出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.5, pp.Toc1, 2005-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

竹田 和夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.12, pp.2227-2228, 2000

著者

仲手川 良雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.3, pp.388-397, 2002-03-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

菊池 浩幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.5, pp.697-700, 2006-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

東野 治之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.12, 2000

著者

劉 傑

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.12, 1998

著者

堀 新

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.5, pp.741-743, 1995-05-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

山本 博文

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.10, pp.1674-1675, 1983-10-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

芳澤 元

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.10, pp.1675-1696, 2011

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<p>When taking up the question of the essential character of Japanese Buddhism during the Muromachi Period, it is necessary to investigate its influence on the era's cultural phenomena. For example, in the recent research dealing with Muromachi culture, focus has been placed on the period's Oei 応永 Era (1394-1428), which amends conventional Kitayama vs. Higashiyama view of the period's cultural history; however, when turning to the subject of the cultural influence of Zen Buddhism, the discussion has not developed beyond the classic study by Tamamura Takeji, which concentrates on the unique character of Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimochi. The cause of the problems that have now arisen is that the research taking up 1) obscure source materials related to the Gozan 五山 Zen temples and 2) the social aspects of Zen Buddism has not yet dealt with the Oei Era. This situation is mainly the responsibility of the historical research done on Buddhism in general and Zen in particular that ignores the aspect of culture. The present article discusses the Tale of Totou Tenjin 渡唐天神, a Buddhist story about Sugawara-no-Michizane (later diefied as Tenjin, the patron of scholarship and the literary arts) appearing in a dream of a Zen monk who advises him to journey to Tang China to learn the art of Zen meditation from his master Fojian 仏鑑, in relation to poetic picture scrolls and the renga 連歌 genre of Japanese poetry. It was during the Oei Era that such aspects of the tale appearing in the latter half of the 14th century as the dream about Michizane and Tenjin folk beliefs, as well as the activities of Zen monks studying abroad in China writing poetry about such subjects as the literati of Jiangnan (Jiangnan renwen 江南文人) and the legend of Tobiume 飛梅, a legendary plum tree planted by Michizane at the Dazaifu Tenjin shrine (Kyushu), all began to be edited as illustrated versions. The author argues that despite the vast research literature dealing with the Tale of Totou Tenjin, no definitive work has yet to appear on the meaning of and historical background to its popularity during the Oei Era. Next, the author takes up records of Ouchi Morimi, the governor of Suo and Nagato Province (Yamaguchi) and home of the Matsuzaki Tenjin shrine, presenting a pictorial image of Totou Tenjin to Shogun Yoshimochi while residing in Kyoto and excerpts from literary works on the subject of the image, in order to show Morimi's conversion to Tenjin beliefs while in Kyushu and the process by which Morimi traveled to Kyoto after Yoshimochi the suceeded to the head of the House of Ashikaga and received the Shogun's favor. From that time on, what led to the further development of the Tale were 1) Yoshimochi and Morimi's adoration of Tenjin and the participation of the shogun and Gozan Zen monks in Tenjin-related Buddhist ceremonies sponsored by Morimi, which would end with renga poetry writing and 2) Koun Myogi, aristocrat, Zen monk and literatus serving the shogun, who was also deeply interested in the Tale of Totou Tenjin, instructing Gozan Zen monks in the literary arts. The world of the Gozan temples and provincial governors participating in the promotion of the literary arts and the appreciation of the fine arts was formed under the auspices of cooperative personal relationships developed between the capital and the provinces during the Oei Era; and it was this world in which the Tale of Totou Tenjin became the main theme in a wide range of artwork. The image of Totou Tenjin is characterized not only by elements limited exclusively to the events and social structure specific to the Oei Era, but also by more fluid elements easily articulated with themes unrelated to Zen Buddhism. This dual character enabled the Tale to develop while gradually drifting away from its original Zen context, and it could not have continued on past the Muromachi cultural scence into the late premodern period merely on</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.1967-2003, 2004

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From the late 16^<th> to the early 17^<th> century, amidst the "Age of Commerce" in the East Asian maritime region, many Chinese, including merchants, smugglers, captives, and drifters, came to south-west Japan. Especially in Kyushu, where most of the Chinese arrived, not a few Chinese settlements were formed in various seaports and castle towns. In this paper, the author discusses emigrant Chinese intellectuals in this maritime region, by focusing on physicians who sojourned in south Kyushu. Nearby the castle town of Obi 飫肥, There are two epitaphs on gravestones of Xu Zhilin 徐之〓, who had served as a physician in Obi domain during the 17^<th> century. According to these epitaphs, Xu zhilin was borne in the gentry lineage of Shangyu 上虞 county of Zhejiang province. In 1619, He made a voyage to Beijing aspiring to pass the civil service examinations, but was captured by pirates along the way. He was first taken to Nagasaki, then later moved to Satsuma, where he learned medicine from a Chinese physician residing there. Five years later, He was invited by the lord of Obi domain to serve as one of his physicians until 1666. Concerning the pedigree of Xu Zhilin, except the two epitaphs, no available sources had been found in Japan. But I had found three editions of genealogies of Xu lineage in Shanghai Library which describe the family line of Xu Zhilin in detail, and accounts on ancestors of him are almost coincide with these of epitaphs. From these genealogies, we can ascertain that he actually was a member of elite, lineage producing numerous scholar officials from the 16^<th> century. From the late 16^<th> century onward, the lift of prohibition of private maritime trade remarkably stimulated the oversea trades with south Fujian as its node. Although the ban on voyages to Japan remained, many Fujian traders had sailed to Kyushu. Particularly, south Kyushu was gradually integrated into the network of Fujian merchants. Arrivals of many Chinese physicians were also one aspect of the expansion of the Fujian network, which accompanied transfers of culture, technology, and human resources. During 16^<th> and 17^<th> century, enormous amount of silver continued to flow onto the southeast coast region of China, particularly south Fujian, from Japan and the New World. The imported silver was gradually diffused all over China, and a considerable part of it went to Beijing as taxes, then thrown onto the frontier bases of the northern border region as military expenditures. As a result the influx of silver produced booming trade and economic prosperity in the maritime Asia and China's northern border. Numerous Chinese attracted by economic chances also flowed, into these regions as traders, peasants, soldiers, and various specialists. It should be noted that the Chinese who immigrated to foreign countries included marginal intellectuals such as lower literati, merchants, and physicians. They often served the military-commercial powers in those respective regions and countries, offered advanced Chinese cultures and technology, and mediated commercial or military negotiations between the Ming Dynasty and foreign powers. Arrivals of Chinese physicians in Japan were one phenomenon, of such emigration by Chinese marginal intellectuals during the "Age of Commerce" in East Asia.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.8, pp.1423-1458, 2009

被引用文献数

1

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This article reexamines, with the help of contemporary Chinese and European sources, the plan by Kato Kiyomasa, the lord of Northern Higo Domain, to initiate trade with Luzon during Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion of Korea, which Kiyomasa led in 1592. In a letter written to his retainers at home in late 1593, Kiyomasa ordered a Chinese junk loaded with wheat and silver to be dispatched to what the author argues was Luzon, since 1) junks were maritime, rather than coastal, trading vessels, and 2) wheat, the major cargo on board, was the main commodity in Japan's trade with the Philippines at that time. The author argues that Kiyomasa, fearing a long campaign in Korea, planned to used the profits from the Luzon venture to procure sorely needed arms and ammunition. For Japan during the last years of the 16^<th> century, its supply of munitions, like lead and saltpeter, were supplied by three routes, all terminating in Kyushu: 1) the Macao-Nagasaki route, 2) the Chinese route linking Fukien with Kyushu and 3) the entrepot trade from China and Southeast Asia through such points as Luzon. However, given the fact that around the time of Hideyoshi's invasion, the Philippines was suffering from a lack of munitions due to decreasing Chinese imports, Kiyomasa planned to trade for such highly sought after commodities as gold, for the purpose of procuring munitions within Japan. Furthermore, it is a fact that Kiyomasa ordered another junk to sail to Luzon in 1576, which succeeded in arriving at Manila in the summer of the following year, despite worsening diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines. Finally, the author confirms that during the 1590s, Japanese vessels began to venture out on the high seas, to not only Luzon, but such Southeast Asian continental locations as Cochin China, Siam, Cambodia and Malacca. The activities of the vermillion seal ship's voyages to the region, which began at the beginning of the 17^<th> century, were hardly spontaneous events, since their routes and trade activities had already been pioneered during last decades of the previous century.

著者

葭森 健介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.1, pp.38-61,142-144, 1986-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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This paper suggests that the government of Tsao-Shuang, the last one of the Tsao dynasty, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule of the Han (漢) dynasty to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei (魏晉南北) dynasties. However, due to the Tsao-Shuang government's radical policy of centralization, opposition from local powers arose resulting in its overthrow by Ssu ma-I (司馬懿). Consequently, Ssu ma-I, recognizing the reason's for the failure of the Tsao-Shuang, government, implemented a revision of the Chung Cheng system, which respected local power. In A.D. 249 the imperial government of the Wei (魏) State at Loyang (洛陽) was overthrown by Ssu ma-I, a general under the Tsao dynasty. This incident would ultimately lead to the establishment of the Western Chin (西晉) dynasty in A.D. 265. At the time of Ssu ma-I's revolt, de facto political power was held by Tsao-Shuang, an imperial prince who was adviser to the young emperor Tsao-Fang (曹芳). This arrangement, which was in accordance with the last wishes of the previous Emperor Tsao-Jui (曹叡), involved a situation in which political power was shared by royalty according to kinship ties and co-provincial (common birthplace) ties with the Emperor. A pattern of nepotistic rule was also apparent during the reign of the Han dynasty ruler Weich'i (外戚). Another aspect of political power under Tsao-Shuang concerns the careers of those in the upper echelons of the political structure. Most were noted literati, famed for their literary works and general scholastic ability. They had gained positions of great influence by cultivating ties with the scions of distinguished families in the court of Emperor Tsao-Jui. The Emperor, suspecting these literati of stirring public opinion against Confucianism, instituted various represive measures to counteract their allegedly destructive influence. The literati found the young nobles to be sympathetic to their plight and, following the Emperor's demise, were able to use their connections to attain prominent positions under the new ruler, Tsao-Shuang. Later, He-An (何晏), a head of the Lipu (吏部), the government office, placed members of the literati and the notables in positions of power in an attempt to establish an effective political base. It is believed that the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynastic Period was characterized by a largely aristocratic polity consisting of the notables and literati. Scholars believe that the notables and literati had great influence on public opinion and their status was recognized in return by the general public. If this point of view is accepted, the government of Tsao-Shuang, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule, which characterized the Han dynasty, to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynasties, despite the fact that the overly centralized power wielded by the government of Tsao-Shuang was effectively counteracted by local public opinion. Ssu ma-I overthrew the government of Tsao-Shuang with the backing of local public opinion and attempted to reform the aristocratic basis of government by instituting the Chiu P'in Chung Cheng (九品中正) system, whereby public officials were assigned on the basis of public opinion. The Chou Ta Chung Cheng (州大中正) system was later established to expand the Chung Cheng system by instituting the Chou Ta Chung Cheng, which was positioned above the existing Ch'un Chung Cheng (郡中正) and insured local rights in governmental personnel affairs. Prior to Ssu ma-I's revolt this policy had not been implemented due to the opposition of these close to Tsao-Shuang, who had established the right of the Lipu to handle civil service personnel affairs. The implementation of the Chou Ta Chung Cheng system is usually regarded as an instance of centralization of administiative power. However, in view of the historical trend described in this paper, it is seen more as an(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

石井 進

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.4, pp.472-474, 1976

著者

水野 智之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.12, pp.2058-2065, 2012

著者

村井 章介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.7, pp.1271-1272, 1989-07-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

佐竹 昭

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.11, pp.1897-1898, 1988

著者

大谷 伸治

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.2, pp.161-199, 2017-02

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.9, pp.1692-1658, 2015-09-20 (Released:2017-12-28)

著者

杉本 弘幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.10, pp.1749-1757, 2010

著者

伊東 七美男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.8, pp.1355-1395,1505-, 1991-08-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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In the naval system in classical Athens, trierarchs used in principle state hulls and sea-going equipment. In prescription, when their services were over, users had to return them in good condition. Those did not do so were recorded in naval documents as a debtor to the State. The object of this treatise is to make clear the actual situation of debts and their collection, and to consider the historical background. In order to attain this aim, naval inscriptions (IGII^2 1604-1632) have been mainly examined. They record details of the administration of the Athenian navy over about 55 years from the 370s to the 320s B.C.. This examination suggests important points in regard to the controlling power of the State over its wealthy citizens and their social power. From an examination of the inscriptions, the following points can be infered. (1)Debts tended to reach long terms, and each debtor was inclined to have plural and long-term debts. This confirms a view generaly pointed out by many scholars; which shows both a tendency to delay repayment of debts and. inactivity of collection in the navy. (2)However, except for the concentrated collection of debts in the first half of 350s., collection seems to have become active at latest after the middle of 340s B.C., this can be thought to have been greatly influenced by external circumstances: formed the preparations at war against Macedon in the second half of 340s, and security of sea trade routes after the battle of Chaeronea, above all measures for corn supply in the face of food crises. (3)The sum of collected money at times reached more than 10 talents. With 10 talents one could supply 26-27 sets of sea-going equipment. Therefore, collections were of considerable importance for consolidating the navy as a facfor to make sea trade active. (4)It is not necessarily clear whether the intensification of collecting debts had a direct relation to the policies of Eubulus and Lykurgus. But at least there is a possibility that their policies had some influence on it. The author concludes from the above that the character of administration of the Athenian navy in the first half of the fourth century B.C. differs significantly from that of the second. And in its background there seems to have been urgent and difficult circumstances : Social War and relations with Macedon and food crises etc.. Only in the face of such situations was debt collection intensified. It also gives an interesting clue to considering the power of the wealthy citizens in those days.