著者

柿沼 陽平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.1-30, 2022-09-16

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In ancient China, there was a long-standing emphasis on hairdressing and aversion to baldness of the head. The Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing 孝經) states that harming the body and cutting hair are “unfilial.” However, with the arrival of Buddhism, Buddhists who encouraged baldness and shaving emerged. How, then, did Buddhists encourage hair loss based on their doctrine? This paper aims to examine the Buddhist shaving advocacy during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. The origins of the Indian Buddhist defense of shaving are long-established, especially in the Milinda Pañha. In China, the culture of shaving was introduced along with Buddhism. As early as the Three Kingdoms period, a Chinese translation of the Buddhist scriptures compiled in the Wu Kingdom explained the importance of shaving. Among the pseudo-sutras compiled independently in China, the Lihuolun 理惑論 was an early exponent of the importance of shaving hair for the Huaxia people. The Lihuolun, citing precedents from the Huaxia world, argued for the importance of shaving. This attempted to exploit contradictions in traditional Chinese culture, and the way of arguments was carried on by later generations. However, a different line of argument emerged in the later period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Buddhist shaving advocacy at the time was not monolithic, with individual Buddhist monks confronting shaving critics separately. Many of them intentionally quoted precedents from the Huaxia world in their defense of shaving, which was a characteristic of Buddhist shaving advocacy at the time. This is not to say that the criticism of Buddhist shaving disappeared. The Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou promoted the suppression of Buddhism. Although he accepted the study of Buddhism in the Tongdao Guan 通道觀 temple, he disapproved of shaving. Shi Dao’an 釋道安 opposed this, and Fan Pukuang 樊普曠 tried to persuade the Emperor Wu, but the situation did not change, and even the Emperor Tianyuan (Tianyuan huangdi 天元皇帝), who tried to revive Buddhism, disapproved of shaving. It was challenging to break the criticism of Buddhist shaving based on the Xiaojing during the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties. Thus, with the insistence of Buddhists at the time on shaving their hair, we can see a point of conflict between traditional Chinese culture and Buddhist culture.

著者

髙橋 亮一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.4, pp.1-26, 2023-03-17

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This paper analyzes how the events of the Russo-Japanese War affected the international relations between Japan, Russia, Britain, and the United States, in the context of the fur seal industry in the Sea of Okhotsk and the Bering Sea. In the 1890s, Great Britain, the United States, and Russia established a protection zone for sea mammals in these regions. On the other hand, Japan actively encouraged the hunting of sea mammals through the promulgation of the Pelagic Fisheries Encouragement Law of 1897. Thereafter, the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War brought into sharp focus the opposition between these sea mammal protection provisions and Japan’s policy of promoting pelagic sealing activities. During the war, Japanese fishermen jumped on the opportunity provided by the war to fish in Russian territory.The Japanese government initially called for restraint in this regard from its fishermen. However, when in the spring of 1905 a plan was formed by Japan to occupy Sakhalin, it saw in sea mammal protection activities by Russia and Britain a possibility of expanding the war zone. During the invasion of Sakhalin, in July 1905 the Japanese military successfully advanced into the Sea of Okhotsk by conducting warship patrols under the guise of protecting sea mammals. When the southern half of Sakhalin was acquired by Japan via the Treaty of Portsmouth, Tyuleny Island was also incorporated into Japanese territory, and this meant that Japan would therefore take over from Russia the international responsibility of protecting sea mammals. The possession of Tyuleny Island was a factor in the Japanese government’s change of direction toward contributing to sea mammal protection and hunting industry control. Japanese diplomatic policy on sea mammal protection was crafted while taking into account the international relations and treaties in this context, and this created a chance for the nation to become embedded in the international regime of sea mammal protection.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.4, pp.33-62, 2022-03-17

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This article discusses the development of maritime trade during the early reign of Emperor Hongwu 洪武, spanning the firm establishment of the Ming Empire in 1368 and the abolition of the Maritime Trade Supervisorates (shibosi 市舶司) in 1374, by examining the Chinese, Korean and Japanese primary sources. Emperor Hongwu repeatedly issued maritime restriction edicts and strictly prohibited private maritime voyages shortly after his enthronement, probably in response to the revolts of maritime bandits of Lanxiushan 蘭秀山 in the Zhoushan Islands. In late 1371, Hongwu again issued a maritime restriction edict to protect the imperial fleet carrying provisions for the military campaign in Liaodong 遼東. Thereafter, he ordered strict maritime restrictions along the Zhejiang 浙江 coast, not allowing even fishing boats to sail the high seas. On the other hand, Hongwu proactively dispatched envoys to neighboring countries immediately after his enthronement, in order to persuade them to conduct tribute trade with his court. In addition, he established Maritime Trade Supervisorates in all the main trading ports, entrusting to them the regulation of private trading ships and the collection of custom duties. He also encouraged private sector maritime trade, such as accepting “contributions” from the merchants in Quanzhou 泉州. Among its neighbors, the Goryeo 高麗 Kingdom was particularly active in promoting the tribute trade; and Hongwu reciprocated by recognizing duty exemptions for Goryeo envoys and the private traders accompanying their tribute ships, resulting the bulk of commodities brought from Goryeo being carried in private bottoms. On the other hand, disputes over the tribute trade with Japan could not be settled despite Hongwu’s efforts to negotiate a settlement with the Muromachi Shogunate. This did not prevent many Japanese, especially Zen monks, from traveling to China on the trading ships that did sail between the two countries. Among the countries of Southeast Asia, the Kingdom of Ayutthaya vigorously promoted the tribute trade, given the close relations between the Thai royal house and Chinese immigrants. Furthermore, the fact that Hongwu ordered the voluminous amount of pepper imported from the Sanfoqi 三佛齊 (Strait of Malay region) to be allotted for purchasing provisions for Chinese garrisons along the northwest border reveals the huge scale of the Southseas (Nanhai 南海) trade being conducted by tribute and other trading ships at that time. Since no records of private maritime trade between the Ming Dynasty and its neighbors can be found after the abolition of the three Maritime Trade Supervisorates on late 1374, it is highly probable that the consolidation of the Tribute Trade and the Maritime Restrictions system came about at that moment, exacerbated by rising diplomatic and military tensions along the inland and maritime borders of the Ming Empire. Then in 1376, Hongwu also prohibited foreign trade along the northwestern border, resulting in the greater part of both maritime and inland foreign commerce being subsumed under the tribute trade system.

著者

青木 竜一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.4, pp.1-31, 2022-03-17

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It has frequently been characterized of imperial dynastic China that its main military objective was to maintain the institutions of the state and the social order based on the emperor and the bureaucracy that served him. This means that the military had to be a part of the bureaucracy to achieve that objective. That being said, this bureaucratization of the military did not entirely coincide with the establishment of imperial dynastic governance. It is therefore appropriate to ask when and how bureaucratization was actually achieved. This article focuses on the military under the Later Han Dynasty, in order to clarify aspects of its bureaucratic character. In particular, the author addresses the following point focusing on the notion of decorum: that is, whether it was regarded as proper for the military to be controlled by the emperor and the imperial court. The author begins with a review of the principle that “State affairs should not be interfered in by the military, and military affairs should not be interfered in by the state” and how it was perceived during the Later Han Period. The author then addresses the discussions in the White Tiger Hall held during the reign of Emperor Zhang, which were decisive for spreading the notion of decorum, and analyzes perceptions held regarding the military at the time based on Baihu Tong, which summarizes the results of those discussions. As described there, the philosophy of The Methods of Sima relates to “the principles in the Spring and Autumn Annals” and ideas in the weft texts. On the other hand, “military ritual” of the Han Dynasty had followed The Methods of Sima since the second half of the Former Han Period. The author concludes that Han perceptions from The Methods of Sima connected with “military ritual” and “the ritual regulations for meeting each other” determined the notion of decorum, which was developed during the Former Han period, and was then adopted by the Later Han Dynasty, leading to the bureaucratization of the military.

著者

大出 尚子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.4, pp.27-55, 2023-03-17

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This article discusses the history of the management of the three Shengjing 盛京 mausoleums in relation to the problems of modern Chinese history, such as the treatment of the “ancestral temple and mausoleums” and of the “private properties” of the Qing Imperial Household after the promulgation of the “Articles of Favourable Treatment of the Great Qing Emperor after His Abdication.” In particular, we elucidate the characteristics of the management system based on Puyi’s 溥儀 intention to be deeply involved in the preservation of the three Shengjing mausoleums during the Manchukuo period, and approach the reality of the Manchukuo. From the Qing dynasty to the collapse of Manchukuo, the management system by the Qing dynasty was severed only when the Republic of China made it into a park after the promulgation of the “Revision to the Conditions of Special Treatment of the Qing Royal Family.” After the establishment of Manchukuo, the management system by the Government Administration Office, Imperial Household Office, and related organizations under the direct control of Puyi, namely the Qing Imperial Household, was restored. Preservation of the Qing dynasty property has a history of being linked to efforts to restore the Qing dynasty. Nevertheless, in Manchukuo, which had Puyi as its head of state but denied the restoration of the Qing dynasty, not only was the administration system on the Qing Imperial Household side restored, but Puyi’s intentions were also reflected in various aspects such as the establishment of the management organization, personnel affairs, and repair budgets. In this way, the reality of Manchukuo was evident in the fact that the political heritage of the late Qing dynasty, which was deeply related to the restoration of the Qing dynasty, could not be eliminated. The process of appointing Chen Zengshou 陳曾壽, who played a central role in the management organization since the early days of Manchukuo, revealed that Puyi, who appointed him, was the main figure in the preservation of the mausoleums. Puyi’s intention in preserving the three Shengjing mausoleums was to appear as the “Great Qing Emperor” by reviving the mausoleums as the “private property” of the former Qing Imperial Household and reviving visit to the mausoleum.

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.4, pp.01-033, 2023-03-17

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There is a blank period of contemporary historical materials between the Angkor and the post-Angkor periods. The well-known history of this period, from the 14th century to the 16th century, had been edited from the Dynasty Chronicles compiled after the end of the 18th century, inscriptions of the early 14th century and the late 16th century, and Portuguese or Spanish records. The parts not described in those texts have been filled with imagination. In this paper, we reexamine the inscriptions from the 14th to the 17th century and the earlier versions of the Dynasty Chronicles, to ascertain which data were cast aside, which story was derived from guesses when constructing the accepted Cambodian history, and to identify what is definitely written in the above historical materials. The results. 1) The fact that the Angkor Kings do not appear in the Dynasty Chronicles or modern inscriptions suggests the possibility that historical records were not inherited through the blank period. 2) In the late 16th-century inscriptions, the Angkorian sites are given the qualifier “of old Cambodia.” In addition, the King’s inscription refers to the builders of those foundations as “the ancestors of the King,” indicating a recognition that his own royalty was to be traced back to that era. The statements that many “old” statues and buildings were “restored” and that recovering “the old prosperity” through the spread of Buddhism was desirable suggest that there might have been major destruction and confusion, or there might have been a time when Buddhist statues were left unattended. 3) In modern inscriptions, the title of kamrateṅ was not attached to the King’s name but put after the words symbolizing Buddhism. Moreover, a 16th-century inscription contains the word varman in the King’s name. These suggest the possibility that classical knowledge had been handed down to the society’s upper class. 4) The lack of donations of lands and personnel, which were seen in inscriptions up to the 14th century, and the fact that the words prefixed to people’s names to indicate their sex and social status had changed before the 16th century, suggest the structure of society and the economy transformed during the interim period. However, as the gap period lasts as long as two centuries, rapid changes should not necessarily be assumed.

著者

山下 智也

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.01-08, 2022-09-16

著者

髙村 武幸

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.1-35, 2022-12-16

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It is widely known that there are “two-line” (lianghang 兩行) slips among bamboo and wooden slips from the Han period. Among these “two-line” slips dating from the second half of the Former Han and unearthed in the Hexi 河西 region, there exist two types: one type has a ridge down the centre of the writing surface which divides the two lines, while the other type has a flat surface with no ridge. However, in the past there has been no examination of this difference. In this article, I focus primarily on the “two-line” slips among the Dunhuang 敦煌 Han slips, unearthed in former Dunhuang Commandery in Hexi, and compare them with the “two-line” slips among the Juyan 居延 Han slips unearthed in former Zhangye 張掖 Commandery, also in Hexi. By this means, I clarify the fact that there exist various differences, starting with the shape of slips of the same type, between regions and government offices, and I also gain leads for adding further depth to research so that it extends to regional differences between slips. There was found a clear-cut difference between the Dunhuang Han slips, which include roughly the same number of “two-line” slips with a ridge and without a ridge, and the Juyan Han slips, which include almost no “two-line” slips with a ridge. In the case of the Xuanquan 懸泉 Han slips from Dunhuang, wood from the tamarisk (hongliu 紅柳; Tamarix ramosissima) is used in more than 70% of the “two-line” slips with ridges, and few of them have been made from spruce (song 松; Picea neoveitchii or Picea crassifolia), used in many of the “two-line” slips without a ridge. In addition, the “two-line” slips with ridges are narrower than those without a ridge. In view of these facts, it is to be surmised that in order to make effective use of the branches of the tamarisk, which, properly speaking, are unsuitable for making “two-line” slips because they are comparatively narrow, and produce “two-line” slips, the branches were processed in the same way as “two-line” bamboo slips so as to add ridges to them. It was for this reason that regional differences in shape arose among slips of the same type. When one examines the reasons for these differences, it is to be surmised that differences in regional conditions lay behind them. That is to say, the Juyan region belonged to Zhangye Commandery, where a transportation route had been established to the Qilian 祁連 Mountains where spruce suitable for making wide “two-line” slips were produced, whereas Dunhuang Commandery did not have a large supply of spruce because it was a long way from the Qilian Mountains and use could not be made of transportation by water or some other means.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.01-09, 2022-12-16

著者

中村 慎之介

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.37-66, 2022-12-16

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Goryeo was a country that existed on what is now known as the Korean Peninsula for 475 years, from 918 to 1392. For the sake of the prosperity and stability of the ruling dynasty, Goryeo focused on the establishment of close relationships with the Buddhist community, which provided assistance to the lay regime. The Buddhist community flourished under the royal patronage. The state preceptor (Kor. guksa) was the highest-ranking Buddhist monk in Goryeo, who was honored to be a teacher of the Goryeo king. The Goryeo Dynasty granted various privileges not only to the Buddhist monk who was appointed as guksa, but also to his disciples. Therefore, disciples lobbied for the nomination of their masters for the position of guksa. On the contrary, the dynasty was able to control the Buddhist community by bestowing favor upon it. This paper focuses on the practice of the complementary relationship between the Goryeo Dynasty and the Buddhist community: a royal family member who did not succeed to the throne become an ordained Buddhist monk of the Huayan 華嚴 sect, and after his death, he was immediately posthumously appointed to the position of guksa, the highest honorary position in the Goryeo Buddhist community. This practice was confirmed only in the eleventh–thirteenth centuries. This study traces, in as much detail as possible, the political process from Daegakguksa 大覺國師 Uicheon’s 義天 ordination (1065) to the conferral of the guksa upon Jing’eom 澄儼 (1141) over a period of about eighty years and thus approaches the aspect of the complementary relationship between the Goryeo Dynasty and Buddhist community. The results of the study revealed the following two points. (1) The disciples of Uicheon sought to inherit political influence based upon the blood relationship between Uicheon and the king. They also sought the additional conferral of the guksa, which entailed concessions. (2) Injong 仁宗 (r. 1122–1146), who was forced to establish a new relationship with the Buddhist community because of the rebellions of Lee Jagyeom 李資謙 and Myocheong 妙淸, made Buddhist monks from the royal family to join Huayan, Zen 禪, and Weishi (or Faxiang 法相) sects, aiming to use them as intermediaries in the establishment of a dominant structure in the Buddhist community. In other words, this practice was established because of the coincidence of interests between Injong and the disciples of Uicheon.

著者

尹 国花

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.59-89, 2022-09-16

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This article analyzes the activities and the dissolution process of the Yanbian Democratic League (“the League”), a Korean social organization formed in Yanbian in the early period after the World War II. In this way, the article clarifies the interrelationship between the political trends of the area and the ethnic policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After the war, various social organizations led by Koreans were formed one after another in Yanbian, and were integrated into the League. Initially, the CCP planned to incorporate the Korean communist in the League as a means to promote its influence in Yanbian’s society. Therefore, to verifying the activities of the League and its interaction with the CCP is extremely important for making clear that what the ethnic policies of the CCP were in Yanbian. Previous studies often assumed that the League was established and dissolved spontaneously. Nevertheless, the formation of the League was largely stimulated by the instruction of the Soviet forces stationed in Yanbian. Before CCP and its grassroot organizations penetrated the local communities, it was actually the League that served as the basic unit of the political power in Yanbian. And the success of the League in enhancing local presence was due in large part to the support and the guidance of the Soviet military, which sought to maintain its influence in the locality by training Soviet-leaning cadres. Even so, since the cadres of the League had a long-term base of residence in Yanbian, many of them remained in Yanbian after the war. Many of them recognized Korea as their homeland and gave top priority to the liberation of the Korean nation. While working with the League and absorbing its cadres into the CPC, the CCP was at the same time wary of the growing power of the League, and dissolved the League as the Soviet forces withdraw from Yanbian. This action by the CPC was also a policy located in the border region between China, the Soviet Union, and the North Korean state, which aimed to eliminate the tremendous influence of the Soviet Union and the North Korean state, and establish a stable CPC government in Yanbian.

著者

尹 敏志

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.31-58, 2022-09-16

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The Seven Jia Collection (Qijia ji 七家集) contains seven historical documents of the late Ming, all of which were written from a perspective conflicts with the Qing dynasty, four of them were forbidden in Qianlong 乾隆 era. The Qingbai Caolu 淸白草廬 manuscript collected in Kunaicho Shoryobu 宮内廳書陵部 (the Archives and Mausolea Department, the Imperial Household Agency) was compiled before Qianlong era and then imported to Japan, which was lost in China. According to the Qing manuscript of the Eight Jia Collection (Bajia ji 八家集) in the Peking University Library, it was compiled by adding the Biographies of Four Kings (Siwang hezhuan 四王合傳) to the Seven Jia Collection. Before 1808, the Eight Jia Collection was imported to Japan, attracting the attention of Sinology (kangaku 漢學) and Japanese classical (kokugaku 國學) scholars. There are 13 existing manuscripts of the Eight Jia Collection in Japan, all derived from a single source. By comparing the catalogs and texts of the manuscripts, it is highly likely that exist the formation order of firstly the Seven Jia Collection of Kunaicho Shoryobu, secondly the Eight Jia Collection of Peking University Library, and lastly manuscripts of the Eight Jia Collection in Japan. In the late Edo Era, the books contained in the Eight Jia Collection were published three times. The first was the wooden type version of the Ten Days of Yangzhou (Yangzhou shiri ji 揚州十日記) by Saisentei Tetsuya Jube 採撰亭鐵屋十兵衞. In 1830, Gyokugando 玉巖堂 in Edo extracted the Biographies of Four Kings, published it with Pingding Sanni Shulüe 平定三逆述略 by Zhao Yi 趙翼. In 1834, Saito Nanmei 齋藤南溟 added guiding marks (kunten 訓點) and comments to the Ten Days of Yangzhou and A Record of Slaughter in Jiading (Jiading tucheng jilüe 嘉定????城紀略) and published Jishukan 自修館 edition. The authors of the preface and afterword of Jishukan edition were Sinology scholar living in Edo, Endo Kakushu 遠藤鶴洲 and other Kishu 紀州 feudal retainer emphasized the instructive role of the Eight Jia Collection. On the other hand, Koga Toan 古賀侗庵 emphasized the cruelty of the Qing army and pointed out that the history of Ming-Qing alternation period would be a cautionary tale for Japan. The formation, transmission and publication of the Seven Jia Collection and the Eight Jia Collection shed light on the history of the reception of Qing dynasty forbidden manuscripts, which has not fully concerned in the past..

著者

宇都宮 美生

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.61-96, 2022-06-17

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The imperial garden was a private garden that made up the pre-modern Chinese capital together with the palace and residential areas. The garden was located on the north side of Sui-Tang Chang’an 長安 City, while Xiyuan 西苑 was located on the west side of Luoyang 洛陽 City. In this article, the author explains how Xiyuan’s location related to the purpose of defense against the western peoples and the use of the terrain formed by the rivers. In the eastern part of Xiyuan, Sui Yangdi 隋煬帝 established water facilities and production activities to manage water on a daily basis while supporting entertainment and regulating the water supply to the city, while in the western part, a variety of free-range animals were maintained for use in ritual sacrifices and as a symbol of the emperor’s dignity and assets. The Tang emperors abolished these facilities, building palaces in the mountainous areas for use as hunting bases and summer vacation houses, and showed a gradually diminishing interest in water. The fact that there was no major flood damage in the Sui period while such damage occurred frequently in the Tang period indicates that the water management in Xiyuan was extremely important for Luoyang City downstream, as well as reflecting Yangdi’s reverence for and imitation of Qin Shi Huang 秦始皇帝 and Han Wudi 漢武帝. The differences in water management between the two periods reflects changes in the concept of imperial gardens. Xiyuan might be termed a comprehensive imperial garden that inherited northern traditions since the Qin and Han periods while incorporating elements of nomadic cities such as Ye 鄴 City of Northern Qi (Bei Qi 北斉) and Jiankang 建康 City during the Southern Dynasties. It also indicates that the role of the imperial garden should not be discussed solely with reference to the functions of the Chang’an garden (jinyuan 禁苑), but that water management, a tradition since Qin, should be added as one of its important roles.

著者

柴 棟

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.31-60, 2022-06-17

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During the abdication rite of the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties, the founding monarchs of the new dynasty usually acceded to the emperor’s throne in the altar place (tanchang 壇場) or the southern suburban altar (nanjiao 南郊) and offered sacrifices to heaven in person. In contrast, the founders of the Sui-Tang Dynasties acceded to the emperor’s throne in the main hall (zhengdian 正殿), and no longer offered sacrifices to heaven in person, but sent an agent whose role was to worship heaven. Although in certain cases researchers have mentioned this change, it is mainly investigated from the aspect of etiquette, especially the change of enthronement etiquette and the normalization of vicarious conduct (yousi sheshi 有司攝事). Therefore, it is necessary to discuss this topic from different perspectives. This study explores the reasons for the changes in enthronement etiquette of abdication in the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties. Consequently, it analyzes the location of the Chancellor of State’s residence (xiangguo fu 相國府), those who received abdication (shoushan zhe 受禪者) in Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties, as well as the relevant political situation in the Sui-Tang Dynasties at the time of abdication, further clarifying the influence of factors, other than the ritual system, on the formation and change of the enthronement ceremony. Therefore, this study investigates the effects of two aspects, namely, the location of enthronement and the executor of the proclamation to heaven, on dynastic change (gaodai jitian 吿代祭天) at that time. We find that the changes in the enthronement etiquette of the Sui-Tang Dynasties’ founding monarch are not caused primarily by the internal ceremony system, but by an expedient measure based on the location of the Chancellor of State’s residence and the political situation at the time. Therefore, this directly reflects the difference in abdication between the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties. Moreover, even though the executor of gaodai jitian changed from emperor to agent during the Sui-Tang Dynasties, Yang Jian 楊堅 and Li Yuan 李淵 took an extremely cautious attitude about the selection of the agent on the day of the ceremony.

著者

福永 善隆

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.1-29, 2022-06-17

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After the reign of Wudi 武帝 of the Former Han Dynasty, Censorate (yushitai 御史台) whose chief was the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary (Middle Aide) (yushi zhongcheng 御史中丞) was formed as an inspector organization. Up to now, that process has been discussed in the context of the formation of the Inner Court (neichao 內朝) and its growing importance. However, the relations between the Secretary of the Censorate (yushi 御史) and the Inner Court, or its core the Office of Palace Writers (the Office) (shangshu 尙書), was not fully elucidated. The traditional view of the Han Dynasty’s political and institutional history that the Inner Court take over the authority of the existing bureaucracy in the Outer Court (waichao 外朝) and the latter declined as its result has recently come under doubt. This study explores the relations between the Secretary of the Censorate and the Inner Court or the Office and demonstrates the evolution of the former in the bureaucratic structure in the latter half of the Former Han Dynasty, which is being reexamined from a new perspective. Attendants in the Inner Palace, who were the members of the Inner Court officials, had the same authority of inspector and impeachment as the Middle Aide. The “Meeting of Officials in the Inner Court,” the general meeting of the officials involved with the Inner Court, had a role as a kind of inspector to denounce the illegality of the Chancellor (chengxiang 丞相) and the Imperial Secretary (yushi dafu 御史大夫), who were in charge of the Outer Court. The authority of inspection is understood to have originally belonged to the Inner Court as a whole. However, the Middle Aide had no direct relation to the Imperial Court (jinzhong 禁中), which was the space where the Inner Court officials worked. On the other hand, the Office, the core of the Inner Court, also inspected and impeached. This study therefore focused on the consideration through the Office, which had the office space in the Imperial Palace, like the Middle Aide. At the end of the Former Han Dynasty, the Office became involved in the personnel matter of officials higher than the 600 picul level (liubai dan 六百石). We can regard this as the consequence of the improvement of the personnel system via the introduction of the investigation by the Office since the reign of Xuandi 宣帝 and Yuandi 元帝. The Office seemed to use the provincial director’s reports (cishi zoushi bu 刺史奏事簿) as one of the reference materials for investigation. In other words, its involvement in the performance assessment would be institutionalized using the lines of command and control between the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary and the provincial directors. On the other hand, the Middle Aide is thought to have gained more authority to inspect counties as time went on. It is obvious that the performance assessment and inspector and impeachment are inextricably linked. Hence, we can safely conclude that the deepening of the Office of Palace Writers’ involvement in the personnel matter of high-ranking officials concurred with the expansion of the inspection discharged by the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary.

著者

趙 浩衍

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.4, pp.63-94, 2022-03-17

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This article attempts to show that the social and political characteristics of Vietnamese fengshui 風水 are truly informed by genealogical sources, which were written by same Confucian scholars as the theoretical texts of fengshui for promoting their ancestors to gain their favor, thus reflecting socio-political reality. The Doan Family (Đoàn tộc 段族) from Huu Thanh Oai 右淸威 commune, which differs from the widely researched aristocratic elite founders of state politics and rural communities, in that its influence stemmed from its relationship to the Court of Trinh Lords (Trịnh vương phủ 鄭王府) during the 18th century and became the first elite to establish itself through the 19th century state examination system. The Doan family’s genealogy, Đoàn tộc phả 段族譜, was written by a member who had passed the local examination; and for that reason contains no reference to imperial edicts (letters of appointment) or legends regarding the family as pioneering actors in state or village origins. Instead, the Doan family genealogy is designed to strengthen family bonds through fengshui practices, the rich description of which traces the appearance of fengshui in Vietnam at that time. Đoàn tộc phả informs us of three characteristic features of early modern Vietnamese fengshui, the first of which is that while the original fengshui masters were Chinese “Northern people” (bắc nhân 北人), native Vietnamese fengshui masters gradually appeared, indicating the penetration of fengshui into rural society. It is clear that the work’s author, a Confucian scholarbureaucrat with a rich knowledge of fengshui, desired to use fengshui ideas rooted in his country’s history, not in China’s. Secondly, each fengshui episode in Đoàn tộc phả is connected to fengshui theory in order to legitimate the history of the Doan family in each era. And finally, Vietnamese fengshui purports that family descendants can gain favor from matrilineal ancestors. Sons-in-law in fact become interested not only in the funeral and memorial services of their wives’ families, but also in the relocation of their mausolea, which shows incorporation of the Southeast Asian custom of bilateral descent in fengshui practices.