著者

清水 嘉隆

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.53-68,201, 1976 (Released:2010-03-12)

---

Of 114 paragraphs of the Middle Persian epic literature, Ayadgar i Zarerdn, 1-50 have here been translated into Japanese. In spite of the penetrating treatment by H. S. Nyberg: A Manual of Pahlavi II, Wiesbaden 1974, not a few words remain still in doubt.The existence of an older text prior to the text now extant can be inferred from various points of view. Among others, I should like to stress here syntactic inconsistencies shown in §§1-3 and §19. §§1-3: ‘When King Wishtasp with his own sons and brothers, royal families and attendants, accepted from Ohrmazd this Pure Religion of the Mazdayasnians and afterwards came to the Khiyon lord Arjasp the news that King Wishtasp with his own sons, brothers and royal families and attendants had accepted from Ohrmazd this Pure Religion of the Mazdayasnians, then to them (the Khiyons) came heavy displeasure.’ The consistency in this sentence has been interrupted by the preceding passage ‘This Memoirs which they call Zareran was written at that time’, because 'pad 'an gah ‘at that time’ would be out of place without the following phrase ‘when King Wishtasp with his own sons…’. See note (6). §19: ‘There in the Forest of Hutos and Zoroastrian Murw (Merw) which are neither high mountain nor deep lake, at that flat desert…’—In an older text the passage must have been ‘There in the Forest of Hutos and Z. Murw which are neither high nor deep but flat ('be hamon)…’where the correlative !ne …'be ‘not…but’ is still retained. Later, were inserted kofi, war and 'pad 'an dast i, the correlativity of 'ne…'be having been lost sight of. See note (16). My thanks are due to Prof. Gikyo Ito who has kindly placed his latest decipherments at my disposal, for example, §14: wištasp-šah wiheg 'bud ‘In King Wishtasp agitation took place or King Wishtasp became agitated.’ In view of wordformation, wihez-‘move’: wiheg ‘movement, agitation; moved, agitated’ may be treated in parallel with wirez-(wirextan) ‘flee, escape’: wireg ‘flight, escape’. See note (14).

著者

清水 嘉隆

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.109-125, 1978-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

---

Japanese rendering of Ayadgar i Zareran, §§51-114. Expressional exaggeration and reiteration, characteristics of epic literature, can be seen not seldom or rather often, see §66, 69; 55/57/59/61, 56/58/60, 67/113, 71/77/97, 72/98, 73/99, 74/100, 79/109, 81/87/108.Prof. G. Ito kindly showed me his recent interpretations, of which here may be cited two instances (§§84 and 93). He interpreted §84thus: ala+darug i gyan-abzand-it 'ke amwašt/ala wiraz padranand ‹i›'to 'ke amwašt/ala+sen+i murwag barag-it 'ke amwaštAlas! Who did take away your medicine which agitates (your) life (cf. candfdan ‘move’)?Alas! Who did take away your combatting mace (cf. NP. guraz a large iron mace')?Alas! Who did take away the Sen which is your bird-like horse? For further details, see pp. 124-5, n. 8. He interpreted w'm'wlt y bwp'y (§93) as nam-xward +e bawai ‘Mayst thou become of brilliant fame!’ In regard to the verbal base Old Ir. *hvar-, Av. xvar-, Old Ind. svar- ‘shine’, see G. Ito: “Gathica XIII, Av. axvar∂ta- xvar∂nah-”, Orient Vol. XI (1975), p. 38ff.

著者

Yasuyuki MATSUNAGA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, pp.77-90, 2009-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

参考文献数

29

---

Much has been written about Ayatollah Ruhollah Musavi-Khomeini’s (1902-1989) doctrine of wilāyat al-faqīh, or the mandate of the jurisprudent. In this article, I will focus on the following two questions: how consistent was he in espousing the doctrine, and what was his major addition to the doctrine? After reviewing his educational and scholarly background, I will first reconstruct constituent components of the doctrine and revisit his relevant writings and statements to determine how consistent his views were over his long academic and political career. Drawing on the existing studies on the divergent doctrines of wilāyat al-faqīh, I will also identify one possible innovation Ayatollah Khomeini likely added to the doctrine. My examination of his 1944 tract, Kashf al-asrār, shows that Khomeini as a young seminary teacher had already believed in wilāyat al-faqīh al-siyāsīyah, or the divine mandate of the juiisprudent to rule. This suggests that his views on wilāyat al-faqīh most likely had solidified much earlier than the existing Western studies surmised and that they remained rather consistent throughout his scholarly and political career. The results will help better discuss various implications of the doctrine as political theory and also in the context of actual political developments in Iran over the last fifty some years.

著者

Jiro KONDO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.44-55, 1991 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

40

著者

紺谷 亮一

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.121-138, 1999

---

The Uruk Period is considered to be the period in which a large scale trading network expanded to the north, mainly along the Euphrates river, nearly covering the entire area of Western Asia. This period corresponds to the Late Chalcolithic Period in Anatolia. The main cities in this period were generally located in places where communication could be conducted by water.<br>As far as the trading network is concerned, the contact between Mespotamian alluvial plains and the mountainous regions such as Zagros and Taurus foot hill has been emphasised. Apparently, northern Syria, northern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran had close relationships with the Uruk culture. On the other hand, Anatolia is considered as a local region indirectly influenced by Uruk culture. Such influence came from main cities in the middle Euphrates basin (Habuba Kabira).<br>However, from a different point of view, it is possible to construct an entirely new theory for Anatolian culture in this period. Evidence supporting such a theory was found at Arslantepe, which is located near the city of Malatya in the upper Euphrates basin, eastern Anatolia. Its altitude is high enough to bring to snow and severely cold winter to this region. In spite of that, the Uruk merchants expanded their trading network as far as the mountainous regions to acquire the rich mineral resources of Anatolia.<br>Furthermore, according to new archaeological materials, Arslantepe, in which Uruk and Transcaucasian materiais were found together, suggests a close relation between the Transcaucasian region, Black Sea region, eastern Anatolia and Mesopotamia. The Transcaucasian region has richer mineral resources than Anatolia, as well as developed metal industries. Arslantepe played a role as the transport center between its northern neighboring region like Transcaucasus and southern Mesopotamia. This is based on a new trading network system which had not been proposed until now.

著者

Haruo KOBAYASHI

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.62-77, 1990 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

52

被引用文献数

2 3

著者

大川(黒宮) 玲子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.142-158, 2002

---

There are various kinds of <i>kitab</i> ("what is written", or "book") in Islamic thought. In the Qur'an are to be found the Heavenly Tablet, the Record Book and some Scriptures such as <i>Zabur</i> (the Psalms), <i>Tawrah</i> (the Torah), <i>Injil</i> (the Gospel) and the Qur'an. The two former parts are what we can call 'invisible <i>kitab</i>' because it is thought that the Heavenly Tablet is located near Allah in Heaven, and that the Record Book is usually kept by angels. On the other hand, we can call the Qur'an as a 'visible <i>kitab</i>' because it is a scripture sent down from Heaven to Earth. In this paper, it is pointed out that these <i>kitabs</i> are closely linked to the concept of predestination in Islamic thought.<br>Firstly, the relationship between the Heavenly Tablet and the Record Book will be focused on. It is thought that every decree of every creature, which will occur until the Last Day, i. e. predestination (<i>qadar</i>), was written on the Heavenly Tablet with a pen according to God's order. In the Record Book, all human deeds are written by angels, and will be used to judge the person to decide whether they should go to heaven or hell on the Last Day. The content of the Record Book is included in the Heavenly Tablet with the same words. Therefore, we could say that not only the Heavenly Tablet but also the Record Book exist within range of predestination by God.<br>As for the Qur'an, we can discover the linkage to the concept of predestination in the theory of sending down of the Qur'an (<i>inzal</i>), which is the revelation theory in Islamic thought. It is thought that the Qur'an was sent down in full from the Heavenly Tablet to the lowest heaven on the Night of <i>Qadr</i>, and then from the lowest heaven to the earth piece by piece, depending on situations which occurred in Muhammad's community. However, there is another opinion which says that the Qur'an was sent down to the lowest heaven on the Night of the Middle of the Month of <i>Sha'ban</i>. Both nights are considered to have a relationship to the concept of predestination because for each of the nights there are traditions which indicate that decrees for the following year are decided. Besides, the term '<i>qadr</i>', which means power, is very close to the term '<i>qadar</i>', predestination, and there is a verse in the Qur'an which suggests that the Qur'an was sent down on the Night of <i>Qadr</i> (Q. 97: 1), so it came to be believed as true that on this night the Qur'an was sent down. On the other hand, the Night of the Middle of the Month of <i>Sha'ban</i> also has reason to be regarded as the night when the Qur'an was sent down; there are traditions that on this night Allah comes down to the lowest heaven and forgives human beings, giving merciful gifts such as the Qur'an and so on. This image is very close to the theory of the sending down of the Qur'an to the lowest heaven, however this is not accepted as a correct theory. Through both of these illustrations, we can say that in both theories, there is deep linkage to the concept of predestination.<br>So far, it is clear that the concepts of 'predestination' and '<i>kitab</i>' exist side by side in Islamic thought and closely match one another.

著者

Eckart FRAHM

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.3-33, 2010-03-31 (Released:2013-05-09)

参考文献数

93

被引用文献数

2 5

---

Enūma eliš, the Babylonian epic of creation, was the most influential Mesopotamian religious text of the first millennium BCE. This article discusses how the epic was read, re-interpreted, and revised during the period from 900 BCE to AD 500, both within and outside Mesopotamia. The Assyrian version of the epic, and various Assyrian commentaries on the text, receive particular attention. The article argues that the Erra epic and parts of the Primeval History of the Bible represent counter-texts written in response to the ideological challenges posed by Enūma eliš, and that war and peace were factors that determined to a significant extent how the Babylonians and other people of the ancient world approached the epic.

著者

Jiro KONDO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.94-104, 1990 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

77

著者

澤田 萌

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.106-119, 2010

---

The Malamatiyyah is a group of Islamic mystics who appeared in Nishapur in the ninth century. Although its secrecy made unclear its historical details, one famous Nishapuan Sufi author, Sulamī (d. 1021) provides us with valuable information on them in <i>al-Risālah al-Malāmatiyyah</i>. It tells about some of their unique practices which were designed to help them avoid arrogance and to aid them in the purification of their souls, such as their practice of deliberately committing acts that would draw people's censure (<i>malāmah</i>), concealing their high spiritual state, and earning their livelihood through mundane work. It is said that this group was absorbed by the rising tide of Baghdad Sufism in the tenth century.<br> In the eleventh century, Nishapur produced one of the most famous Sufi authors, Qushayrī (d. 1072), whose <i>Risālah</i> is probably the most widely read Sufi manual in Islamic world. The present paper focuses on his regional link with Nishapur, and attempts to show how Qushayrī adopted some of the unique Malāmati precepts in his <i>Risālah</i>, such as their concept of <i>futuwwah</i> the insistence on the need for the purification of the soul (<i>nafs</i>), and the acceptance of censure. Especially in connection with the last of these items, it is noteworthy that Qushayrī devotes a whole chapter of his <i>Risālah</i> to "backbiting (<i>ghībah</i>)", which is an unusual topic in a Sufi manual, and tells us there that being exposed to backbiting from others is directly linked with merit in the afterworld. These considerations not only us a new understanding of the Sufi thought of Qushayrī, but also suggest that Baghdad Sufism itself was transformed and underwent new developments under the influence of one particular local tradition, the Malāmatiyyah of Nishapur.

著者

SHIGERU KAMADA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.19-40, 1982 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

65

著者

梅田 輝世

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.59-80,145, 1974

---

In the first half of the 12th century, the Fâtimid dynasty in Egypt hastily changed her course on the decline through the domestic discords and the invasion of the crusades, but we have few historical materials on that period and it is not elucidated sufficiently yet.<br>Usâma ibn Munqidh (1095-1188) was an eminent warrior and man of letters, paticularly a poet, keeping friendly relations with Caliphs, Wazîrs, Amîrs and Francs in Syria, Egypt in those days. His memoirs, <i>kitâb al-I'tibâr</i>, give us valuable sources in elucidating this age.<br>By his memoirs, we can see many phases of Arabic society itself and those of military and cultual contacts between the Islamic world and Europe in those days, such as the living forms of Syrian amîrs and their civic life including hawking and methods of medical treatment, various forms of war and diplomacy, and the hasty changes of conflicting interests at home and abroad among Arabic powers, Frankish powers and the Byzantine empire.

著者

Hiroshi WADA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.123-128, 2001 (Released:2008-03-24)

参考文献数

36

著者

Jan ASSMANN

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.130-149, 1998 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

54

被引用文献数

5

著者

KOSEI MORIMOTO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.89-105, 1977 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

72

著者

田澤 恵子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.63-83, 2009

---

It is difficult to track down the Levantine origins of the six Syro-Palestinian deities found in New Kingdom Egypt (Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte, and Qedeshet). Part of the problems is that the images of these deities, venerated both by the royal family and by the ordinary people, were much Egyptianised. It has been pointed out that Syro-Palestinian art was greatly influenced by Egypt, Anatolia and Mesopotamia, which plausibly results in the assumption that Egyptian styles, once exported to Syria-palestine, may have come back to Egypt in the form of 're-imported' images of these deities. This paper will discuss, as a case study, the means by which the representation of the goddess Qedeshet was established.<br> The investigation leads us to the following conslustions: 1) the motif of a naked female <i>en face</i> might have been imported from Egypt to Syria-Palestine before the New Kingdom, but then part of this iconography was possibly brought back to Egypt with the concept of Qedeshet, 2) the idea of the goddess standing on the back of an animal was not Egyptian originally, and as for Qedeshet, the influence of the goddess Ishtar in Mesopotamia would be very important, 3) the snakes in the hands of Qedeshet probably reflect the Egyptian view in which the serpent is the symbol of magical protection, resurrection and vitality in the afterlife.<br> Under the circumstances, it can be deduced that the motif of the goddess Qedeshet in the New Kingdom has not been dominated primarily either by Egypt or by Syria-Palestine but is in fact composed of elements of iconography and concepts from both regions. Some could be originally Egyptian components, introduced into Syria-Palestine earlier and re-imported into Egypt with Syro-Palestinian factors, while others were newly brought into Egypt, and assimilated to some extent with Egyptian ideas on particular aspects.

著者

齋藤 久美子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.47-65, 2005

---

This paper analyzes the establishment by the Ottoman Empire of the <i>Yurtluk ve Ocaklik</i> and the <i>hükûmet</i> in eastern Anatolia and their historical development.<br>After the Ottoman Empire took the eastern Anatolia under its control in the 16th century, it examined the situation of the land tenure and the distribution among the power of Kurdish <i>amirs</i> (chieftain) who had governed the area. This was aimed at merging eastern Anatolia into its local administration system. Thereafter <i>amirs</i> received <i>sancaks</i> (subdivision of a province) as a <i>yurtluk ve ocaklik</i> (hereditary holding) which authorized them to keep inherited privileges. The Ottoman Empire called the <i>sancaks</i> of powerful <i>amirs eyalets</i> (semi-autonomous sancak), but the distinction remained vague. At the end of 16th century when the word <i>hükûmet</i> started to be commonly used instead of <i>eyalet</i>, the <i>sancaks</i> of powerful <i>amirs</i> were designated <i>hükûmets</i> accordingly. The establishment of the <i>hükûmet</i> played a decisive role in differentiating the more and less powerful <i>amirs</i> by naming them separately.<br><i>Hükûmet</i> means the exemption from the land survey and the <i>timar</i> (fief) system, and where all the tax income belonged to the <i>amir</i>. The definition of <i>hükûmet</i> changed over time. In some <i>hükûmets</i> the privileges of <i>amirs</i> were gradually undermined. On the other hand, the <i>amirs</i> who ruled <i>hükûmets</i> remained powerful, obtaining the title of <i>han</i> (<i>khan</i>) instead of <i>bey</i> at the end of 17th century.<br>The establishment of <i>hükûmet</i> exemplified the real nature of the Ottoman governing system. The Ottoman Empire introduced the Ottoman governing system, which embraced traditional political and social order into eastern Anatolia. In other words, the establishment of the <i>yurtluk ve ocaklzk</i> and the <i>hükûmet</i> represents one aspect of the reconstitution of traditional order by the Ottoman Empire.

著者

三橋 冨治男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.171-184,A203, 1970

---

To secure the dominations over the Mediterranean including Aegean or Adriatic shores, Red Sea and Indian Ocean, Ottoman Turks had to hold naval power, since the end of 15th century, well-known admirals came into existence one after another. Pirî Réis was one of those famous Turkish seamen and admirals like Barbaros Hayrettin or Seyd Ali Réis.<br>The writer has already examined biography of Pirî Réis, and his life work, "Kitabi Bahriye". This paper deals with only the part of Çin Deniz (the China Sea) written in Nazim. This part contains an account of the China Sea and considering that part of the world as the extremity of the East. It gives several interesting informations on the life of Chinese people, their customs, traditions, and their technical skill on ceramics. It also relates the Portuguese sailor's stories based on fantastic rumours. These rumours beara close resemblances to some paragraphs of old Chinese Classics, "Shan hai ching".<br>In summary, this paper intends to translate the Turkish Nazim concerned into Japanese and to research for relations with Portuguese monopolistic and exclusive policy to Eastern products.

著者

前田 君江 前田 弘毅

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.303-306, 2007

著者

小笠原 弘幸

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.110-139, 2008

被引用文献数

1

---

Almost all the Ottoman historians of the 15^th century claimed that the Ottoman dynasty stemmed from Japheth, the son of Noah. Japheth was generally regarded as the ancestor of the Turks in Muslim historiography. That is why the Ottoman historians accepted Japheth as their ancestor, although the descendents of Japheth were less respected than those of Shem, from whom the Prophets originated.<br> In the second half of the 15^th century, however, Oruç and <i>Giese Anonymous</i> quoted a hadith that "the descendents of Issac will conquer Constantinople" and mentioned that the Ottoman Sultans came from Issac, who was a descendent of Shem.<br> In 1480's, <i>Saltuk-nâme</i> and <i>Oxford Anonymous</i> claimed Esau, who was a son of Issac and the brother of Jacob, to be the Ottoman ancestor. The authors of these books narrated that the sons of Esau would be a king because Issac prayed to God for Esau. It appears that this account was based on the former Muslim historians like Mas'udi and also that Esau was more respected than Japheth. Besides, Esau was also regardeed as the ancestor of the kings of Rum. Though "Rum" originally signified Roma, the Ottoman Sultans were the kings of Rum at that time. That might have helped the Ottoman historians to accept Esau as the ancestor of the Ottoman dynasty.<br> During the late reign of Bayezit II, three historians, Rûhî, Bitlîsî and Kemâlpasazâde strongly claimed that Esau was the ancestor of the Ottoman dynasty. Though they also briefly mentioned Japheth, they considered the Esau origin more important. The higher authority of Esau made the Ottoman historians of this period accept Esau as the ancestor. Nevertheless, after the reign of Bayezit II, the Ottoman historians accepted the Japheth origin again, because Japheth was "the authentic ancestor" according to the Islamic tradition. The changes in the Biblical origin of the Ottoman dynasty might reflect the development in the identification and legitimizastion of the Ottomans.