著者

島薗 進

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.1-16, 1995

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Those theories that insist there are definite personality or cultural traits which are unique to the Japanese alone are called u Nihonjin-ron", or "Japan Theory". Since the post World War II period up to the present, Nihonjin-ron have been produced and consumed on a large scale in Japan. Since about 1980, more and more Nihonjin-ron have dealt with religion as a main subject. These Nihonjin-ron evaluate positively what they assume to be a unique Japanese religiosity. For this reason, I call them "affirmative Japan Religion theory". Such theorists argue, for example, that animism preserved since the Jomon period, constitutes a stratum on the Japanese religious consciousness. This animistic religiosity has the capacity to overcome the limit actions of modern rationalism and of Western Civilization. The prototype of such affirmative Japan Religion theory may be found in Motoori Norinaga who wrote during the Tokugawa period, but emerged again between 1930 and 1945. Since the 1980s we have been witnessing a second resurgence that corresponds with the internationalization and neo-nationalism of a wealthy society.

著者

小堀 馨子

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.55-66, 2011-03-31

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論文/Articles

著者

村上 興匡

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.1-14, 2001

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Nakae Chomin is well known for translating Jean Jacques Rousseau's Du contrat social into classical Chinese. He was a scholar of French thought, a statesman, and a businessman in his later years. At the end of his life, Nakae announced that he was dying of cancer. His final works, Ichinen yu han and Zoku Ichinen yu han were presented as posthumous documents, thought they were published while he was still alive. These books were read by many people, and clearly demonstrated his atheistic and materialistic ideas about life and death. His thought attracted a great deal of attention, and there was a great deal of speculation as to whether or not Nakae's actual manner of dying would conform to his stated principles. Nakae's funeral was held as "a farewell ceremony" without religious content. It is known as the first "kokubetu-shik? to have been held in Japan. Despite the protests of those close to him, Nakae insisted that his funeral be held without religious ceremony. Some at the time described his request as selfish. In the Meiji era, with some exceptions, people generally did not accept Nakae's ideas about the funeral ceremony. However, in the 1970s some thinkers, particularly those concerned with medical issues, began to express the opinion that one's funeral is a final expression of one's life. These ideas have become more publically accepted in the last decade.

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.16, pp.73-95, 1998

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Die Mischwesengruppe, die im Enuma elis als Geschofe der Tiamat gegen Marduk kampft, tritt auch in einigen anderen Kontexten auf, die sich besonders auf Marduk beziehen. Ihre Statuen bef anden sich zum Beispiel vor Esagila, dem Tempel Marduks in Babylon. Die Mischwesengruppe wurde im 12. Jh. v. Chr. unter der Regierung von Nabukudurri-usur I. wahrend der Konstruktion der Marduktheologie, die auf den elf Trophaen Ninurtas aus dem Ninurtamythos basierte, geschaffen. Die Marduktheologie war eine ideologische Kulturkonstruktion, um die neue politische Verfassung von Nabu-kuduri - usur I. zu rechtfertigen. Sie basierte auf dem Enuma elis, welches seinerseits vomNinurtamythos abgeleitet worden war, um Marduk die zunachst die Stellung Ninurtas, des Kronprinzen der Gotter, der die gottliche Ordnung wiederhergestellt hat, und dann die Stellung Enlils, des Konigs der Gotter, zu geben. Weil Ninurta fur seinen Sieg von den anderen Gottern zu ihrem Konig erhoben wurde und seine Trophaen seinen Sieg symbolisieren, ist die Mischwesengruppe ein strategisches Mittel, Marduk mit Ninurta gleichzustellen. Spater wurde die Mischwesengruppe zunachst von Sanherib fur religiose Reform, dann zur Konstruktion der spaten Theologie Nabus, um Assur oder Nabu mit Marduk gleichzustellen, und schlieslich bei der Schaffung des Rituals der Schutzdamonenfiguren, um es unter Marduks Befugnis zu stellen, benutzt. Kurzum war sie ein strategisches Mittel, Marduk mit anderen Gottern zu identifizieren und neue Elemente in die Marduktheologie einzufugen.

著者

鶴岡 賀雄

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.1-14, 2001-03-31

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Mysticism is an ambiguous term, no definition of which has ever gained general acceptance among scholars, notwithstanding its fairy frequent use in both academia and the public sphere. In this paper I attempt to examine the "historicities" of this term, in order to illuminate its historical determinations and to make evident its "genealogical" origins. Such examinations are required, I believe, if we are to continue to employ this term and evaluate it as meaningful to contemporay religious studies. In this paper, I will outline several distinct strata within a perceivable "historicity of mysticism." I designate historicity-0 as the essential factual positivity of mystics" activities in particular historical situations. I then designate the temporal dimension of history as historicity-1, in which chronological presentation of mystics becomes possible. However, a more or less "eternal" (i.e. a-historical) essence of mysticism - a variety of neo-platonistic metaphysics, a universal core of mystical experiences, etc. - is generally presupposed behind this "historicity" of mysticism. From the viewpoint of historicity-2 we can postulate significant divisions within history, because here mysticism is understood to change in value and status according to the nature of each era's knowledge and power. I hypothecize that the history of western mysticism can be divided into seven distinct periods, and outline them in detail. Historicity-3 is concerned with genealogy, where the manner in which mysticism emerges in a particular historical situation is analyzed. Here I point out two historical stages of the formation of mysticism, highlighting the parallels between them. The first is the 17th century when some advocates of theologia mystica "created" the tradition of Christian mysticism through reverence of ancient, medieval and contemporary saints and mystics, in whom the "eternal" essence of Christianity was supposedly realized. The second is the period from the latter part of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, when historians of religions developed the notion of mysticism as being the essence of all religion. Finally, I situate myself on the level of historicity-4, where we are obliged to be fully aware of these strata of historicity and of the fact that our considerations about them are also historically conditioned. From this location I posit some conditions in which a new evalutation of the nature of mysticism may be investigated. Throughout this paper I refer to Michel de Certeau's studies on modern Western mysticism, which provide a perspicacious and uniquely "postmodern" view of this subject.

著者

上村 岳生

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.137-149, 2010-03-31

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論文/Articles

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.73-95, 1999-03-31

---

Die Mischwesengruppe, die im Enuma elis als Geschofe der Tiamat gegen Marduk kampft, tritt auch in einigen anderen Kontexten auf, die sich besonders auf Marduk beziehen. Ihre Statuen bef anden sich zum Beispiel vor Esagila, dem Tempel Marduks in Babylon. Die Mischwesengruppe wurde im 12. Jh. v. Chr. unter der Regierung von Nabukudurri-usur I. wahrend der Konstruktion der Marduktheologie, die auf den elf Trophaen Ninurtas aus dem Ninurtamythos basierte, geschaffen. Die Marduktheologie war eine ideologische Kulturkonstruktion, um die neue politische Verfassung von Nabu-kuduri - usur I. zu rechtfertigen. Sie basierte auf dem Enuma elis, welches seinerseits vomNinurtamythos abgeleitet worden war, um Marduk die zunachst die Stellung Ninurtas, des Kronprinzen der Gotter, der die gottliche Ordnung wiederhergestellt hat, und dann die Stellung Enlils, des Konigs der Gotter, zu geben. Weil Ninurta fur seinen Sieg von den anderen Gottern zu ihrem Konig erhoben wurde und seine Trophaen seinen Sieg symbolisieren, ist die Mischwesengruppe ein strategisches Mittel, Marduk mit Ninurta gleichzustellen. Spater wurde die Mischwesengruppe zunachst von Sanherib fur religiose Reform, dann zur Konstruktion der spaten Theologie Nabus, um Assur oder Nabu mit Marduk gleichzustellen, und schlieslich bei der Schaffung des Rituals der Schutzdamonenfiguren, um es unter Marduks Befugnis zu stellen, benutzt. Kurzum war sie ein strategisches Mittel, Marduk mit anderen Gottern zu identifizieren und neue Elemente in die Marduktheologie einzufugen.

著者

常塚 聴

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.89-113, 2001-03-31

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The purpose of this paper is to consider various understandings of Manichaeism within Chinese society. The manner in which the religious peculiarities of Manichaeism were altered or retained in China has been widely discussed in a variety of other sources. In this paper I will specifically focus on the various ways in which Manichaeism has been viewed in Chinese society. The location of Manichaeism in China can be plotted out as a series of coordinates on three axes : "domestic-foreign," "insider-outsider worldview," and "receptiveexpulsive." Most Chinese historical documentary records describe Manichaeism as a "foreign" religious group. Especially after the rebellion of Fang La (1120-1122), many political sources designated Manichaeism as an "unauthorized," "heretical," and "illegal" religious society, much like the Yellow Turban Society (huang-jin dang) of the late Han dynasty. This suggests that the political view of Manichaeism had turned from "receptive" to "expulsive" at that point. ATaoist source entitled "The Scripture of Lao-zi's Ascension to the West and Conversion of the Barbarians (Lao-zi xi-sheng hua-hu jing}" found at Dunhuang, described the deity Mani as being one of the incarnations of Lao-zi. This seems to suggest that Taoism had adopted Manichaeism into their worldview. Some sources suggest that Manichaeism was commonly recognized in Chinese society as a component of folk tradition. It may therefore be presumed that Manichaeism was recognized as having some kind of religious function within the context of indigenous (folk) beliefs. It is clear that there are obvious differences between the political and the folk view of Manichaeism. However, in order to illustrate a specifically Chinese worldview, instead of simply investigating documentary records, I endeavor to provide an analysis that encompasses both historical and folkloric approaches to illustrate the position of foreign religious traditions in historical China.

著者

塩尻 和子

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.16, pp.15-26, 1998

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This paper is a follow-up to an article published in the Annual Review of Religious Studies XIV 1996, where I described the chronological sequence of the Salem witch-craft trials and analyzed the positions of two Puritan clergymen. In this article I examine the role of community at Salem village and the relation of social interest to the witch-hunt. Though the witch-hunt itself was initiated by adolescent hysteria, the persecutions were fueled by a conspiracy of envious men attempting to destroy their enemies and to retain power. Their efforts were supported by the Puritan leaders, both religious and political, and resulted in the magnification of a minor disorder into a deadly tragedy. As Max Weber points out, social concern can control human behavior, placing it within the framework of a powerful belief, either religious or secular. Where belief in witch-craft is anchored in theological doctrine, people in unfavorable social conditions are apt to sacrifice a scapegoat as an evil-witch in order to obtain immediate effects. The scapegoat can be found anywhere; no one can avoid the danger of being accused as a witch or wizard in conditions of changing social values. During the Salem witch-hunt, not only the oppressed or the unpopular but also the rich and the respectable were arrested and sentenced to death ; there was no escape once they became targets of the conspiracy. An investigation the role of the Salem community at this event illustrates how social concern can be sanctioned and enhanced through the use of religious faith. The combination of religion and madness seen in the conspiracy in Salem village could happen anywhere, even in our day. Lingering belief in witchcraft warns us of the continuing danger of a witch-hunt that could threaten our freedom and humanity.

著者

櫻井 丈

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.101-114, 2008

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論文/ArticlesThis paper is concerned with the issue of how Jewish identity has been constructed in late antiquity. Although the question of "who is a Jew?" is a much debated one in the modern period, the question of Jewish identity and its construction in late antiquity has rarely been given the attention it deserves. This study is concerned with the role the Babylonian Talmud, the major legal compendium of rabbinic Judaism, played in attempts to define Jewish identity and pays particular attention to the sugya of tractate Avodah Zarah 22b. This text deals primarily with precautions against violating the prohibition of bestiality, which ? according to the rabbinic tradition ? was the form of sexuality practiced by gentiles. This study examines how the rabbinic discourse on this halakhic prohibition of a sexually immoral mode of behavior defined Jewish self in contrast to the gentile other and shows how certain aspects of the halakha played a significant role in creating rabbinic perceptions of distinctions between Jews and gentiles. By paying special attention to the significance of the halakha in the formation of the social and cultural boundaries that distinguish Jews from gentiles, it can be shown that the erection of such boundaries was indispensable to Jewish identity formation. This study thus illuminates one aspect of rabbinic Judaism in which the halakha as a cultural construct defines the notion of Jewish identity in relation and opposition to gentiles.

著者

鈴木 順

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.167-177, 2004-03-31

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【書評】

著者

近藤 光博

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.p87-100, 1994

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「マハトマ」の尊称で名高いMohandas Karamchand Gandhi(1869-1948)をして世界にその名を知らしめているのは,徹底した非暴力による政治運動,<サティアグラハ>である。彼は,<サティア>すなわち「真理」と呼ぶものを,自分の生きる時空において実現せしめんと,生涯にわたって真摯な努力を重ねた。そうした努力のうち,彼にとって最も重要だったものの一つが,虐げられた者の具体的救済であり,また別のものが,<アヒンサー>すなわち「非暴力」であった。そこから彼の<サティアグラハ>は生まれている。これに比すれば,ガンディーがきわめて厳格な禁欲主義者であったことは,広く知られているとは言えない。彼は,衣食住すべての生活領域にわたって,最も貧しく質素な生活をこそ最高のものとみなした。仕草や話しぶりも,非常に抑制された穏やかなものだったと伝えられている。彼の目指していたものは,あらゆる欲望と情動を意思のコントロール下においてしまうことであった。そして,こうした禁欲の諸実践もまた,彼にとっては<サティア>実現のために欠かすことのできない課題として認識されていたのである。なかでも性欲は,制御されるべき最も深刻な課題とみなされた。幼児婚の風習によって13才で結婚していたガンディーは,37才のとき,妻カストゥルバーイとの性交渉の断念に踏みきる。これが<ブラフマチャリア>の誓いである。その後の生涯,ガンディーは,この誓いを全うするため試行錯誤を重ね,比較的早い段階において,性欲の制御のためには全面的な禁欲の実践が必要だとの結論を得ている。すなわち,この誓いを境に,味覚と食欲の制御に始まって,彼のセルフ・コントロールの努力は次第に生活の隅々にまで及んでいくのである。こうした意味で,彼の<ブラフマチャリア>は,単に"性的禁欲"という伝統的な意味でばかりとらえられるべきではない。彼にとっての性欲の問題とは,彼の禁欲的ライフ・スタイル全体にとっての出発点・焦点としてのみ把握可能なものである。しかし,ガンディーの禁欲の全体像を論ずるのはこの小稿では足りない。本稿では,性的禁欲としての<ブラフマチャリア>に限定して議論を進めたいと思う。そして特に,彼がそこにかけた情熱,あるいは動機・目的を論じてみたいと思う。

著者

櫻井 丈

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.101-114, 2009-03-31

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論文/Articles

著者

中村 祐希

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 = ANNUAL REVIEW OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.245-255, 2017-03-31

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研究動向/Survey Articles

著者

古澤 有峰

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.45-61, 2009-03-31

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論文/Articles

著者

石渡 翔

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.211-216, 2013-03-31

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書評/Book Reviews

著者

村上 興匡

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.1-14, 2002-03-31

---

Nakae Chomin is well known for translating Jean Jacques Rousseau's Du contrat social into classical Chinese. He was a scholar of French thought, a statesman, and a businessman in his later years. At the end of his life, Nakae announced that he was dying of cancer. His final works, Ichinen yu han and Zoku Ichinen yu han were presented as posthumous documents, thought they were published while he was still alive. These books were read by many people, and clearly demonstrated his atheistic and materialistic ideas about life and death. His thought attracted a great deal of attention, and there was a great deal of speculation as to whether or not Nakae's actual manner of dying would conform to his stated principles. Nakae's funeral was held as "a farewell ceremony" without religious content. It is known as the first "kokubetu-shik? to have been held in Japan. Despite the protests of those close to him, Nakae insisted that his funeral be held without religious ceremony. Some at the time described his request as selfish. In the Meiji era, with some exceptions, people generally did not accept Nakae's ideas about the funeral ceremony. However, in the 1970s some thinkers, particularly those concerned with medical issues, began to express the opinion that one's funeral is a final expression of one's life. These ideas have become more publically accepted in the last decade.

著者

伊達 聖伸

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:02896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.17-34, 2014-03-31

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論文/Articles

著者

西村 明

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.145-158, 2000-03-31

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In 1895, there was a cholera epidemic in Japan. Masuda Keitaro, a policeman, died of the epidemic as he instructed people about hygiene and nursing patients in Takakushi, Saga. He is said to have said, "I will take away the cholera of this area when I die." After he died, people in Takakushi considered Masuda a deity and made a monument in stone to him. Later, people regarded him as a god of disease, and worshippers praying for their recovery from illness increased in number. The monument became Masuda Shrine. Early in the Showa era, people in police and education circles began admiring Masuda for his self-sacrificing behavior. A nationalistic thought movement, "Nihonseishin ron" (the Japanese Spirit argument), was behind these admiring movements. After the war, a doctor, Uchida Mamoru, interpreted Masuda's behavior as philanthropy. The policy "Shinto Shirei" of GHQ lay behind this thought. In this process of Masuda worship the acceptance of the death by the living changed from the second personal death "thy death" to the third personal death "his death". It is possible to interpret Masuda worship by examining this shift.

著者

西村 明

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.47-61, 2002-03-31

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This paper deals with Nagai Takashi's thoughts on the victims of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki. Nagai, a doctor of radio therapeutics at Nagasaki Medical College, wrote many literary works about the aftermath of the atomic bomb. Just before 1995, the fiftieth anniversary of the attack, Takahashi Shinji criticized Nagai's thought, describing his works as "Urakami holocaust doctorine." Two Catholic thinkers, Kataoka Chizuko and Motoshima Hitoshi, argued against Takahashi. This paper further evaluates Takahashi's criticism of Nagai's ideological role in postwar Nagasaki. Nagai's attitude toward the atomic bomb dead was influenced by his experience of continually facing the death of the victims of radiation throughout his life and career. He deliberated on the meaning of death, and came to use the term "holocaust" to describe the atomic bombing. However, though he defined the atrocity, he was ultimately unable to articulate ideas that would lead to an end to war and the establishment of permanent peace.