著者

安村 典子 Yasumura Noriko

出版者

金沢大学文学部

雑誌

平成18(2006)年度科学研究補助金 基盤研究(C) 研究成果報告書 = 2006 Fiscal Year Final Research Report

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005-2006, pp.100p., 2007-05-01

---

ギリシア喜劇は紀元前6-5世紀のアテーナイにおいて、独特の発展を遂げた。当時作成された多くの喜劇作品のうち、現在ではアリストパネースの11作品が残るのみである。本研究では、このうちアリストパネース最晩年の作である『プルートス』に焦点を定めて考察を行った。 まず研究の初年度は『プルートス』全1209行の古典ギリシア語の日本語訳を行った。本作品の日本語訳は、昭和36年に出版された『ギリシア喜劇』(人文書院、後にちくま文庫に収録)があるのみで、その後一度も改訳が行われていない。このため古い訳語を避けた、よりわかりやすい翻訳書の出版が望まれている。したがって本研究ではまず、原テキストからの全く新しい翻訳を試みた。 研究の2年目は、新訳に沿って、詳しい訳注をつける作業に費やされた。この新訳と訳注は、近年中に岩波書店より発売予定の『ギリシア喜劇全集』に収録されることになっている。 『プルートス』は「富をもたらす神、プルートス」をめぐる喜劇である。経済的豊かさと、それにむらがる人間の欲望に対して、アリストパネースは痛烈な批判を行っている。「富」とは何であり、それは人間にとっていかなる意味をもっているのか。アリストパネースが提起しているこの問題はきわめて今日的なテーマであり、2500年の時を越えて、今なお我々に鋭く問いかける視点をもっている。アリストパネースのこのような鋭い問題提起に対して、今後も引き続き研究を行ってゆきたい。

著者

安村 典子

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.1-15, 1990-03-29 (Released:2017-05-23)

---

In the Mycenaean tablets, the word po-ti-ni-ja (Potnia) occurs mainly in religious contexts The object of this paper is to study this divine name, examining the Linear B texts Examples of Potnia can be classified into three kinds, (1) Potnia without any modification, (2) Potnia with modifying words, (3) derivatives The most crucial discussion that has been raised about Potnia is whether it is used as an epithet or is the real name of a certain goddess Among those who think it an epithet or a generic term, J Leuven develops his idea by allocating Olympian Goddesses to each case according to the context, for example, e-re-wi-jo po-ti-ni-ja should be Hera, po-ti-ni-ja a-si-wi-ja Artemis, po-ti-ni-ja with no modification Aphrodite and so on His interpretation is persuasive enough for Potnia with modifying words, but insufficient in cases when Potnia occurs alone, that is, he fails to explain why Potnia as an epithet could be used without any modification This surely would have caused much confusion if there had been no common notion about Potnia Moreover he neglects the fact that divine names such as Hera and Artemis are actually mentioned in the tablets, which would have made it unnecessary to say e-re-wi-jo po-ti-ni-ja instead of Hera Having examined all examples of Potnia, I think the word is neither an epithet nor a generic term, but the real name of a goddess She appears to have been worshipped over a broad area of the Mycenaean world, because we can find her name in every Mycenaean site which has Linear B tablets All Mycenaeans would have been able to understand who was mentioned even if it was written as just Potnia However, at the same time, she must have had some kind of locality As the modifying words of place names show, she would have some unique cult at each site The third and most conspicuous characteristics of Potnia is her close relationship with animals and vegetation, as is shown by words such as po-ti-ni-ja i-qe-ja and si-to-po-ti-ni-ja The divinity who satisfies all these aspects of universality and locality, animals and vegetation can be none other than the Mother Goddess or Earth Mother I conclude, therefore, that Potnia is the Mycenaean name of the Mother Goddess The Mother Goddess was worshipped widely in the Mediterranean world before the proto-Greeks came from the north, and she was called "the Lady" in Anatolian Hence the word "Potnia" is the Greek translation of her name Her name was Greek, but Near Eastern in origin As she was the goddess of the Earth, the Greeks seem to have begun to call her "Gaia", and the name "Potnia" became obsolete It must have been thought that the name "Gaia" conveyed her reality more accurately However she left her trace in the Olympian Goddesses of later times All the Olympian Goddesses have a vegetation-cult trait, even Artemis, as is seen in Euripides' "Hippolytos", and the name Hera also used to mean "the lady" or "the queen" as a derivative of ηρωζ It means that they took various aspects from Potnia in the process of fusion and differentiation of so many primitive goddesses In Sophocles' "Philoctetes", the Chorus cries out to the Earth, "ματερ ποτνια" (395) The word order of this phrase clearly shows that ποτνια is not an epithet The Greeks of the classical period had perceived that, as a vague memory in the undercurrent of their minds, Potnia is the Earth Mother

著者

安村 典子

出版者

金沢大学哲学・人間学研究会 = The Society for Study of Philosophy and Philosophical Anthropology, Kanazawa University

雑誌

哲学・人間学論叢 = Kanazawa Journal of Philosophy and Philosophical Anthropology (ISSN:18848990)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.創刊号, pp.1-16, 2010-03-31

著者

安村 典子

出版者

金沢大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

2007

---

プロメテウス神話について初めて言及しているのは紀元前7世紀のへーシオドスである。彼は『神統記』と『仕事と日』の両作品において、プロメテウスに関する物語を記している。『神統記』においては、プロメテウスとゼウスの知恵比べの物語が語られ、『仕事と日』では、ゼウスの火を盗んで人類に与えたプロメテウスに対する罰として、パンドーラが人類に送られたことが述べられている。本研究はこのプロメテウス神話を手がかりとして、(1)この神話のもつ意味を明らかにし、この神話を生み出した古代ギリシア人の精神を考察すること、(2)近代においてこの神話の意味が変容していったのはなぜであったのか、その理由を究明し、この神話のもつ今日的な意味を考察すること、以上の2点について研究することが、その目的である。

著者

安村 典子

出版者

京都大学西洋古典研究会

雑誌

西洋古典論集 (ISSN:02897113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.22-37, 2010-03-28

---

The motherless goddess Athene is more like a man than a woman; or, as J. Harrison suggested, she is rather a sexless thing, neither man nor woman. She appears as an equal to Zeus, and shares several qualities with him, including intelligence. The most telling, and curious, correlation is their sharing of the aegis. The phrase 'aegis-bearing' (αἰγιόχος) is one of Zeus' most common epithets, and the aegis itself is made by Hephaestus for Zeus in the Iliad (15.309-10). However, in the Chrysippus fragment, Metis makes the aegis for Athene. Also, in the fragment of the Meropis, the aegis is made by Athene herself from the skin of the Giant Asteros whom she killed in the Gigantomachy. In the Iliad, Athene wears the aegis to encourage the Achaeans (2.450-2 and 5.738-42) and to fight with Ares (21. 400-414); she also casts it over Achilles' shoulder (18.203-4). Two of these passages, 5.738-42 and 21.400-414, in particular merit our attention for their connection with Zeus. In these two passages, Ares' challenge is quite easily beaten off by Athene, who is backed up by Zeus' aegis. By giving birth to Athene, Zeus acquires a counterpart who fights on his side and as his deputy, defeating his son, Ares, who might prove a challenger to his power. It is a marker of Athene's functional affinity to Zeus that, as Zeus becomes more remote from human beings, she eventually replaces him as the chief guardian of the state and people. Athene is the symbolic representation of the rule of Zeus; she is the symbol of a new kind of state, or of the cultural renewal of Zeus' world. The concept of a strong alliance between Zeus and Athena fits perfectly both with Panhellenic ideals and Greek societal and moral norms, thus ensuring the continued popularity and success of Homer and Hesiod. The sharing of the aegis between Zeus and Athene could be interpreted in this context.

著者

安村 典子

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

西洋古典論集 (ISSN:02897113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.1-23, 1998-08-10

---

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。One of the most controversial problems about the Hymn to Apollo concerns the composition and unity of the hymn. Since David Ruhnken (1794), most scholars have divided the hymn into a 'Delian' and a 'Pythian' part. I recognise, however, some kind of unity between the two sections, while admitting the separate authorship. The digression of the Typhon episode (305-355) has also often been regarded as an interpolation. However, I think that there is in the arrangement of the motifs a design which contributes to the effectiveness and persuasiveness of the digression. It is the aim of this essay, therefore, to look at the details of this digression, and to see if there is some detectable logic in its connection with a narrative as a whole. The episode of the dragon functions as the framework of the digression of Typhon. In the parallel of the dragon and Typhon, only the birth of Typhon and the death of the dragon are narrated. The reasons advantageous to the composer for this complicated arrangement are to stress (1)the unrivalled nature of Apollo's first oracular installation ; (2)the aetiological design in the name of the dragon ; (3)the gender of the dragon ; (4)emphasis on the role of Hera. Being female, the dragon is able to become nurse to Typhon, and this is crucial if we think of the succession myth. Since Gaia has ceased to challenge Zeus after he has established his power in Olympus (according to the Theogony), now in the hymn, Hera may attempt to destroy Zeus' order by initiating a cycle of succession catalysed by his son's rebellion ; Typhon is the figure who could have overthrown Zeus, helped by the dragon, just as Zeus overthrew Kronos, aided by his nurse, Gaia. The dragon (the nurse), by helping Typhon, might have played the decisive role in the usurpation of Zeus, if Apollo had not killed her. The killing of the dragon is, therefore, not merely evidence of Apollo's aristeia, but contributes a much graver meaning : Apollo intervenes in the succession myth, alleviating the crisis of Zeus. Hera might have accomplished her desire if Apollo had not come to help Zeus-this seems to be the implication of the hymn. It is startling to begin the hymn with a scene of potential threat. This may imply that Apollo has just returned from the battle with Typhon, and is demonstrating his authority among the gods. Although Apollo could be another threat to overthrow Zeus, his father, Leto assists Zeus, acting as a king-maker by influencing Apollo. The opening scene depicts the celebration both of Apollo's victory over Typhon and an overall peace between Zeus and Apollo. The opening scene and the digression of the Typhon episode are thus inter-related, and illustrative of the wider struggle for cosmic power. One of the main purposes in selecting the dragon-Typhon story is to sing about Hera By means of Hera's entrance into the narrative, the encomiastic aim of this hymn is fully achieved. Apollo degrades Hera by destroying the dragon and the end result is the gain of great esteem not only for himself but also for Leto. The killing of the dragon is, consequently, the most critical moment in the process of establishing his dignity and position in Olympus. To sum up, the digression of the dragon demonstrates the compositional technique of 'a story within a story' and this technique focalises the importance of the dragon. The abrupt transition back to the main narrative emphasises the doublet of the dragon and Typhon, and also functions as a deliberative device, hinting at the broader perspective, but leaving the exact linking inexplicit. Structurally and thematically the hymn can indeed be described as a unity, the digression of the dragon being linked with the rest of the hymn by the devices of repetition and nesting or embedding that constitute the narrative technique. The digression of the dragon, in short, attains its greatest effect through the development and colouring of the motifs and their arrangement within the structure of the nested narrative.

著者

J. チャドウィック [著] 安村典子訳

出版者

みすず書房

巻号頁・発行日

1983

著者

安村 典子

出版者

金沢大学哲学・人間学研究会 = The Society for Study of Philosophy and Philosophical Anthropology, Kanazawa University

雑誌

哲学・人間学論叢 (ISSN:18848990)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.1-16, 2010-03

著者

安村 典子

出版者

京都大学西洋古典研究会

雑誌

西洋古典論集 (ISSN:02897113)

巻号頁・発行日

no.11, pp.24-47, 1994-03-30

---

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

安村 典子

出版者

京都大学西洋古典研究会

雑誌

西洋古典論集 (ISSN:02897113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.24-47, 1994-03-30

---

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

安村 典子

出版者

日本西洋古典学会 = Classical Society of Japan

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 = Journal of classical studies (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.24-37, 2007-03-16

---

In the scene of the bow contest in Book 21 of the Odyssey, several questions are raised, among which are why Telemachus joined the contest for choosing the husband of Penelope, and what he really means by his speech at 21. 113-7. It is the aim of this paper to consider how the motif (story pattern) of "the conflict between father and son" is working behind this scene, and how the poet of the Odyssey incorporated this motif into his story. In the first section, the characterisation of Telemachus is looked at. The main feature of his identity that is given emphasis is the son who is like his father. In the first four books of the Odyssey, the emphasis is on the similarity of his appearance to his father, as Telemachus is still a powerless youth at this stage. But at the same time, it is hinted at that he is to become a true hero like his father. Viewed from this context, the narrative that he could have strung his father's bow if Odysseus had not given a warning nod and stopped him (Od. 21. 128-9) shows that Telemachus is now similar to his father in power as well. Since no proof of identification is shown to Telemachus for him to recognise Odysseus, this episode functions as a proof of their identity as father and son; stringing his father's bow would be the most definite demonstration of their similarity. In the second section, Telemachus' speech (21. 113-7) is examined, where he talks of the reason for his joining the contest. The ambiguities in his speech are (1) whether ου (115) should be taken with μοι αχνυμενω (115) or with λειποι (116); and (2) what αεθλια (117) actually means. On the first point, it is concluded that ου (115) goes with λειποι (116), and on the second, it is argued that αεθλια (117) denotes "the prize" instead of "the contest" or "the weapon". Thus Telemachus joins the contest in order to gain Penelope and the kingship of Ithaca. The third section points out the reasons why the motif of father-son conflict could have intruded into this epic. The relevant factors are: (1) the poet's knowledge of the episode in the Telegony, in which Odysseus is killed by his son by accident; (2) the close contact between the Trojan and Theban epic cycles, as is shown by mention of Teiresias (Od. 11. 90-151) and Oedipus (Il. 23. 679-80; Od. 11. 271-80), in which the motif of father-son conflict is the basic pattern of the story; (3) the parallel relationship of Telemachus and Telegonus to Odysseus; (4) the widespread motif of father-son conflict throughout the Indo-European world. Thus, in this scene of the bow contest, the poet of the Odyssey seems to have alluded to the story of Odysseus' death by his own son, but also presents us with the new relationship between father and son, narrating Telemachus' acceptance of his father's warning nod. This interpretation of their momentary crisis and reconciliation well explains the episode of the two eagles, who come flying close together and depart in the same way, but in the meantime harm each other (Od. 2. 146-56). Although this episode has been regarded as difficult to interpret, it fits well with the situation of Odysseus and Telemachus at the bow contest; the son is now equivalent in strength to his father, which might cause dangerous tension between them, but they are reconciled at once and establish a new relationship. In this way, the motif of father-son conflict seems to underlie the bow contest scene.

著者

安村 典子

出版者

金沢大学哲学・人間学研究会 = The Society for Study of Philosophy and Philosophical Anthropology, Kanazawa University

雑誌

哲学・人間学論叢 = Kanazawa Journal of Philosophy and Philosophical Anthropology (ISSN:18848990)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.創刊号, pp.101-103, 2010-03-31

著者

安村 典子

出版者

京都大学西洋古典研究会

雑誌

西洋古典論集 (ISSN:02897113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.22-37, 2010-03-28

---

The motherless goddess Athene is more like a man than a woman; or, as J. Harrison suggested, she is rather a sexless thing, neither man nor woman. She appears as an equal to Zeus, and shares several qualities with him, including intelligence. The most telling, and curious, correlation is their sharing of the aegis. The phrase 'aegis-bearing' (αἰγιόχος) is one of Zeus' most common epithets, and the aegis itself is made by Hephaestus for Zeus in the Iliad (15.309-10). However, in the Chrysippus fragment, Metis makes the aegis for Athene. Also, in the fragment of the Meropis, the aegis is made by Athene herself from the skin of the Giant Asteros whom she killed in the Gigantomachy. In the Iliad, Athene wears the aegis to encourage the Achaeans (2.450-2 and 5.738-42) and to fight with Ares (21. 400-414); she also casts it over Achilles' shoulder (18.203-4). Two of these passages, 5.738-42 and 21.400-414, in particular merit our attention for their connection with Zeus. In these two passages, Ares' challenge is quite easily beaten off by Athene, who is backed up by Zeus' aegis. By giving birth to Athene, Zeus acquires a counterpart who fights on his side and as his deputy, defeating his son, Ares, who might prove a challenger to his power. It is a marker of Athene's functional affinity to Zeus that, as Zeus becomes more remote from human beings, she eventually replaces him as the chief guardian of the state and people. Athene is the symbolic representation of the rule of Zeus; she is the symbol of a new kind of state, or of the cultural renewal of Zeus' world. The concept of a strong alliance between Zeus and Athena fits perfectly both with Panhellenic ideals and Greek societal and moral norms, thus ensuring the continued popularity and success of Homer and Hesiod. The sharing of the aegis between Zeus and Athene could be interpreted in this context.

著者

安村 典子

出版者

金沢大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

2009

---

本研究は、ヘレニズム文学の至宝、カリマコスの諸作品を研究し、(1)カリマコス詩歌の文学的意義を考察すること、(2)カリマコスを中心とするヘレニズム文学の特質について考察すること、(3)カリマコス並びにヘレニズム文学が後代に与えた意義を究明すること、主としてこの三点に焦点をあてて考察した。カリマコスの作品は、神々への『讃歌集』6編と『起源物語』、それに風刺詩の断片が残るのみである。いずれの作品もいまだ日本語に翻訳されておらず、その研究もほとんど行われてこなかった。本研究では、これらの作品を初めて日本語に翻訳し、それらが緻密で文学技巧を駆使した薫り高い文学であることを研究した。これにより、古典文学に関心を抱く人々にカリマコス文学の全容を提示するものである。