著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.140, pp.51-99, 2003-03-30

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.1967-2003, 2004-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

---

From the late 16^<th> to the early 17^<th> century, amidst the "Age of Commerce" in the East Asian maritime region, many Chinese, including merchants, smugglers, captives, and drifters, came to south-west Japan. Especially in Kyushu, where most of the Chinese arrived, not a few Chinese settlements were formed in various seaports and castle towns. In this paper, the author discusses emigrant Chinese intellectuals in this maritime region, by focusing on physicians who sojourned in south Kyushu. Nearby the castle town of Obi 飫肥, There are two epitaphs on gravestones of Xu Zhilin 徐之〓, who had served as a physician in Obi domain during the 17^<th> century. According to these epitaphs, Xu zhilin was borne in the gentry lineage of Shangyu 上虞 county of Zhejiang province. In 1619, He made a voyage to Beijing aspiring to pass the civil service examinations, but was captured by pirates along the way. He was first taken to Nagasaki, then later moved to Satsuma, where he learned medicine from a Chinese physician residing there. Five years later, He was invited by the lord of Obi domain to serve as one of his physicians until 1666. Concerning the pedigree of Xu Zhilin, except the two epitaphs, no available sources had been found in Japan. But I had found three editions of genealogies of Xu lineage in Shanghai Library which describe the family line of Xu Zhilin in detail, and accounts on ancestors of him are almost coincide with these of epitaphs. From these genealogies, we can ascertain that he actually was a member of elite, lineage producing numerous scholar officials from the 16^<th> century. From the late 16^<th> century onward, the lift of prohibition of private maritime trade remarkably stimulated the oversea trades with south Fujian as its node. Although the ban on voyages to Japan remained, many Fujian traders had sailed to Kyushu. Particularly, south Kyushu was gradually integrated into the network of Fujian merchants. Arrivals of many Chinese physicians were also one aspect of the expansion of the Fujian network, which accompanied transfers of culture, technology, and human resources. During 16^<th> and 17^<th> century, enormous amount of silver continued to flow onto the southeast coast region of China, particularly south Fujian, from Japan and the New World. The imported silver was gradually diffused all over China, and a considerable part of it went to Beijing as taxes, then thrown onto the frontier bases of the northern border region as military expenditures. As a result the influx of silver produced booming trade and economic prosperity in the maritime Asia and China's northern border. Numerous Chinese attracted by economic chances also flowed, into these regions as traders, peasants, soldiers, and various specialists. It should be noted that the Chinese who immigrated to foreign countries included marginal intellectuals such as lower literati, merchants, and physicians. They often served the military-commercial powers in those respective regions and countries, offered advanced Chinese cultures and technology, and mediated commercial or military negotiations between the Ming Dynasty and foreign powers. Arrivals of Chinese physicians in Japan were one phenomenon, of such emigration by Chinese marginal intellectuals during the "Age of Commerce" in East Asia.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.4, pp.33-62, 2022-03-17

---

This article discusses the development of maritime trade during the early reign of Emperor Hongwu 洪武, spanning the firm establishment of the Ming Empire in 1368 and the abolition of the Maritime Trade Supervisorates (shibosi 市舶司) in 1374, by examining the Chinese, Korean and Japanese primary sources. Emperor Hongwu repeatedly issued maritime restriction edicts and strictly prohibited private maritime voyages shortly after his enthronement, probably in response to the revolts of maritime bandits of Lanxiushan 蘭秀山 in the Zhoushan Islands. In late 1371, Hongwu again issued a maritime restriction edict to protect the imperial fleet carrying provisions for the military campaign in Liaodong 遼東. Thereafter, he ordered strict maritime restrictions along the Zhejiang 浙江 coast, not allowing even fishing boats to sail the high seas. On the other hand, Hongwu proactively dispatched envoys to neighboring countries immediately after his enthronement, in order to persuade them to conduct tribute trade with his court. In addition, he established Maritime Trade Supervisorates in all the main trading ports, entrusting to them the regulation of private trading ships and the collection of custom duties. He also encouraged private sector maritime trade, such as accepting “contributions” from the merchants in Quanzhou 泉州. Among its neighbors, the Goryeo 高麗 Kingdom was particularly active in promoting the tribute trade; and Hongwu reciprocated by recognizing duty exemptions for Goryeo envoys and the private traders accompanying their tribute ships, resulting the bulk of commodities brought from Goryeo being carried in private bottoms. On the other hand, disputes over the tribute trade with Japan could not be settled despite Hongwu’s efforts to negotiate a settlement with the Muromachi Shogunate. This did not prevent many Japanese, especially Zen monks, from traveling to China on the trading ships that did sail between the two countries. Among the countries of Southeast Asia, the Kingdom of Ayutthaya vigorously promoted the tribute trade, given the close relations between the Thai royal house and Chinese immigrants. Furthermore, the fact that Hongwu ordered the voluminous amount of pepper imported from the Sanfoqi 三佛齊 (Strait of Malay region) to be allotted for purchasing provisions for Chinese garrisons along the northwest border reveals the huge scale of the Southseas (Nanhai 南海) trade being conducted by tribute and other trading ships at that time. Since no records of private maritime trade between the Ming Dynasty and its neighbors can be found after the abolition of the three Maritime Trade Supervisorates on late 1374, it is highly probable that the consolidation of the Tribute Trade and the Maritime Restrictions system came about at that moment, exacerbated by rising diplomatic and military tensions along the inland and maritime borders of the Ming Empire. Then in 1376, Hongwu also prohibited foreign trade along the northwestern border, resulting in the greater part of both maritime and inland foreign commerce being subsumed under the tribute trade system.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学大学院人文科学研究院

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.154, pp.1-42, 2017-03

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学大学院人文科学研究院

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.148, pp.1-37, 2011-03

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学大学院人文科学研究院

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.142, pp.33-72, 2005-03

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.4, pp.501-524, 2011

---

明清時代の貿易秩序を「朝貢貿易システム」として概括する見解に対し,近年では明初の朝貢体制にかわり,16世紀から「互市体制」が成長していったことが主張されている。本稿では14世紀末から16世紀末にいたる東アジア貿易秩序の変容と再編のプロセスを,6つの時期に分けて,海域・内陸アジアの双方について包括的に検討してみたい。14世紀末に成立した明朝の朝貢体制のもとでは,対外通商は明朝と周辺諸国との朝貢貿易に一元化され,民間貿易は禁止されていた。こうした朝貢体制は,15世紀初頭に最大限に達するが,15世紀中期からはしだいに動揺し,海域・内陸周縁地帯では,朝貢貿易の枠外に広州湾や粛州での「互市」が成長していく。16世紀中期までには,モンゴルや倭寇の略奪や密貿易の拡大により,朝貢貿易体制はほぼ破綻し,1570年前後には,明朝は華人海商の東南アジア渡航と,モンゴルとの互市を公認する。こうした貿易秩序の再編は,ポルトガルやスペインの新航路開拓による海外銀の流入とも連動して,多様な通商ルートが併存するあらたな貿易秩序,「1570年システム」が形成されたのである。

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

広島史学研究会

雑誌

史学研究 (ISSN:03869342)

巻号頁・発行日

no.277, pp.28-58, 2012-10

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

中国社会文化学会

雑誌

中国 (ISSN:09129308)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.482-500, 2005-06

著者

中島 楽章 Nakajima Gakusho

出版者

九州大学大学院人文科学研究院

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.150, pp.69-116, 2013-03

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学大学院人文科学研究院

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.146, pp.41-79, 2009-03

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.8, pp.1423-1458, 2009-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

---

This article reexamines, with the help of contemporary Chinese and European sources, the plan by Kato Kiyomasa, the lord of Northern Higo Domain, to initiate trade with Luzon during Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion of Korea, which Kiyomasa led in 1592. In a letter written to his retainers at home in late 1593, Kiyomasa ordered a Chinese junk loaded with wheat and silver to be dispatched to what the author argues was Luzon, since 1) junks were maritime, rather than coastal, trading vessels, and 2) wheat, the major cargo on board, was the main commodity in Japan's trade with the Philippines at that time. The author argues that Kiyomasa, fearing a long campaign in Korea, planned to used the profits from the Luzon venture to procure sorely needed arms and ammunition. For Japan during the last years of the 16^<th> century, its supply of munitions, like lead and saltpeter, were supplied by three routes, all terminating in Kyushu: 1) the Macao-Nagasaki route, 2) the Chinese route linking Fukien with Kyushu and 3) the entrepot trade from China and Southeast Asia through such points as Luzon. However, given the fact that around the time of Hideyoshi's invasion, the Philippines was suffering from a lack of munitions due to decreasing Chinese imports, Kiyomasa planned to trade for such highly sought after commodities as gold, for the purpose of procuring munitions within Japan. Furthermore, it is a fact that Kiyomasa ordered another junk to sail to Luzon in 1576, which succeeded in arriving at Manila in the summer of the following year, despite worsening diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines. Finally, the author confirms that during the 1590s, Japanese vessels began to venture out on the high seas, to not only Luzon, but such Southeast Asian continental locations as Cochin China, Siam, Cambodia and Malacca. The activities of the vermillion seal ship's voyages to the region, which began at the beginning of the 17^<th> century, were hardly spontaneous events, since their routes and trade activities had already been pioneered during last decades of the previous century.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学文学部東洋史研究会

雑誌

九州大学東洋史論集 (ISSN:02865939)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.66-125, 2004-04-30

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.4, pp.501-524, 2011-02-25 (Released:2017-07-18)

---

明清時代の貿易秩序を「朝貢貿易システム」として概括する見解に対し,近年では明初の朝貢体制にかわり,16世紀から「互市体制」が成長していったことが主張されている。本稿では14世紀末から16世紀末にいたる東アジア貿易秩序の変容と再編のプロセスを,6つの時期に分けて,海域・内陸アジアの双方について包括的に検討してみたい。14世紀末に成立した明朝の朝貢体制のもとでは,対外通商は明朝と周辺諸国との朝貢貿易に一元化され,民間貿易は禁止されていた。こうした朝貢体制は,15世紀初頭に最大限に達するが,15世紀中期からはしだいに動揺し,海域・内陸周縁地帯では,朝貢貿易の枠外に広州湾や粛州での「互市」が成長していく。16世紀中期までには,モンゴルや倭寇の略奪や密貿易の拡大により,朝貢貿易体制はほぼ破綻し,1570年前後には,明朝は華人海商の東南アジア渡航と,モンゴルとの互市を公認する。こうした貿易秩序の再編は,ポルトガルやスペインの新航路開拓による海外銀の流入とも連動して,多様な通商ルートが併存するあらたな貿易秩序,「1570年システム」が形成されたのである。

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.1967-2003, 2004

---

From the late 16^<th> to the early 17^<th> century, amidst the "Age of Commerce" in the East Asian maritime region, many Chinese, including merchants, smugglers, captives, and drifters, came to south-west Japan. Especially in Kyushu, where most of the Chinese arrived, not a few Chinese settlements were formed in various seaports and castle towns. In this paper, the author discusses emigrant Chinese intellectuals in this maritime region, by focusing on physicians who sojourned in south Kyushu. Nearby the castle town of Obi 飫肥, There are two epitaphs on gravestones of Xu Zhilin 徐之〓, who had served as a physician in Obi domain during the 17^<th> century. According to these epitaphs, Xu zhilin was borne in the gentry lineage of Shangyu 上虞 county of Zhejiang province. In 1619, He made a voyage to Beijing aspiring to pass the civil service examinations, but was captured by pirates along the way. He was first taken to Nagasaki, then later moved to Satsuma, where he learned medicine from a Chinese physician residing there. Five years later, He was invited by the lord of Obi domain to serve as one of his physicians until 1666. Concerning the pedigree of Xu Zhilin, except the two epitaphs, no available sources had been found in Japan. But I had found three editions of genealogies of Xu lineage in Shanghai Library which describe the family line of Xu Zhilin in detail, and accounts on ancestors of him are almost coincide with these of epitaphs. From these genealogies, we can ascertain that he actually was a member of elite, lineage producing numerous scholar officials from the 16^<th> century. From the late 16^<th> century onward, the lift of prohibition of private maritime trade remarkably stimulated the oversea trades with south Fujian as its node. Although the ban on voyages to Japan remained, many Fujian traders had sailed to Kyushu. Particularly, south Kyushu was gradually integrated into the network of Fujian merchants. Arrivals of many Chinese physicians were also one aspect of the expansion of the Fujian network, which accompanied transfers of culture, technology, and human resources. During 16^<th> and 17^<th> century, enormous amount of silver continued to flow onto the southeast coast region of China, particularly south Fujian, from Japan and the New World. The imported silver was gradually diffused all over China, and a considerable part of it went to Beijing as taxes, then thrown onto the frontier bases of the northern border region as military expenditures. As a result the influx of silver produced booming trade and economic prosperity in the maritime Asia and China's northern border. Numerous Chinese attracted by economic chances also flowed, into these regions as traders, peasants, soldiers, and various specialists. It should be noted that the Chinese who immigrated to foreign countries included marginal intellectuals such as lower literati, merchants, and physicians. They often served the military-commercial powers in those respective regions and countries, offered advanced Chinese cultures and technology, and mediated commercial or military negotiations between the Ming Dynasty and foreign powers. Arrivals of Chinese physicians in Japan were one phenomenon, of such emigration by Chinese marginal intellectuals during the "Age of Commerce" in East Asia.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学大学院人文科学研究院

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.144, pp.55-92, 2007-03

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.8, pp.1423-1458, 2009

被引用文献数

1

---

This article reexamines, with the help of contemporary Chinese and European sources, the plan by Kato Kiyomasa, the lord of Northern Higo Domain, to initiate trade with Luzon during Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion of Korea, which Kiyomasa led in 1592. In a letter written to his retainers at home in late 1593, Kiyomasa ordered a Chinese junk loaded with wheat and silver to be dispatched to what the author argues was Luzon, since 1) junks were maritime, rather than coastal, trading vessels, and 2) wheat, the major cargo on board, was the main commodity in Japan's trade with the Philippines at that time. The author argues that Kiyomasa, fearing a long campaign in Korea, planned to used the profits from the Luzon venture to procure sorely needed arms and ammunition. For Japan during the last years of the 16^<th> century, its supply of munitions, like lead and saltpeter, were supplied by three routes, all terminating in Kyushu: 1) the Macao-Nagasaki route, 2) the Chinese route linking Fukien with Kyushu and 3) the entrepot trade from China and Southeast Asia through such points as Luzon. However, given the fact that around the time of Hideyoshi's invasion, the Philippines was suffering from a lack of munitions due to decreasing Chinese imports, Kiyomasa planned to trade for such highly sought after commodities as gold, for the purpose of procuring munitions within Japan. Furthermore, it is a fact that Kiyomasa ordered another junk to sail to Luzon in 1576, which succeeded in arriving at Manila in the summer of the following year, despite worsening diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines. Finally, the author confirms that during the 1590s, Japanese vessels began to venture out on the high seas, to not only Luzon, but such Southeast Asian continental locations as Cochin China, Siam, Cambodia and Malacca. The activities of the vermillion seal ship's voyages to the region, which began at the beginning of the 17^<th> century, were hardly spontaneous events, since their routes and trade activities had already been pioneered during last decades of the previous century.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

九州大学大学院人文科学研究院

雑誌

史淵 (ISSN:03869326)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.148, pp.1-37, 2011-03-01 (Released:2011-07-06)