著者

河上 麻由子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.1-38, 2015-06

著者

河上 麻由子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.1-38, 2015-06

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This paper attempts a systematic examination of essential information by which the significance of the entire Portraits of Periodical Offerings (Zhigongtu 職貢圖) can be explored by re-examining the titles (題記) and the portraits of envoys to Liang China. The first section of this paper analyzes the titles. The titles of the envoys seen in the manuscript of Portraits of Periodical Offerings, held by Nanjing Museum, and those found in the Airiyinlushuhua xulu (愛日吟廬書畫續錄) reveal that the emissaries from West and Central Asian kingdoms to the Liang dynasty included Sogdians, specifically, the Hephthalites (滑國) sent Sogdians and Bactrians as their official envoys to the Liang court. Two other manuscripts in the National Palace Museum in Taiwan show the envoy from Khotan (于闐國) carrying a pot-shaped object, which can be regarded as their gift of a glass vase (瑠璃罌) officially presented to the emperor in 519 ; accordingly, the potraits of the envoys from Karghalik (

著者

藤本 猛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.261-293, 2015-09

著者

藤本 猛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.261-293, 2015-09

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It is said that the eunuchs dominated the latter half of the Huizong reign, but the actual situation is unclear. Some records claim that their ascendancy was related to government conducted through imperial edicts written by the emperor himself (御筆). I have therefore examined the eunuch posts associated with the Xuanhedian 宣和殿, or Ruisidian 睿思殿 within the imperial court (禁中) where imperial edicts were written by the emperor himself, and also the other eunuch posts, such as the Lianfangshizhe 廉訪使者 at local governments and the Chengshouguan 承受官, established at many central government offices. Firstly as the result of an examination of the Zhi-Ruisidian 直睿思殿 and Zhi-Xuanhedian 直宣和殿, to which many higher-ranking eunuchs were appointed, we see that the establishment of these posts was a part of the reorganization of military officers carried out in 1112, and thanks to these changes, higher-ranking eunuchs could enter the Imperial Court. And then the Wenzi-waiku 文字外庫 of the Ruisidian, which was the management office of Administrative Documents in the Imperial Court, received reports to the throne, and the Shichen 使臣 who were able to write official documents that were released by emperor were stationed there. Caozu 曹組, one of these Shichen, was a famous writer of ci 詞who was discovered by Emperor Huizong himself. Zouma-chengshou 走馬承受, the predecessor of the Lianfangshizhe, had been established in frontier areas and supervised warriors. Emperor Huizong expanded their right to audit accounts of local governments and changed the name of the office. The Lianfangshizhe later became one of the Jiansi 監司. The Chengshouguan 承受官 were liaison officers between government offices and the Imperial Court, and some of them dominated the offices they held. The appearance of this post made possible the concentration of information from government offices at the Imperial Court. All these eunuch posts were established during same period and improved the capacity of the Imperial Court to administer the government. They did not advance the interests of the eunuchs, but supported the system of direct administration by Emperor Huizong.

著者

村井 恭子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.225-260, 2015-09

著者

村井 恭子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.225-260, 2015-09

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The Hexi 河西 (around the Ordos) and the Daibei 代北 areas in the northern peripheral belt of China during the Tang dynasty were the cradles of nomadic governments established in Northern China in the 10th century, such as those of the Tangut 党項 and Shatuo 沙陀 tribes. Various conditions in those areas during the latter half of the Tang dynasty directly caused these nomadic groups to gain power. The historical circumstances that caused these nomads to extend their influence to these areas have mainly been explained from the perspective of the study of their own history. However, the Tang dynasty must have had reasons for accepting the nomadic groups. Furthermore, altered circumstances accompanying this acceptance and antipathy to it must also have existed. Therefore, this paper examines the background of the local Tang military deployed in its northern peripheral territory and its acceptance of nomadic troops as well as the regional correlation between Hexi and Daibei under Tang policies regarding the northern peripheral territory by examining the Tangut uprising and its suppression by Tang forces during the first half of 9th century. The first section clarifies the previously obscure deployment of the Tang forces and their composition in the suppression of the Tangut during the Xuanzong 宣宗 era by means of analysis of the new Wang Zai 王宰 epitaph. The core of the Tang forces were not military authorities of Jingxi-Jingbei 京西京北 districts where the Tangut revolt took place, but those of the Hedong 河東 district and some nomadic groups from Daibei, such as the Shatuo who served under the Hedong corps. The second section considers the problems that occurred among the military authorities in the northern peripheral territory, especially those of Jingxi-Jingbei districts, at that time. The military governors there had committed various injustices ; for example, they had exploited Tangut people under their rule and the guanjian 官健, the regular soldiers of their armies. They had embezzled public funds by cutting the number of guanjian. That had also caused the hollowing-out of military strength in strategic points at those districts due to lack of guanjian. These problems were the reason for the Tangut uprising as well as the composition of the Tang military forces mentioned above. The third section examines the Tang central governmentʼs ideal for the northern peripheral territory and the reality there. Behind the hollowing-out of strategic military points in the northern peripheral territory was the military governors active incorporation of nomadic troops. They placed much store particularly in the nomadic groups of Daibei. On the other hand, the Tang central government denounced those military governors who committed injustices. However, it could not in fact keep them under strict control because they had built up close ties with the eunuchs. Therefore the Tang dynasty could not help but depend on the military power of nomadic troops for defense. The nomadic groups of Daibei had substantially controlled Tangut groups based in Hexi since the Wenzong 文宗 era, and they had continued to be the central corps of the Tang military forces in the suppression of Tangut during the Xuanzong era. Such acceptance of nomadic troops required a commensurate cost. It appears that the injustices by the military governors that were related to the cost of keeping those nomadic troops and at the same time the hollowing-out of troops at strategic points both facilitated the entry of the nomadic troops into the Tang military organization.

著者

戶川 貴行

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.4, pp.545-576, 2015-03

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Ceremonial court music, the substance of which varied according to the period, disappeared with the collapse of dynasties. Ceremonial music, for example, embraced folk musical works during the Zhou, Han, and Southern and Northern dynasties. While maintaining the pretense of restoring rituals conducted by former dynasties, new elements were, in fact, added to ceremonial music, and consequently the music varied in response to changing times. Previous studies have indicated that such cases can be found in the Han, Northern, and Sui dynasties. Then, can we find similar cases in the Southern dynasties ? If so, what were they like concretely ? The problem of ceremonial music in the Southern dynasties must be clarified in order to show how Jiangnan governments created their new traditions in place of extinct ones, and to provide a perspective on history that differs from Yuanyuanlun 淵源論 of Chen Yinke 陳寅恪. Nevertheless, the problem has never been researched sufficiently from this viewpoint. Based on this point of view, I examine in this paper the scales of ceremonial music adopted by the Jiangnan governments through analyses on the introduction of folk music into the ceremonial music of the Liu Song dynasty, the relationship between such a policy and the scales, the derivation of the Songshichi 宋氏尺, and the length of the shadow based on it. As a result, following four points concerning the actual process of establishing the legitimacy of the Jiangnan governments. First, in addition to the turmoil at the end of the Western Jin, some in the Eastern Jin advocated that state rites should not be prepared until the Central Plains were recaptured, and consequently the ceremonial music of the Western Jin faded away and become extinct. The Liu Song, on the other hand, introduced folk music to make up for such a loss when they prepared ceremonial music. Second, there were gaps between the ceremonial music of the Western Jin and that of the Liu Song in terms of tunings as well as composition of the programs, which were linked to the introduction of folk music and adoption of the Songshichi. Third, when the Jiangnan governments tried to reconstruct ceremonial music using the same scale as that of Xun Xu 荀勖, it had to be recreated almost from scratch given the loss of the Western Jinʼs ceremonial music Yuezou 樂奏 and the musical texts Yueshu 樂書, and it required a large investment of time. Even Emperor Wu 武帝 of the Liang, who was steeped in knowledge of ceremonial music, failed to complete it over 40 years. Fourth, aiming to justify their official adoption of the Songshichi, the Liu Song declared that the Songshichi was derived from the armillary sphere 渾天儀 invented by Zhang Heng 張衡 and that the shadow of an 8 chi 尺 gnomon (based on the Songshichi) attained a length of 1 chi and 5 cun 寸 when it was measured on the summer solstice.

著者

戶川 貴行

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.4, pp.545-576, 2015-03

著者

山本 明志

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.255-280, 2008-09

著者

土口 史記

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.4, pp.615-652, 2007-03

著者

藤波 伸嘉

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.178-137, 2015-06

著者

笹川 裕史

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.810-817, 2016-03

著者

保科 季子

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.171-200, 2002-09

著者

磯貝 真澄

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.386-355, 2015-09

著者

磯貝 真澄

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.386-355, 2015-09

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This paper focuses on a dispute over a division of an inheritance "according to Shar'īa" among Turkic Muslims (Tatars, Bashkirs) in the Volga-Ural region of the Russian Empire in the late 19th century, and explains administrative procedures employed in the judicial settlement made by the Orenburg Muhammadan Ecclesiastical Assembly. The procedures employed in the Ecclesiastical Assembly, by its members, i. e. qādīs, and by imāms of mahallas under its jurisdiction, differed from those of Shar'īa courts under historical Muslim governments, e. g. that of the Ottoman Empire. On the whole, their judicial work followed the laws of the Russian Empire procedurally. At the same time, they followed Islamic law in general for substantive legal issues, even citing Arabic phrases from Islamic law books and writing those phrases into documents they prepared or examined. But, we need further studies to grasp the syncretic integration or combinations of the imperial law and Islamic law. Characteristics of the Ecclesiastical Assembly as a judicial institution were different from those of Shar'īa courts, and were similar to those of general courts of the Russian Empire before the "Great Reforms." We can say that the Ecclesiastical Assembly examined cases on the basis of written documents in ex-officio investigative-like fashion. In such an imperial judicial and administrative system, qādīs and imāms "proceeded with lawsuits, " making reference to Arabic books on Islamic law. And the Ecclesiastical Assembly as a council made its decisions, adopting qādīs' examinations and conclusions in most cases.

著者

徳永 洋介

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.3, pp.393-426, 1998-12-31

著者

小澤 實

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.3, pp.438-423, 2012-12

著者

新免 康

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.4, pp.781-790, 1996-03-31

著者

澤田 稔

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.4, pp.823-829, 1987-03-31

著者

小牧 昌平

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.78-103, 2006-06