著者
木田 勇輔
出版者
Japan Association for Urban Sociology
雑誌
日本都市社会学会年報 (ISSN:13414585)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2016, no.34, pp.106-123, 2016-09-03 (Released:2017-11-01)
参考文献数
31
被引用文献数
1

Populism is one of the most critical issues in Japanese urban politics. This case study examines urban populism through an urban regime analysis of the urban politics of Nagoya city, which has experienced populist politics since Mayor Kawamura took office in 2009.    The most crucial point of this case study is the disintegration of the urban regime of Nagoya in the late 1990s. During the 1980s, this regime restructured itself with developmental and distributive politics. Business leaders supported developmental policies such as the conducting of mega events and building of public facilities. City politicians practiced machine politics and influenced the mayors. Such an urban regime lasted from the early 1980s to mid-1990s.    However, the regime disintegrated in the late 1990s due to the weakening of machine politics. Politicians lost their power to mobilize voters, making voter behavior unpredictable. This created a power vacuum and made it easy for political leaders to get popular support through populist mobilization. In 2009, Mayor Kawamura was elected with over 500,000 votes (58.57%), and since then, Nagoya has experienced a political confrontation between the mayor and city politicians. This disintegration of the urban regime produced urban populism in the city.    Populism is often considered to be a driver of political changes. However, in this case study, a rearrangement of the city regime brought about urban populism. This study indicates a potential for studies comparing the urban politics of Japan through urban regime analyses.
著者
木田 勇輔
出版者
日本都市社会学会
雑誌
日本都市社会学会年報 (ISSN:13414585)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2012, no.30, pp.59-75, 2013-09-01 (Released:2014-03-07)
参考文献数
24

In recent years, modern radical leaders have been elected in some representative metropolitan municipalities in Japan, such as Tokyo, Osaka, Yokohama, and Nagoya. This article studies a case of Nagoya city, and analyses radical reformist mayor's electoral base. As a result of analysis of survey data, we obtain some empirical findings. (1) The effect of basic social categories is not so strong, but young voters tend to approve Kawamura's job. (2) Not only supporters of Democratic Party, but also active non-partisans approve Kawamura's job, and voters' reformist identity is also significant for job approval. (3) Political organization members and government sector workers don't approve Kawamura's job. In modern Japanese cities, the system has weakened which enables parties to get voters' support through various groups and organizations. A large number of urban voters often demand political reform. This article shows the social base of today's urban political antagonism.
著者
木田 勇輔
出版者
地域社会学会
雑誌
地域社会学会年報 (ISSN:21893918)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, pp.105-119, 2014 (Released:2017-12-18)
参考文献数
24

In this article, the author discusses intra-municipal decentralization in modern Japanese cities. Intramunicipal decentralization is an important policy issue in large cities such as Nagoya & Osaka because of the political style called populism that is characterized by the attacks on interest groups and the top-down decision making with reformist rhetoric. The author studies a case of Nagoya city in which mayor Kawamura has taken office since 2009. This article understands the intra-municipal decentralization in Nagoya as a process of reconsidering community representatives. The case study indicates two important points. First, through the argument about the intra-municipal decentralization in Nagoya, it revealed a cleavage between the mayor and other actors against the building of its community councils, such as the leaders of neighborhood associations and the members of the city council. There are two different logics which are based on two distinct interpretations of legitimacy of community representatives. Second, behind the political antagonism between the mayor and the city council, an important problem is overlooked that it is too difficult to maintain the cohesion of local communities in Nagoya. Citizens of Nagoya city don’t participate in community activities diligently. The author argues that the cohesion of local communities is indispensable to construct community representatives as the leaders of neighborhood selfgovernance. In conclusion, the author discusses (re)building of local communities in Japanese cities. In Nagoya, the citizens don’t respond to the top-down intra-municipal decentralization clearly. Though this case study indicates the difficulties of the neighborhood self-governance in Nagoya, the citizens need to address the issue of neighborhood self-governance by themselves.
著者
川野 英二 木田 勇輔 原田 謙
出版者
Japan Association for Urban Sociology
雑誌
日本都市社会学会年報 (ISSN:13414585)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2022, no.40, pp.1-7, 2022-09-05 (Released:2023-09-16)
参考文献数
7

At the 2021 annual conference of the Japan Association for Urban Sociology, we held a symposium on “Neighborhood Effects and Cities in Japan.” Although we planned this symposium as an international one, the pandemic of Covid-19 made it impossible to invite presenters from abroad. Thus we invited three leading researchers in this field living in Japan to the symposium. The three presenters referred to some important topics such as ethnographic research, urban subcultures, urban crimes, neighborhood disorder, health inequalities, and deprivation. The presentations and the discussion raise some important questions. (1) What contexts are important in the research of neighborhood effects? (2) What kind of social process works in neighborhood effects? (3) How can we measure neighborhood environments in the context of social research? We expect that this symposium stimulates theoretical and empirical research on neighborhood effects in the field of urban sociology.
著者
木田 勇輔
出版者
日本都市社会学会
雑誌
日本都市社会学会年報 (ISSN:13414585)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2012, no.30, pp.59-75, 2013

In recent years, modern radical leaders have been elected in some representative metropolitan municipalities in Japan, such as Tokyo, Osaka, Yokohama, and Nagoya. This article studies a case of Nagoya city, and analyses radical reformist mayor's electoral base.<br> As a result of analysis of survey data, we obtain some empirical findings. (1) The effect of basic social categories is not so strong, but young voters tend to approve Kawamura's job. (2) Not only supporters of Democratic Party, but also active non-partisans approve Kawamura's job, and voters' reformist identity is also significant for job approval. (3) Political organization members and government sector workers don't approve Kawamura's job.<br> In modern Japanese cities, the system has weakened which enables parties to get voters' support through various groups and organizations. A large number of urban voters often demand political reform. This article shows the social base of today's urban political antagonism.
著者
木田 勇輔
出版者
日本都市社会学会
雑誌
日本都市社会学会年報 (ISSN:13414585)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2016, no.34, pp.106-123, 2016
被引用文献数
1

<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Populism is one of the most critical issues in Japanese urban politics. This case study examines urban populism through an urban regime analysis of the urban politics of Nagoya city, which has experienced populist politics since Mayor Kawamura took office in 2009.<BR>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The most crucial point of this case study is the disintegration of the urban regime of Nagoya in the late 1990s. During the 1980s, this regime restructured itself with developmental and distributive politics. Business leaders supported developmental policies such as the conducting of mega events and building of public facilities. City politicians practiced machine politics and influenced the mayors. Such an urban regime lasted from the early 1980s to mid-1990s.<BR>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;However, the regime disintegrated in the late 1990s due to the weakening of machine politics. Politicians lost their power to mobilize voters, making voter behavior unpredictable. This created a power vacuum and made it easy for political leaders to get popular support through populist mobilization. In 2009, Mayor Kawamura was elected with over 500,000 votes (58.57%), and since then, Nagoya has experienced a political confrontation between the mayor and city politicians. This disintegration of the urban regime produced urban populism in the city.<BR>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Populism is often considered to be a driver of political changes. However, in this case study, a rearrangement of the city regime brought about urban populism. This study indicates a potential for studies comparing the urban politics of Japan through urban regime analyses.</p>
著者
木田 勇輔 成 元哲 河村 則行
出版者
東海社会学会
雑誌
東海社会学会年報 (ISSN:18839452)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.133-143, 2018 (Released:2021-03-22)

本稿では Robert J. Sampson の集合的効力感に関する理論を検討し,日本の都市において個人レベルの集合的効力感がコミュニティにおける活動意欲を促すのかという点について検証を行った.具体的には名古屋市の6学区における質問紙調査から得られたデータを用い,集合的効力感の規定要因とその効果に関する基礎的な分析を行った.個人レベルの変数や居住学区のダミー変数を含めた重回帰分析を行った結果として,以下の3つの結論を得た.(1)社会的紐帯の豊富さと移動性の低さは集合的効力感を高める.(2)居住学区は集合的効力感に影響を与えている可能性が高い.(3) 個人レベルの変数や居住学区の効果を統制しても,集合的効力感はコミュニティにおける活動意欲に正の効果を持っている.今後の研究の展望として,日本でも集合的効力感が重要な意味を持つ可能性は高く,居住地区間の格差や不平等を解明する際の糸口を提供すると考えられる.