著者

水野 有庸

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.95-100, 1972-03-25 (Released:2017-05-23)

著者

水野 有庸

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.95-100, 1972

著者

中務 哲郎

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.18-29, 1975-03-29 (Released:2017-05-23)

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That the Histories of Herodotos contains those episodes which are narrated apparently m the historical context, but, in fact, belong to folkliterature or fiction by Hdt., has been pointed out from various points of view. In this paper, the present writer attempts to demonstrate some episodes not to be the historical facts in the light of the comparative study of folkliterature. The episode of III 36 runs as follows: Kambyses, offended at Kroisos' admonition, was about to kill him. But the servants who had been ordered to kill Kroisos sheltered him, calculating that if Kambyses should miss Kroisos, they would produce him for a reward, and that if the king should show no sign of regret, they could kih him thereupon (36, 5). Soon afterwards, when they noticed Kambyses missing Kroisos, they announced that he was still alive. Kambyses rejoiced at Kroisos' existence but executed the men who had saved his life (36, 6). While the first section of this episode is said to be based on the motif of the Story of Ahikar (W. Aly), the second part may be regarded as a fiction by Hdt. for several reasons: 1) Ancient testimonies differ extremely as to Kroisos' career after the fall of Sardis, so that his survival may be doubted. 2) A similar story is told in Sima Qian's Shiji(司馬遷,史記). In this story, however, the man who had been ordered to kill a loyal retainer was in a dilemma and killed himself. As compared with this pathetic story, the Herodotean episode of Kambyses sounds ratherlike the one that aims at displaying the narrator's wit. 3) "While in its original, the Story of Ahikar, the man who hides and preserves the sage is simply praised, Kambyses, in the Herodotean version, was pleased to know that Kroisos was safe, but punished the men who had saved him. The divergence from the archetype was probably due to Hdt.' own device. 4) Kambyses' treatment contradicts the account of I 137, where it is said that Persians never punish a man for a single offence, and that the normal Persian way is to balance faults against services. Indeed, for Dareios, services and offences of Sandoces offset each other (VII 194). 5) Hdt. reports another account containing a similar treatment. Taking a stormy passage over the Aegean, Xerxes was compelled, according to the captain's opinion, to let many passengers jump overboard to lighten the ship. On landing at the Asian coast, Xerxes rewarded the captain with a gold crown for saving the King's life, but beheaded him as being responsible for the death of a number of Persians (VIII 118). In this motif (to rejoice but punish or to praise but punish) , Hdt. imitates himself. 6) Ailianos, too, informs us of an interesting Persian custom, according to which if a man advises the king and proves to be serviceable, he is awarded the gold brick on which he stood advising, but at the same time, is flogged for his hybris (V. H. 12, 62). This account suggests that the Greeks including Hdt. took the Persians for a legally rigorous nation. And perhaps such a presumption caused Hdt. to invent the humorously rigorous treatment of Kambyses. In a more orlesssimilarway examined are I 21f, I 27, II 107, III 85ff, V 12, VI 52, VI 125 and III 31, III 34, III 119, IV 3f. In these cases, thepresentwriter believes, we must see in Hdt. a folklorist who picks up folktales and retells them rather than a historian who collects historical events and interprets them.

著者

伊東 俊太郎

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.127-141, 1965-03-27 (Released:2017-05-23)

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The positive assimilation and recovery by the Latin West of Greek science and civilization took place in the 12th century through extensive translations from Arabic and Greek While the transmission of Greek science through Arabic to the Latin Europe has been considerably clarified by such experts as Suter, Leclerc, Wustenfeld and Steinschneider, many things still remain dark concerning the scientific transmission immediately through Greek, to the Latin West in spite of excellent pioneer studies by Haskins and Heiberg In 1963, I edited the first text of the Latin version of Euclid's Data from the following two extant manuscripts 1 MS Oxford, Bodl Auct F 5 28, 13 c 99 r-113 r 2 MS Paris, Bibl Nat lat 16648, 13-14 c 60 r-91 r By investigating these manuscripts of the Latin Data and others, I have found some interesting new facts about the transmission of scientific works via Greek to the Latin West First of all, the fact that this Latin translation of the Data was made from the Greek is obvious from the following evidences 1 the existence of the direct transliteration of the Greek words, like catigmeni, anigmeni, parathesi, cathetus, orthogonius etc 2 the exact correspondence in particles and conjunctions used in the Greek text and the Latin translation 3 the exactly same order of words is found in both the Greek original and the Latin version The problem of the preparation of this medieval Latin translation from Greek of the Data is divided into three sub-problems 1) Where did this translation take place ? 2) When did the translation come into existence ? 3) Who translated it into Latin ? My conclusions to problems 1) and 2) are as follows 1) This Latin translation was made in Sicily as a part of the vast translation of Greek scientific works which took place there in "the medieval renaissance" 2) This translation came into existence in the middle of the 12th century and not later than 1160 As regards problem 3), which is very crucial to my study, I have reached the following conclusions 3) (i)It is certain that our translator of the Data also made Latin versions from the Greek of Euclid's Optics, Catoptrics and Proclus' Elementatio physica (or De motu) (ii) It is probable that this prolific author is the same person as the anonymous translator of Ptolemy's Almagest who was studied by Haskins and Heiberg These conclusions concerning the identification of the translator have been drawn primarily through a comparative investigation of the texts For the first conclusion, I compared our text of the Latin Data with the Latin version of Euclid's Optics and Catoptrics in the Oxford manuscript (MS Oxford, Bodl Auct F 5 28, 57 r-64 r De visu liber and 64 r-69 r De speculis liber) and with the full text of Proclus' Elementatio physica published recently by H Boese As the result of this investigation, I found that they accord so well in all translating techniques as to ensure the identification of the translator of these four works As far as the second conclusion is concerned, I based it on a remarkable passage in the preface by the Latin translator of Ptolemy's Almagest, which seems to suggest that the translator of the Almagest is the same as that of the other four works above-mentioned This view is also supported by the studies of Haskins and Boese, which confirmed the identity of the translator of the Almagest with that of Proclus' Elementatio physica through their careful comparisons of translating techniques between the two translations These conclusions seem to be very important for the scientific transmission in the early Middle Ages, because, if the same person translated these various works, he would occupy a prominent position in editing the translation of mathematical works from the Greek not unlike that of Gerard of Cremona in the sphere of translation from the Arabic

著者

庄子 大亮

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.14-25, 2008

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The Atlantis story told by Plato in Timaeus and Critias is well known. Plato says that Atlantis, the prosperous maritime empire in primeval time, was ruined because of her corruption. He also says that primeval Athens, which defeated Atlantis, was a noble state governed by virtuous people. This story is said to be "true" (Tim. 20d) and some scholars have held that it may have some historical basis, for example in the facts of Minoan Crete. In any case, the only source of this story is Plato and we should take it to be basically Plato's invention. What is most important is to understand the meaning of this story. As to that, P. Vidal-Naquet has pointed out that by contrasting Atlantis with an imaginary noble state (primeval Athens), Plato set his ideal state against historical Athens which he criticized as a warlike maritime state. But why did Plato show his idea by the mythical past? In what context can we understand it? Ancient Greeks, who had experienced discontinuity from the Mycenaean period, regarded their distant past as the age of great heroes. Many legends of such heroes were narrated by poets and handed down by communities. On the other hand, democratic city-states, especially Athens, emphasized equality and did not recognize actual charismatic individuals. So models of virtue and various types of behaviour were not so much sought among citizens as reflected in the mythic past. Plato recognized this paradigmatic role of the mythic past. In Republic, groping for the ideal state, he emphasizes and appreciates the educative function of myth. But Plato also criticizes the stories in circulation in terms of ethics. He says human beings, unlike the gods, cannot know the truth about the past; all we can do is to make our falsehood as like truth as possible to make it beneficial (Rep. 382 c-d). Trying to present the ideal state, and appreciating a function of myth while ethically dissatisfied with circulated myths, Plato told a new story. In order to show citizens a model of the virtuous state and its antithesis, primeval Athens and Atlantis were created. Isocrates, an oratorical writer contemporary with Plato, adapts mythic discourse too. In Panegyricus and Panathenaicus he insists on Athens' leader-ship in Greece by reinterpreting the legendary achievements of Athens. As Isocrates appropriated the past for his actual political purpose, so Plato told the Atlantis story. This should be understood as a new intellectual concern in the fourth century B.C.. In this period Athens, trying to establish a new identity in the Greek World, wanted a state to serve as model. But Athens' factual past, which led to the defeat of the Peloponnesian War, could not be a model. Under such conditions it was necessary to consider how to appropriate the mythic past to make it influential as a means of education and as a model of virtue. The story of Atlantis and primeval Athens is "true" for Plato not because it is historical fact but because Plato thought such a story necessary and beneficial for actual citizens. The Atlantis story should be understood in this context.

著者

カクリディス テオファニス・J 広川 直幸

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.97-106, 2006

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Besides being fit to meet all functional needs of tragic and comic performances, the Greek theatrical setup, having reached its final state towards the end of the 5th century B C, fulfilled a symbolic function which influenced the reception of the plays During the performances, when the seats were occupied by spectators and the plays were going on, the hemispherical edifice, together with the sky above it, constituted an image of the world, an ideogram of the universe as we might call it On close inspection this image proves to be very orderly, everybody being assigned a place according to his nature, status and function on the side of the audience, starting with women, children and slaves in the perimeter we pass first to young men, then to grown-up citizens, to members of the Council, finally to high-priests and officials, and on the side of the play, starting with the anonymous crowd of the chorus, we ascend one step to the venerable heroic characters of the stage, and another step to the gods on the roof, while real gods were thought to watch from the sky above Hierarchical and genealogical as it was, the entire arrangement represented a world where all beings are separated by the two world-regulating principles, law and nature, into distinct and yet interrelated groups, a world where everybody has his proper place, which he rightfully occupies, feeling himself an integral part of the universal order Inside this world-like frame, when the tragic plays began, an action unfolded an action that apart from being elevated, complete and of magnitude (Aristoteles), constituted a disturbance of the world-order, a transgression of the set boundaries, a violation of human and divine law If we examine tragic misdeeds as such, we will not be surprised to find them in conflict with exactly the same principles that governed the world-order nature and law What usually follows in Tragedies is that the heavenly and human powers controlling the universe, powers bound to guard and maintain those regulating principles, cooperate to punish the offender and reaffirm the worldorder Things work differently in Comedy On the side of the audience, discipline remained strict, the contrast to Tragedy lay on the side of the plays comic characters were not supposed to be heroic ancestors of the heroic age, but ordinary contemporary people Hierarchical allocation was totally disregarded, and the main characters were allowed to break all principles and rules without scruple-and go unpunished' In Comedy regulating forces he mostly dormant, and even when they intervene, they not only fail to punish the evil-doer and uphold law and order, but they often make fools of themselves The disorder persists, the trouble-maker achieves his goal and triumphs This line of events, leading from the disruption of the world-order to either its tragic re-establishment or to its comic deformation, is much more effectively experienced by an audience which, together with the theatrical edifice around it, constitutes in itself a μιμησιζ, an imitation of the worldorder, an ideogram of the universe as we called it

著者

池田 美惠

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.94-99, 1957-03-30 (Released:2017-05-23)

著者

中村 善也

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.53-62, 1955-05-10 (Released:2017-05-23)

著者

岡 道男

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.48-64, 1959-03-30 (Released:2017-05-23)

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The recent archaeological excavations have established beyond doubt that in the latter half of the second millenium B. C. an active trade was being carried on between Greece and the Near East. Hence it is possible to surmise that the Greek myths in their earlier stages of development came more or less under the influence of Near Eastern poetry current at that time. In this connection the writer tries to show that the myth of Heracles' αθλοι goes back into the Mycenaean age and that its many features can be better understood in the light of Ancient Near Eastern literature, especially the epic of Gilgamesh. It is worth noticing that on many cylinder impressions found in the Near East the tree of life was depicted side by side with sheep. As there seems to be a close connection between the two, it cannot have been a mere coincidence that in other versions of the story the apples of the Hesperides were replaced by sheep. A parallel may be found in the adventure of the Argonauts, where it is said that a sheep's skin was hanging from a tree, guarded by a monster. It follows, then, that the original home of the Greek tree of life is more likely to be found in the Near East than in Creta. On the other hand it is generally accepted that the natural and logical end of the. aOAoc was the conquest of death and the attainment of immortality, which is said to have been mentioned in the last two or three adventures of the αθλοι. The writer has, however, shown that such a belief is incompatible with the oldest references to the hero's death in Homer and that his last three adventures cannot originally have ended with the attainment of immortality. Strong support for this view will be found in the adventure of Theseus, where it is told that the hero descended into the nether world to fetch Persephone, but failed. As the story is said to have been modeled on the αθλοι, it follows that the latter ended likewise in failure. Furthermore, in the existing version, the cattle were lost on the way back and the apples and the Cerberus were returned later to their places (cf. Apollod., II 5). This shows only too clearly that in an earlier version of the αθλοι the hero's quest of immortality failed like that of Gilgamesh. Again if one understands the a82oc as heroic saga, there arises another difficulty. As 'Heracles' is a typical name for a hero (Ηρα+κλεοζ), it is natural that he should try to win honour, fighting with wild beasts and monsters. In the last three adventures, however, he forgets about honour and tries, instead, to win immortality for himself. This seems not to conform to the general concept of a hero, who lives only for honour and risks even his own life to win it. The difficulty, however,. will be better understood, when compared with the epic of Gilgamesh. Here at the death of his friend Enkidu the hero forgets about his own honour and wanders in search of the secret of eternal life. From this it would be possible to infer that the sudden change in Heracles resulted from the death of his own children. These and other observations have led the writer to the conclusion that many parallels between the αθλοι and the epic of Gilgamesh can hardly have been accidental, and that the significance of the whole myth lies in its telling of a hero, who having won a name, sought immortality for the same reason as of Gilgamesh and who found, after many hardships, nothing but failures. And his tragic death upon mount Oeta, which later became associated with his immortality, seems to have originally symbolized the 'nemesis' of the gods, inflicted on a mortal who tried to be like one of them.

著者

安村 典子

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.1-15, 1990-03-29 (Released:2017-05-23)

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In the Mycenaean tablets, the word po-ti-ni-ja (Potnia) occurs mainly in religious contexts The object of this paper is to study this divine name, examining the Linear B texts Examples of Potnia can be classified into three kinds, (1) Potnia without any modification, (2) Potnia with modifying words, (3) derivatives The most crucial discussion that has been raised about Potnia is whether it is used as an epithet or is the real name of a certain goddess Among those who think it an epithet or a generic term, J Leuven develops his idea by allocating Olympian Goddesses to each case according to the context, for example, e-re-wi-jo po-ti-ni-ja should be Hera, po-ti-ni-ja a-si-wi-ja Artemis, po-ti-ni-ja with no modification Aphrodite and so on His interpretation is persuasive enough for Potnia with modifying words, but insufficient in cases when Potnia occurs alone, that is, he fails to explain why Potnia as an epithet could be used without any modification This surely would have caused much confusion if there had been no common notion about Potnia Moreover he neglects the fact that divine names such as Hera and Artemis are actually mentioned in the tablets, which would have made it unnecessary to say e-re-wi-jo po-ti-ni-ja instead of Hera Having examined all examples of Potnia, I think the word is neither an epithet nor a generic term, but the real name of a goddess She appears to have been worshipped over a broad area of the Mycenaean world, because we can find her name in every Mycenaean site which has Linear B tablets All Mycenaeans would have been able to understand who was mentioned even if it was written as just Potnia However, at the same time, she must have had some kind of locality As the modifying words of place names show, she would have some unique cult at each site The third and most conspicuous characteristics of Potnia is her close relationship with animals and vegetation, as is shown by words such as po-ti-ni-ja i-qe-ja and si-to-po-ti-ni-ja The divinity who satisfies all these aspects of universality and locality, animals and vegetation can be none other than the Mother Goddess or Earth Mother I conclude, therefore, that Potnia is the Mycenaean name of the Mother Goddess The Mother Goddess was worshipped widely in the Mediterranean world before the proto-Greeks came from the north, and she was called "the Lady" in Anatolian Hence the word "Potnia" is the Greek translation of her name Her name was Greek, but Near Eastern in origin As she was the goddess of the Earth, the Greeks seem to have begun to call her "Gaia", and the name "Potnia" became obsolete It must have been thought that the name "Gaia" conveyed her reality more accurately However she left her trace in the Olympian Goddesses of later times All the Olympian Goddesses have a vegetation-cult trait, even Artemis, as is seen in Euripides' "Hippolytos", and the name Hera also used to mean "the lady" or "the queen" as a derivative of ηρωζ It means that they took various aspects from Potnia in the process of fusion and differentiation of so many primitive goddesses In Sophocles' "Philoctetes", the Chorus cries out to the Earth, "ματερ ποτνια" (395) The word order of this phrase clearly shows that ποτνια is not an epithet The Greeks of the classical period had perceived that, as a vague memory in the undercurrent of their minds, Potnia is the Earth Mother

著者

豊田 浩志

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, pp.92-101, 1991

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Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, is called the 'Father of Ecclesiastical History,' and rightly so His most important work, Historia Ecclesiastica (= HE) is an extremely rich collection of historical documents, quotations, and extracts from a multitude of early Cnurch writings HE can thus be called a monumental achievement of early Christian literature There are many doubts, however, as to the authenticity of Eusebius' sources A serious drawback to his reliability as a historian is the loose and uncritical way he handles his materials But this criticism has too commonly resulted in an excessive depreciation of his great contribution and has tended to obscure its true merits Even with due allowance made for such faults, the objective merit and value of his HE should be duly acknowledged and appreciated In his HE, Eusebius usually allows his quotations to speak for themselves He does his best to collect testimonies from writers who lived at the time of the events which he describes In such cases, we might safely suspect that the quotations or extracts are based on some pre-existing text and that their historical authenticity is remarkable Cases in which he relies only on oral tradition are more problematic, but so far, such cases have tended to be greatly underestimated by many scholars and have been regarded as in- authentic Having carefully reexamined Eusebius' HE, I suggest the following two points First, in HE, he creates a personal style the quotations are often preceded by introductions or paraphrases I would like to emphasize especially the importance of cases where he writes an anonymously introduced narrativefollowed by a quotation or brief summary, such paraphrase almost always being derived from a quotation from his main source If so, it is not necessary for us to question the historical authenticity of the anonymous narrative Second, this paper analyzes two typical formulae which Eusebius uses to introduce oral traditions in HE <katechei logos> (it is recorded) and <logos echei> (tradition says), and reconsiders the authenticity of Eusebius' sources Detailed examination of the 10 volumes of the HE shows that Eusebius uses these introductory formulae 24 times, all of which are found in the first 8 volumes Moreover, 17 of these 24 cases are accompanied by another verb Indeed, no doubt exists that 16 of the 17 supposedly reflect the existence of some documental authority In 5 of the remaining 7 cases, a similar conclusion can be drawn Thus, Eusebius' use of such typical introductory formulae suggests that, for the most part, his statements are based directly on written sources even if they seem to be presented in the form of oral tradition It can safely be said that he very seldom worked without some authentic source

著者

羽田 康一

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.70-83, 2004-03-05 (Released:2017-05-23)

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Objects from a wreck at Antikythera were discovered and recovered in 1900-01 and further in 1976 The shipwreck can be dated to 70-65 B C The fabrication of the Antikythera Youth (Athens, National Archaeological Museum, inv X13396 fig 1-3) is dated to 340-330 B C The bronze has been interpreted variously Victor of a ball game, Perseus showing gorgoneion, Alexandros-Paris showing an apple, or Herakles taking golden apple(s) from a tree in the Hesperides Garden But difficulties remain for each identification the Youth is not represented with any characteristic attribute (such as headgear, weapon, shoes) The proposed interpretations fail to explain why the Youth does not look at the object he has in his right hand (fig 1), nor why he draws back his right free leg, nor the precise motivation of the form of his both hands It is here argued, for the first time, that the Youth is Iason taking the Golden Fleece hung upon a tree The most important comparisons are an Apulian red-figured krater of ca 360 B C (fig 4) and a Paestan red-figured krater of ca 320-310 B C (fig 5) It is presumed that originally the Youth constituted a sculptural group with two other bronzes Reconstruction in the centre stands a tree coiled with the serpent Ladon, and on a tree branch extending toward the (our) right hangs the Golden Fleece (see fig 4, 5, 6), probably gilt On the right side of the tree, diagonally a little in front of it, stands lason with a sword or spear in his left hand, pulling the Golden Fleece with his right, and looking at Medeia, who stands on the left side of the tree offering, with her left hand, a phiale filled with magic sleeping potion toward the stretched head of the serpent (for her pose see fig 5 and the mirror image of Piraeus Artemis A, fig 7) The eyes of Iason and Medeia directed toward each other constitute the base of the isosceles triangle, the vertex of which is the tree, and close the sculptural space A female left hand from the Antikythera wreck (inv X15095 fig 8), wearing a ring on the ring finger, has a hole on the palm, where a phiale or other object was probably fixed with a stud If projected scientific analyses of the bronze alloy and the core material coincide with those of the Youth/Iason, the hand may have belonged to his Medeia Thus interpreting the Youth, we can appreciate Praxitelean principles in the group the tree used as an indispensable element (Apollon Sanroktonos), the filling of the space by the direction of eyes (Satyros pouring wine), and the movement to draw garments with a hand (a version of Knidia) On the other hand, other elements are ascribed to Lysippos, such as the relatively small head, muscular expressions, and the motif of shifting the weight from one leg on the other (Apoxyotnenos)

著者

中務 哲郎

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.89-96, 2013

著者

堀川 宏

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.135-138, 2010-03-24 (Released:2017-05-23)

著者

納富 信留

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.44-55, 1998-03-23 (Released:2017-05-23)

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Critias is known as the leader of the cruel "Thirty Tyrants", who governed defeated Athens after the Poloponnesian War(404/3 B.C.), and killed over 1500 people under their reign of terror. Critias raises two important issues in the history of philosophy. First, as a relative of Plato, he seems to have influenced young Plato ; Plato later says in the Seventh Letter that he was initially attracted by Critias' invitation to the oligarchic government, but soon got disappointed on seeing its evil deeds(324B-325A). Second, Critias is regarded as a major cause of the decision to bring Socrates to trial in 399 ; the Athenians believed that Socrates was guilty of "corrupting youth" because he had educated anti-democratic politicians, such as Critias and Alcibiades(cf. Aeschines, 1. 173). These events kept Plato away from real politics and forced him to contemplate politics in philosophy. I believe that Plato confronted the issues concerning Critias in his early dialogue, the Charmides, in which young Critias plays a major role in discussing sophrosyne(temperance or prudence). However, the commentators have scarcely considered political issues in this dialogue, probably because they take the "evil image of Critias" for granted. First, therefore, I reexamine the historical figure of Critias and show how his image was created. It is Xenophon who is most responsible for making up our image of Critias. He describes Critias as a cruel tyrant and ascribes all evils of the Thirty to his personal motivations. Xenophon's account in the History of Greece II. 3. 11-4. 43 reflects the strong reaction against oligarchy in democratic Athens, and originates both in his hostility against the Thirty and his intention to defend Socrates' education(Memorabilia 1. 2. 12-38, 47). This has concealed the Thirty's real political intentions under the "evil image of Critias". On the other hand, we have some positive evidence to indicate that the Thirty originally intended to restore justice and morality in Athens (Lysias 12. 5 ; P1. Ep. VII 324D) ; they executed the sycophants("villains" in democratic Athens). We cannot deny the possibility that Critias and his group seriously aimed for ideal justice, and philosophical examination of the ideology of Critias is therefore necessary. The problem lies in what they understand as justice and sophrosyne. This is the main target of Plato's examination of Critias in the Charmides. Most commentators have ignored the political aspect of the dialogue. Sophrosyne is(unlike Aristotle's definition in the Ethics)a major political virtue along with justice, and the leading ideal for the Spartans and the oligarchs. Sophrosyne is said to bring about good government(Charm. 162A, 171D-172A, D). A crucial point in interpreting the Charmides is how we can understand the shift and relationship between several definitions of sophrosyne which Critias provides. He often gives up his earlier definitions easily and presents new ones ; there seems no logical relation between these. I see his definitions not as logically consequent, but as implying and revealing Critias' underlying ideology. I focus on two shifts : the first comes when Critias abandons his first definition "to do one's own", and gives a new definition "to know oneself" (164C-D) ; the second shift explicates "to know oneself" as "knowledge of the other knowledges and of itself" (166B-C). In each case, the direct cause of shift is Socrates' using an analogy between sophrosyne and techne (skill). Critias opposes Socrates' analogy and tries to separate two kinds of knowledge : self-knowledge and particular skills. Since the relation between the two is explained in terms of "rule" and "supervise" (173C, 174D-E) , I conclude that the clear distinction between the two(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

出版者

日本西洋古典学会 ; 1953-

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

no.64, pp.152-155, 2016

著者

逸身 喜一郎 片山 英男

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, pp.75-86, 1976-03-31 (Released:2017-05-23)

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How do phraseology and meter correlate with each other in the dialogue verse ・of Greek tragedy? With this question in mind, we set about analyzing all the extant trimeters with the help of a computer. The following is an interim report on some points of interest. (i) Conversion of texts into machine-readable form. The system we adopted was that of the normal transliteration into Roman alphabet with some modifications; long vowels marked by* , prosodical signs(-for crasis, +for synizesis, &c.) added. At present 6660 lines of eight plays are converted and reposited on magnetic tape. (ii) Automatic scansion. The computer scans trimeter according to the prosodical rules and, recognizing resolutions as such, writes out a metrical scheme to each line. The resulting, completely scanned texts serve as the raw materials for subsequent inquiries. For the symbols used in scansion see Explanatory Note to fig. 1-a. (iii) Automatic production of concordance. Two Concordances were made; the usual, Alphabetical one and the one in which words are classified and arranged .according to their Metrical word-types. These are reposited on MT and serviceable ior various further uses. Cf. fig. 1-a〜c. (iv) Examination of metrical features of lines. Lines with any particular metrical features can be assembled and examined at a stroke with the use of the computer. The example shown in fig. 3 is an inquiry into metrical behavior after caesura of the lines with penthemimeral caesura. (v) Examination of 'correptio Attica'. All occurrences of the sequence of short vowel-mute-liquid were assembled and classified according to the constituent 'Consonants. Refined statistics were drawn there from. The gross figure is 960 short .syllables(resolutions excluded)against 354 longs in 6660 lines. Cf. fig. 2. (vi) Examination of lengthening by position of word-final open syllable. This ・prosodical abnormality occurs 183x in the lines examined, mostly between words that cohere closely together. Each individual case can be examined in the list prepared by the computer. For some of the more conspicuous cases see above p.78. (vii) Study of localization and distribution of metrical word-types. Occurrences of each word-shape, at each metrical position of the verse, were counted and a comprehensive list of distributional figures for each shape was made; cf. fig. 4-a〜b. From the list certain tendencies become apparent: Every shape has its preferred position or positions. For instance, one of the fittest forms to iambic, SLSL, which can be used in four positions, shows a tendency towards localization at the verse-end(cf. fig. 4-b), and SL, iamb itself, too. On the contrary, SLS_0 and SLS_1, which are also shapes suitable to iambic, appear mostly in the former half of the verse. Sometimes preference amounts to restriction. SLL and LSLL are used each in one position only(this is a corollary of Porson's Law). These tendencies are consistent throughout all the plays regardless of their author or the date of composition, although some innovations were made and introduced by using resolution or crasis(cf. fig. 4-b and"-SSL" &c. in fig. 4-a). They may beinherent properties of the iambic trimeter, and if we examine further the words themselves from semantical and syntactical point of view, the system on which poets subconsciously depend in versification will be correctly described. The figures referred to are on pp. 80〜86 above.

著者

西村 賀子 桜井 万里子 和泉 ちえ 森谷 公俊 樋笠 勝士 後藤 篤子 北野 雅弘

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, pp.63-106, 2019 (Released:2022-03-08)

著者

佐野 好則

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.123-125, 2012-03-23 (Released:2017-05-23)

著者

坂下 浩司

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.159-163, 2006