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1 0 0 0 IR 中國古代の戰争と出征儀禮 : 『禮記』王制と『大唐開元禮』のあいだ

著者: 丸橋充拓
出版者: 東洋史研究会
雑誌: 東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.72, no.3, pp.398-424, 2013-12

The Da Tang Kai-yuan Li 大唐開元禮, compiled in the eighth century in China, is a corpus of ancient rituals of state, into which military rituals were incorporated. We can divide the military rituals into two categories. One type is composed of rituals performed in wartime, and the other is training rituals conducted in peacetime. I would like to focus on the former in this paper. The Kai-yuan Li prescribed that at the beginning and the end of warfare, a series of ceremonials were to be carried out at the Ancestral Temple 太廟 and the Altar of Earth 太社, where the commander would announce his departure and return to the spirits of the previous rulers and the gods of localities. In addition, when the emperor was personally leading troops in battle, he would offer the sacrifice to Heaven at the Round Altar 圜丘 in the suburban area of the capital. It had been common practice to carry out the ceremonials at the Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Earth from prior to the Han period. In contrast, it was during the latter half of the Former-Han period that the sacrifice to the Heaven was united with these two ceremonials by Confucian scholars, who had just assumed power and established their ritualism. We can see the extent of their theoretical achievements in the Li ji. However, officials and scholars often disputed how to put the theory into practice and organize the rites of state. The main issue was whether the sacrifice to Heaven should be carried out after victorious troops returned to the capital. According to the pertinent passage of the Li ji, Confucian Ritualism prescribed that the sacrifice be held only on the occasion of marching off to war. But the sacrifice after warfare was, in fact, frequently performed in the Han, Wei, Jin, and the Southern Dynasties. On the other hand, it was in the Northern Dynasties that the ritual theory, which did not refer to the postwar sacrifice, was faithfully observed. The afore-mentioned Tang ritual followed the tradition of those of the Northern Dynasties, especially that of the Bei-Qi. In addition to the above considerations, I analyzed the reason why war would be started and ended through ritual procedures rather than those of law, even though the warfare was closely related to legitimate violence. The right of command in the battlefield was not vested in the ruler himself. Military force was to be authorized by the spirits of the previous rulers, the gods of the localities, and Heaven. Therefore, the reigning ruler needed to perform the rituals in order to confirm and emphasize his direct ties with those supernatural forces.

2014-07-18 21:38:34
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1 0 0 0 IR 戰國諸子の士論と漢初の社會

著者: 佐原康夫
出版者: 東洋史研究会
雑誌: 東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.71, no.4, pp.619-645, 2013-03

2014-07-18 21:19:20
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1 0 0 0 IR 戰國諸子の士論と漢初の社會

著者: 佐原康夫
出版者: 東洋史研究会
雑誌: 東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.71, no.4, pp.619-645, 2013-03

In the fourth century BCE, politic reform in various states, beginning with the reforms of Shang Yang, was carried out, and the formation of bureaucratic despotic states progressed. In this process, the social character of the shi 士, who were to become leading figures in the next historical period, changed greatly. The scholars of the Hundred Schools of Thought, who treated the Mengzi as a classic, assembled many disciples who sought official posts as shi and traveled through many states expounding their theories in order to become active reformers of state policy. However, the idealized government bureaucratic structures organized to systematically select and train high-level bureaucrats with advanced decision-making and governing skills did not yet exist. Powerful figures and rulers, who competed to attract shi, and the shi who struggled to overcome difficult realities to become government officials developed a mutually supportive relationship and triggered an unrealistic vogue for righteous shi, yishi 義士, chiefly in the cities. With this historical period as a backdrop, in regard to the question, posed under the rubric of "experiencing insult and not feeling shame" 見侮不辱, whether one should retaliate violently when shamed, personal retaliation was in fact recognized as a valid act for the shi. This signifies that there existed in the society of the time a private sphere of justice which the rule of law could not reach. In the society in which the rule of law was based on popular sentiment and overflowed with violent activity, the worlds of the shi and the chivalrous ruffians, renxia 任俠, often overlapped. In local society that was subdivided into prefectural units, influential figures, such as local despots, hao li 豪吏, and the chivalrous ruffians, were entangled in the most intimate level of local rule. It can be surmised that the warlords, qunxiong 群雄, of the late Qin and early Han also obtained power premised on the basis of this political structure.

2014-07-18 21:19:20
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1 0 0 0 IR 具注曆の淵源 : 「日書」・「視日」・「質日」の閒

著者: 工藤元男
出版者: 東洋史研究会
雑誌: 東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.72, no.2, pp.222-254, 2013-09

In this paper, the author analyzes the relation among the rishu 日書, shiri 視日, and zhiri 質日 on the basis of excavated written materials that have attracted attention in recent years and considers the background of the formation of the juzhuli 具注暦, an annotated calendar. The calendar, called the lipu 暦譜, was produced by the central government every year, and edited into several versions in the process of its dissemination to local areas from the center, and these calendars were used for various purposes. The shiri and zhiri may have been made at the most local levels of the government administration for a variety of functions. Calling the shiri (reading-the-day calendar) which contained solar terms, festivals, and annotations might be derived from the idea of a calendar being for "reading" (shi 視) the good and/or bad omens of a day. A precursor of the shiri was an official post of the same name seen in Chu bamboo strips. It is thought that the shiri that appears in the Chu strips was an official who "read" good or bad omens for the day when a legal appeal was received. The duties of the shiri were carried on in later generations by Zhou Wen of the late Qin era, as well is the gongche that appear in the practices of the reign of Emperor Ming of the Later Han dynasty ; and in connection with this, one of the calendars made especially for reading good or bad omens for certain days was the qinian shiri 七年視日 (Yuanguang yuannian lipu 元光元年暦譜). The juzhuli may have be born out of such trends. In contrast, the zhiri was a calendar used exclusively as an official note for officials to record public activities. At first glance, the zhiri closely resembles the shiri, but the zhiri has no calendrical annotations ; and therein we can distinctly see the differing functions of the two. As far as can be gleaned from the circumstances of their excavation, the rishu emerged, by way of contrast, in the Chu state during the late Warring States period, passed through the periods of the Qin state and the Qin empire, and were concentrated in reigns of Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing in the Former Han. They existed as late as the end of the Former Han and into the early Later Han. Most of the owners of tombs who buried rishu belonged to the lower official class in the commanderies and counties. It can be surmised that the bureaucracy and the commandery-and-county system developed at this time as the background to such a situation. For the local official class who frequently made official trips as a result of this reorganization of the government system, the rishu was an indispensable tool for divining the future. In other words, the development of the bureaucracy and commandery-county system increased occasions for official trips, and the rishu and shiri, as well as the zhiri, as a note of official trips, emerged at the time as reflections of such circumstances.