著者
川勝 平太
出版者
拓殖大学
雑誌
国際開発研究
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, no.3, pp.9-20, 1999-12
著者
川勝 平太
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.2, pp.123-154, 1981-08-30 (Released:2017-07-15)
被引用文献数
1

One of the pivots of the world payments mechanism for the forty years before the First World War was Britain's ability to maintain a deficit on her visible trade with Europe and the United States, a deficit which she balanced by means of a surplus with Asia. This Asian surplus, on visible trade, came largely from exports of Lancashire's cotton textiles to the Asian markets. In India, as early as 1834-35, the Governor General of India reported (quoted in Das Kapital with the source unrecorded):-'The misery hardly finds a parallel in the history of commerce. The bones of the cotton-weavers are bleaching the plains of India.' Marx, perhaps with a similar thought in mind, stated in the Communist Manifesto, 'The cheap prices of its (the bourgeoisie's) commodities are the heavy artillery, with which it batters down all Chinese walls.' Under the influence of this sort of view, it has been argued for many years that the importation of British cotton textiles destroyed the handicraft industry in the Far East, or pushed it to the brink of collapse. The present article is an attempt to reassess this traditional view. Some statistical evidence which we present indicates the survival or even the growth of the handicraft weaving industry in the Far East, despite the increase in imports of British textiles. Recent empirical studies on the handicraft industry in each country in the Far East also corroborate this statistical fact. The basic issue then is how the handicraft industry of 'backward' Asia survived the impact of the 'advanced' West. To be more precise, what were the competitive advantages of Far Eastern textiles over British textiles? The traditional view has placed much weight upon relative factor prices, assuming, in its simplest form, a state of perfect competition between two types of textiles. It has not been proved yet, however, if these two cloths were directly competitive in price. Now that the author has collected a series of price data for the major varieties of respective textiles sold upon the Tokyo market, it is possible to re-examine the established view. The result of my price comparison contradicts the prevailing assumption mentioned above. The outcome has also an important implication regarding the position of British textiles in the Far Eastern markets at large, which was indeed similar to that in Japan, i.e., they did not sell well despite their cheaper prices. This was in marked contrast to the Indian textile markets. The population of India was about 260 m. and she consumed about 40 per cent. of the total British exports of cotton textiles. The Far East, on the other hand, where the population was twice as great as that of India, never took more than 15 per cent, of the British exports of textiles. It is clear at least that an explanation in terms of price alone fails to explain why the Far Eastern weavers held their own against British competition. A new explanation is to be explored. Based upon some descriptive evidence, the author tries to establish differences in qualities between British and Far Eastern cotton goods, in particular, cotton yarns. For cotton yarn is a feature by which the quality of cotton textiles are distinguished, and moreover it is subject to an accurate classification by the 'counts' which indicate the fineness of yarn. The counts of yarns typically used in Britain are examined in order to contrast them with those of the Far Eastern yarns. The estimation of the qualities of yarns will be a crucial part of the paper. Our analysis will show that the quality of yarns utilised in the Far East in the late nineteenth century was clearly distinguishable from that of the bulk of cotton yarns manufactured in Britain. The basic distinction in the qualities among British and Far Eastern cotton goods is represented schematically below:- [table] It was the persistent preference of(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
著者
チャウドゥリ K. N. 川勝 平太
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.1, pp.1-16, 1985

This paper argues that the transition from pre-modern trade to post-Industrial Revolution trade in Asia and indeed in the world generally incorporated a fundamental change in its causation. Pre-modern trade was essentially derived from socially-determined demand arising out of cultural habits and interpretations, but of course, the force of demand operated through market forces and relative prices. Nineteenth-century international trade, on the other hand, was founded on the supply and the production side of the world economy. The fundamental changes in the system of economic production based on the application of machinery and the capitalist organisation made movements of industrial raw materials, food stuffs, and even manufactured goods appear as induced effects of the needs of producers to keep production going. In the pre-modern period, the thinking of merchants and others involved in the business of distant trade, was overwhelmingly influenced by demand factors. This is far removed from the present-day situation in which international trade is primarily a function of the relative distribution of technological endowments. In the earlier period, the technology of production had stabilised itself over many centuries and was treated as if it was a constant. The force of change and the opportunity for accumulating wealth came mainly from shifts in demand and an improvement in the institutional arrangements of economic exchange which lowered costs. There is little disagreement among historians that Asia's inter-regional trade underwent a profound change between 1800 and 1900. The transformation touched both the direction and the composision of goods exchanged. The payments mechanism itself gave rise to induced changes and brought into being the famous trian gular commercial relations between India, China, and Britain, which developed into a true multilateral systems of trade and payments mechanism during the second half of the nineteenth century. Imperialism as an economic force fused together with its political manifestations to form the most powerful historical phenomenon of the time.
著者
川勝 平太
出版者
国際日本文化研究センター
雑誌
Historical Consciousness, Historiography, and Modern Japanese Values
巻号頁・発行日
pp.207-213, 2006-11-30

Historical Consciousness, Historiography, and Modern Japanese Values, 2002年10月末-11月, カナダ, アルバータ州バンフ
著者
川勝 平太
出版者
日経BP社
雑誌
日経コンストラクション (ISSN:09153470)
巻号頁・発行日
no.238, pp.36-40, 1999-08-27

「21世紀の国土のグランドデザイン」で,「庭園の島(ガーデン・アイランズ)」構想を提唱した川勝氏。6月末にはこの国土計画を推進するための戦略も出されたが,「庭園の島構想,生活空間倍増計画,新首都建設を三位一体として,地球時代にふさわしい戦略を立てるべき時が来ている」と語る。
著者
川勝 平太 平島 寛
出版者
日経BP社
雑誌
日経ア-キテクチュア (ISSN:03850870)
巻号頁・発行日
no.683, pp.32-35, 2001-01-01

「土地を土台として,そこにつくられた物が,人間の立ち居振る舞いを決める。変な形の物産複合は,人間の立ち居振る舞い,つまり文化までおかしくする」と語る川勝氏。
著者
川勝 平太
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.1, pp.91-125, 1985
被引用文献数
2

The present paper is an attempt to investigate into what seems contradictory phenomena observed in nineteenth century Asia: the increasing influx of British cotton manufactured goods into Asia on the one hand, with the development of indigenous cotton textile production in the region on the other. In order to account for this seemingly paradox, some newly found evidence is introduced which shows qualitative differences between British and Asian cotton products, and the following table is presented to demonstrate the fact that the structure of markets for cotton goods differed between India and the Far East, and also particularly the fact that there was virtually little competition between British and Far Eastern cottons. [table] It appeared necessary to devote a whole section (III) to outline how the cotton textile production, which originated in India, spread both west- and eastward to set out the historical background against which the above different types of cottons were encountered in the Asian markets in the later period. This historical account is not ambitious at all, but included in this paper in order to disperse any impression to the reader that those different structures of markets were static. They were, of course, not so, but products of long historical evolution. Some brief mention will also be made of how they underwent changes in the inter-war years.
著者
加藤 光男 關 淳一 川勝 平太
出版者
日経BP社
雑誌
日経コンストラクション (ISSN:09153470)
巻号頁・発行日
no.401, pp.78-81, 2006-06-09

川勝 万博で元気になった名古屋などに比べて,大阪は少し取り残されたような状況にありました。しかし,ここへきてビッグプロジェクトが相次いで動き出してきたようですね。關 今後1〜2年で大きな動きがあります。大阪駅の北ヤードでは,現在,先行開発地区の事業者募集を進めており,これから再開発がスタートします。