were the highest position of its apparatus. On the administrative role of the title holders, many scholars have explained that it had the same character as the Western appanage, and that the administration did not depend on his their titles, but simply on that they were a member of the imperial family; their administration was basically private, since it had no foundation in the Byzantine theory of government. I make my examination, therefore, in comparison with that Byzantine administrative apparatus and office of the governor considering its continuity.<br>There are many cases which one and the same person had both the office of governor (κεψαλη) and the court title. In such cases, the administrator more often signed himself, or was mentioned by others, as the latter rather than the former in documentary sources. This custom indicates that that person tried to raise his authority by using the court title which indicated his higher social status. It was probably an omission of formality as well because there was no need to refer oneself as the lower class of the <i>kephali</i>. And the absence of that reference after the second half of the fourteenth century indicates that this formal omission became more prevalent.<br>Substantially, there is no difference in the administratorship before and after 1349, when the Emperor Ioannis VI Kandakouzinos (1347-54) appointed his relatives as the administrator of imperial territory. The administration of the despots was definitely different from that of the co-Emperor Matthaios Kandakouzinos (1353-57), whose authority involved real autonomy. Though their authority was rapidly enlarged, it was not established as private (except for the case of Thessaloniki in the first half of fifteenth century) or autonomous. They lacked their own diplomacy and the rights to inheritance. Especially in the Morea, from Manouil Kandakouzinos (1349-80), the first, to Dimitrios Palaiologos (1449-60), the last, all the <i>despotai</i> were apparently the imperial governers rather than the private landlords. Although the tendency of feudalization continuously developed in the imperial territory, these administrators did not originate from that tendency.

著者

二ノ宮 崇司

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

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オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

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vol.52, no.2, pp.143-163, 2010

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The aim of this paper is to examine the phonetic features of emphatics in Jibbāli, a Semitic languages of Oman. Jibbāli emphatics have been regarded variously as ejective or glottalized in previous research.<br> I analyzed recordings of Amharic ejectives (t', s') and non-ejectives (t, s) as well as Korean glottalized (t^ʔ, s^ʔ) and non-glottalized consonants (t, s), and contrasted them with Jibbāli emphatics (T, K, S, S̃, Ś, Ṯ) and non-emphatics (t, k, s, s̃, ɫ, θ) recorded during my field research conducted in the Sultanate of Oman July-August, 2008. I examined them in terms of voice-bar, fill, intensity and duration of the adjacent silent period and the release burst, using Kay's Multi-Speech (ver. 2.5).<br> It turns out that all Jibbāli emphatics are unvoiced in terms of the voice-bar. In Amharic, the intensity of word-final <i>t^ʔ</i> is stronger than that of word-final <i>t</i>. In Jibbāli also, the emphatics were strong in comparison to the non-emphatics. The duration of the silent period of both Jibbāli emphatics and Amharic ejectives is longer than that of Korean glottalized consonants. Concerning the duration of release burst, in Amharic, that of fricative ejectives tends to be shorter than that of fricative non-ejectives. That of the Jibbāli emphatics likewise is shorter than that of the non-emphatic counterpart. However, in Korean, the release burst of the glottal <i>s^ʔ</i> has almost the same duration as that of the non-glottal <i>s</i>.<br> In conslusion, judging from their intensity and duration, Jibbāli emphatics have been confirmed to be ejectives.

著者

山内 昌之

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

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vol.23, no.2, pp.191-209, 1980

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.140-153, 2005

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In this paper I deal with an unidentified manuscript held in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Münich 378^c, which is a chronicle covering 402-436H, namely the latter part of the Buwayhid dynasty. This manuscript preserves the content of the chronicle of Hilal al-Sabi, almost all of which has been lost, and has therefore been used in the study of Buwayhid history. Because it is an unidentified manuscript, its value as a source is diminished. In this paper I was able to determine the author and title of Münich 378^c, and in that process it became clear that there is a problem of the manuscript line of <i>Mir'at al-Zaman</i>, and then I tried to organize this problem to.<br>In 1905 Amedroz examined Münich 378^c by comparing it with the manuscript of <i>Mir'at al-Zaman</i> Or. 4619, but he came to no conclusion about the relationship. First, I reexamined his work, and I demonstrated the reason why he did not conclude that Münich 378^c is a manuscript of <i>Mir'at al-Zaman</i>. Because, Or. 4619 is different from Münich 378^c with respect to contents and the number of articles.<br>Second, I compared Münich 378^c with manuscripts of <i>Mir'at al-Zaman</i> preserved in libraries of Istanbul, for example the libraries of Ahmet III and Köprülü. Münich 378^c and the manuscripts of <i>Mir'at al-Zaman</i> in Istanbul turned out to belong the same line of manuscripts. Namely, Münich 378^c is <i>Mir'at al-Zaman</i>, and the author is Sibt b. al-Jawzi.<br>Finally, in this paper I showed that <i>Mir'at al-Zaman</i> has two lines of manuscripts. Although this fact has been pointed out by Cl. Cahen and Li Guo, I demonstrated that problem of manuscript lines of <i>Mir'at al-Zaman</i> is more complicated than heretofore realized.

著者

斎藤 剛

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.127-147, 2004

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In this article, I focus on the memorial service for the Muslim saint/scholar Sidi al-Hajj Habib al-Bashwari (d. 1976).<br>This memorial service has been held once a year since 1977 at <i>Madrasa Tanalttya</i>, one of the traditional Islamic schools (<i>madrasa-s</i>) situated in the Sus region (the southern part of Morocco).<br>Al-Hajj Habib is not only one of the most famous modern saints of this region, he is also a prominent traditional religious scholar. As such, he had instructed many talented students who have become scholars and now manage their own <i>madrasa-s</i>. There are some 60-100 <i>madrasa-s</i> in this region, and it is said that students of al-Hajj Habib manage no fewer than a half of them. They have been the major promoters of and participants in the memorial service for al-Hajj Habib.<br>This memorial service can be treated as a kind of saint's festival in the sense that the man for whom this assembly is held each year is esteemed as a prominent saint.<br>Many anthropologists working on the Middle East have focused not only on the Muslim saint worship and saints' festivals, most of which are carried out by tribesmen or by some "popular" religious brotherhood. However, although many anthropologists and historians recognize the overlap of saints and scholars, they consider saint worship as a kind of "popular Islam, " situated far from the activity of religious scholars.<br>In contrast to the tendency of previous anthropological studies to study folk or popular saints' festivals, in this article I present an example of a festival which celebrates a man of knowledge and explore its relationship with saint worship.

著者

小林 義尚

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.185-195, 1987