著者
島薗 進
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.1-16, 1995

Those theories that insist there are definite personality or cultural traits which are unique to the Japanese alone are called u Nihonjin-ron", or "Japan Theory". Since the post World War II period up to the present, Nihonjin-ron have been produced and consumed on a large scale in Japan. Since about 1980, more and more Nihonjin-ron have dealt with religion as a main subject. These Nihonjin-ron evaluate positively what they assume to be a unique Japanese religiosity. For this reason, I call them "affirmative Japan Religion theory". Such theorists argue, for example, that animism preserved since the Jomon period, constitutes a stratum on the Japanese religious consciousness. This animistic religiosity has the capacity to overcome the limit actions of modern rationalism and of Western Civilization. The prototype of such affirmative Japan Religion theory may be found in Motoori Norinaga who wrote during the Tokugawa period, but emerged again between 1930 and 1945. Since the 1980s we have been witnessing a second resurgence that corresponds with the internationalization and neo-nationalism of a wealthy society.
著者
村上 興匡
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.1-14, 2001

Nakae Chomin is well known for translating Jean Jacques Rousseau's Du contrat social into classical Chinese. He was a scholar of French thought, a statesman, and a businessman in his later years. At the end of his life, Nakae announced that he was dying of cancer. His final works, Ichinen yu han and Zoku Ichinen yu han were presented as posthumous documents, thought they were published while he was still alive. These books were read by many people, and clearly demonstrated his atheistic and materialistic ideas about life and death. His thought attracted a great deal of attention, and there was a great deal of speculation as to whether or not Nakae's actual manner of dying would conform to his stated principles. Nakae's funeral was held as "a farewell ceremony" without religious content. It is known as the first "kokubetu-shik? to have been held in Japan. Despite the protests of those close to him, Nakae insisted that his funeral be held without religious ceremony. Some at the time described his request as selfish. In the Meiji era, with some exceptions, people generally did not accept Nakae's ideas about the funeral ceremony. However, in the 1970s some thinkers, particularly those concerned with medical issues, began to express the opinion that one's funeral is a final expression of one's life. These ideas have become more publically accepted in the last decade.
著者
柴田 大輔
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.73-95, 1998

Die Mischwesengruppe, die im Enuma elis als Geschofe der Tiamat gegen Marduk kampft, tritt auch in einigen anderen Kontexten auf, die sich besonders auf Marduk beziehen. Ihre Statuen bef anden sich zum Beispiel vor Esagila, dem Tempel Marduks in Babylon. Die Mischwesengruppe wurde im 12. Jh. v. Chr. unter der Regierung von Nabukudurri-usur I. wahrend der Konstruktion der Marduktheologie, die auf den elf Trophaen Ninurtas aus dem Ninurtamythos basierte, geschaffen. Die Marduktheologie war eine ideologische Kulturkonstruktion, um die neue politische Verfassung von Nabu-kuduri - usur I. zu rechtfertigen. Sie basierte auf dem Enuma elis, welches seinerseits vomNinurtamythos abgeleitet worden war, um Marduk die zunachst die Stellung Ninurtas, des Kronprinzen der Gotter, der die gottliche Ordnung wiederhergestellt hat, und dann die Stellung Enlils, des Konigs der Gotter, zu geben. Weil Ninurta fur seinen Sieg von den anderen Gottern zu ihrem Konig erhoben wurde und seine Trophaen seinen Sieg symbolisieren, ist die Mischwesengruppe ein strategisches Mittel, Marduk mit Ninurta gleichzustellen. Spater wurde die Mischwesengruppe zunachst von Sanherib fur religiose Reform, dann zur Konstruktion der spaten Theologie Nabus, um Assur oder Nabu mit Marduk gleichzustellen, und schlieslich bei der Schaffung des Rituals der Schutzdamonenfiguren, um es unter Marduks Befugnis zu stellen, benutzt. Kurzum war sie ein strategisches Mittel, Marduk mit anderen Gottern zu identifizieren und neue Elemente in die Marduktheologie einzufugen.
著者
上村 岳生
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, pp.137-149, 2010-03-31

論文/Articles
著者
塩尻 和子
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.15-26, 1998

This paper is a follow-up to an article published in the Annual Review of Religious Studies XIV 1996, where I described the chronological sequence of the Salem witch-craft trials and analyzed the positions of two Puritan clergymen. In this article I examine the role of community at Salem village and the relation of social interest to the witch-hunt. Though the witch-hunt itself was initiated by adolescent hysteria, the persecutions were fueled by a conspiracy of envious men attempting to destroy their enemies and to retain power. Their efforts were supported by the Puritan leaders, both religious and political, and resulted in the magnification of a minor disorder into a deadly tragedy. As Max Weber points out, social concern can control human behavior, placing it within the framework of a powerful belief, either religious or secular. Where belief in witch-craft is anchored in theological doctrine, people in unfavorable social conditions are apt to sacrifice a scapegoat as an evil-witch in order to obtain immediate effects. The scapegoat can be found anywhere; no one can avoid the danger of being accused as a witch or wizard in conditions of changing social values. During the Salem witch-hunt, not only the oppressed or the unpopular but also the rich and the respectable were arrested and sentenced to death ; there was no escape once they became targets of the conspiracy. An investigation the role of the Salem community at this event illustrates how social concern can be sanctioned and enhanced through the use of religious faith. The combination of religion and madness seen in the conspiracy in Salem village could happen anywhere, even in our day. Lingering belief in witchcraft warns us of the continuing danger of a witch-hunt that could threaten our freedom and humanity.
著者
櫻井 丈
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.26, pp.101-114, 2008

論文/ArticlesThis paper is concerned with the issue of how Jewish identity has been constructed in late antiquity. Although the question of "who is a Jew?" is a much debated one in the modern period, the question of Jewish identity and its construction in late antiquity has rarely been given the attention it deserves. This study is concerned with the role the Babylonian Talmud, the major legal compendium of rabbinic Judaism, played in attempts to define Jewish identity and pays particular attention to the sugya of tractate Avodah Zarah 22b. This text deals primarily with precautions against violating the prohibition of bestiality, which ? according to the rabbinic tradition ? was the form of sexuality practiced by gentiles. This study examines how the rabbinic discourse on this halakhic prohibition of a sexually immoral mode of behavior defined Jewish self in contrast to the gentile other and shows how certain aspects of the halakha played a significant role in creating rabbinic perceptions of distinctions between Jews and gentiles. By paying special attention to the significance of the halakha in the formation of the social and cultural boundaries that distinguish Jews from gentiles, it can be shown that the erection of such boundaries was indispensable to Jewish identity formation. This study thus illuminates one aspect of rabbinic Judaism in which the halakha as a cultural construct defines the notion of Jewish identity in relation and opposition to gentiles.
著者
近藤 光博
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.12, pp.p87-100, 1994

「マハトマ」の尊称で名高いMohandas Karamchand Gandhi(1869-1948)をして世界にその名を知らしめているのは,徹底した非暴力による政治運動,<サティアグラハ>である。彼は,<サティア>すなわち「真理」と呼ぶものを,自分の生きる時空において実現せしめんと,生涯にわたって真摯な努力を重ねた。そうした努力のうち,彼にとって最も重要だったものの一つが,虐げられた者の具体的救済であり,また別のものが,<アヒンサー>すなわち「非暴力」であった。そこから彼の<サティアグラハ>は生まれている。これに比すれば,ガンディーがきわめて厳格な禁欲主義者であったことは,広く知られているとは言えない。彼は,衣食住すべての生活領域にわたって,最も貧しく質素な生活をこそ最高のものとみなした。仕草や話しぶりも,非常に抑制された穏やかなものだったと伝えられている。彼の目指していたものは,あらゆる欲望と情動を意思のコントロール下においてしまうことであった。そして,こうした禁欲の諸実践もまた,彼にとっては<サティア>実現のために欠かすことのできない課題として認識されていたのである。なかでも性欲は,制御されるべき最も深刻な課題とみなされた。幼児婚の風習によって13才で結婚していたガンディーは,37才のとき,妻カストゥルバーイとの性交渉の断念に踏みきる。これが<ブラフマチャリア>の誓いである。その後の生涯,ガンディーは,この誓いを全うするため試行錯誤を重ね,比較的早い段階において,性欲の制御のためには全面的な禁欲の実践が必要だとの結論を得ている。すなわち,この誓いを境に,味覚と食欲の制御に始まって,彼のセルフ・コントロールの努力は次第に生活の隅々にまで及んでいくのである。こうした意味で,彼の<ブラフマチャリア>は,単に"性的禁欲"という伝統的な意味でばかりとらえられるべきではない。彼にとっての性欲の問題とは,彼の禁欲的ライフ・スタイル全体にとっての出発点・焦点としてのみ把握可能なものである。しかし,ガンディーの禁欲の全体像を論ずるのはこの小稿では足りない。本稿では,性的禁欲としての<ブラフマチャリア>に限定して議論を進めたいと思う。そして特に,彼がそこにかけた情熱,あるいは動機・目的を論じてみたいと思う。
著者
伊達 聖伸
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.26, pp.63-76, 2008

論文/ArticlesCet article a pour but de mettre en relief les caractéristiques essentielles de la version « institutionnelle » des sciences religieuses en France, notamment celles des dernies décennies du 19e siècle. Nous nous attarderons d'abord à éclairer la connotation des mots « science(s) religieuse(s) » et « histoire des religions ». Puis, nous examinerons la propagande d'Albert Réville et de Maurice Vernes pour instituer cette nouvelle discipline académique dans leur pays. C'est dans ce contexte qu'une chaire d'histoire des religions est créée au Collège de France (1880) ainsi qu'une nouvelle section à l'École Pratique des Hautes Études (1886). Nous nous intéresserons à ce qui sépare cette nouvelle science de l'ancienne théologie catholique. Or, nous allons aussi découvrir certaines similitudes implicites entre elles. Nous suivrons ensuite le développement méthodologique de cette science : l'histoire historicisante de Maurice Vernes, l'histoire évolutionniste psychologique d'Albert et Jean Réville, et enfin, la sociologie anthropologique des durkheimiens (Henri Hubert et Marcel Mauss). C'est à travers les débats parfois violents entre ces chercheurs que se développe la jeune discipline académique. En effet, c'est grâce à l'intervention sociologique que l'allure protestante de la 5e section de l'EPHE s'atténue et que les caractères christiano-centristes des études religieuses se relativisent.
著者
朴 炳道
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 = Annual review of religious studies (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.33, pp.47-64, 2015

論文/ArticlesIn this paper, I analyze the relationship between disaster and religion by studying how people understand and react when they are struck by disaster. The most widely studied cases of this relationship have been the Ansei Edo Earthquake(安政江戸地震) in 1855 and the related Namazu-e(鯰絵). Building on these prior studies with a new theoretical approach, I propose a new focus on saigai kenbunki (災害見聞記), the records of personal experiences and observations of disaster. Influenced by Kamo no Chōmei's classic text Hōjōki (『方丈記』), I examine the work Kanameishi (『かなめいし』), a record of an earthquake in Kyoto in 1662. It was written by Asai Ryōi (浅井了意, ?-1691), a Buddhist priest and well-known writer of kanazōshi (仮名草子). Analyzing Kanameishi, I focus on the two points: magic and the eschatology of disaster. First, there were four kinds of magic regarding earthquakes, reciting a spell called yonaoshi (世なおし), attaching or hanging talismans on the walls in the house, consulting oracles at temples, and engaging in Kashima-belief (鹿島信仰). Second, the earthquake in 1662 helped make eschatological images popular among the people. For example, Doro no Umi (泥の海), a muddy sea, was an imaginative illustration of the end of world. There is a possibility that this apocalyptic image might have originated from the image of soil-liquefaction, the process of transformation of soil from a solid state to a liquefied state because of the earthquake. This process is well described in Kanameishi and its illustrations. Also, images of rains of fire (火の雨) or balls of fire (火の玉) envisioned a great fire that would burn the whole world and all human beings. The words 'Yonaoshi' and 'Doro no Umi' can be observed frequently in the texts of Japanese new religions such as Fujikō(富士講), Nyoraikyo(如来教), Tenrikyo(天理教), and Oomotokyo(大本教). Considering the fact that these two phrases were first found in Kanameishi, Kanameishi can provide a new approach to the interpretation of these words with the context of disaster experience.
著者
嶋田 英晴
出版者
東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌
東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, pp.61-72, 2010-03-31

論文/Articles